Presidential hopeful Ranil Wickremesinghe this week launched a determined bid to close on his opponent, Premier Mahinda Rajapakse, with a manifesto that sought to shift the debate to the economy from the ethnic question, whilst at the same time making overtures to Sinhala nationalists.
To begin with, in a major policy shift to target the masses who voted his government out in 2004, he pledged a raft of subsidies if elected. He also vowed to vowed to end separatism, an unambiguous interpretation of Sri Lanka’s conflict that would appeal to Sinhala nationalists.
Launching his manifesto at the headquarters of his United National Party (UNP), Mr. Wickremesinghe, accompanied by senior party officials, paid homage to senior Buddhist prelates, seeking their blessings.
The first section of his two part manifesto deals with three themes: an end to hunger, employment suited for qualifications, and end to separatism. The second section deals with twenty areas ranging from tsunami reconstruction to women’s rights and foreign affairs.
Whilst Mr. Rajapakse, candidate for the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), has taken a stridently Sinhala-Buddhist line, forging alliances with the ultra-nationalist JVP (People’s Liberation Front) and the hardline monks’ party, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), Mr. Wickremesinghe has not taken a clear stance on the ethnic question till now.
Tellingly, the section that outlines the UNP’s plans to resolve the protracted conflict is titled ‘Defeat to Separatism’ and calls for a common Sinhala front.
Although in vowing to bring about a political solution “based on united Sri Lanka” – a step back from his rival’s vow to protect the “unitary character of the state” - Mr. Wickremesinghe claimed “a consensus” between his opposition UNP and the SLFP-led ruling coalition on the ethnic problem.
This consensus, along with the Oslo Declaration (a media term for the agreement between the then UNP government and the LTTE to explore federalism as a solution) and the Tokyo Declaration (a roadmap for peace and disarmament agreed by Sri Lanka and international donors in the absence of the LTTE) had “created the framework of a solution acceptable to all communities of the country,” the manifesto says.
In a clear invitation to the island’s Muslim voters, the UNP said “while guaranteeing Muslim representation in the peace talks, we will also ensure that at all times, the views of the Muslim community are taken into consideration.”
He also dangled a coveted ambition of Sri Lanka’s impoverished plantation workers – access to higher education and government jobs. “We will increase the opportunities for the children of estate workers to enter higher education institutes [and] employment opportunities in government sector for the estate community.”
The largest Estate Tamil political party, the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) is as yet wavering on pledging its support, as is the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the island’s largest Muslim party before an internal rebellion.
Whilst Mr. Rajapakse has embraced a strong Sinhala-Buddhist position, Wickremesinghe is wary of alienating the island’s minorities whilst pursing the Sinhala-nationalist middle ground.
Mr. Rajapakse, whose left-wing SLFP – like the JVP - has its core support amongst the rural poor, is also taking a strong stance on the creaking economy.
Taking advantage of widespread belief that Sri Lanka’s soaring cost of living is a consequence of foreign exploitation, the Premier has vowed to resist further privatization and to extend financial assistance to the rural poor.
In response Mr. Wickremesinghe, the right-of-centre market favourite, has adopted an unabashedly populist economic manifesto.
Banking on foreign investment more than tripling to $1 billion a year to meet his growth target, Wickremesinghe shifted his policy focus from a peace bid with the Tamil Tigers to the economy and the common man.
Mr. Wickremesinghe said the economy came first, Reuters reported from his press conference.
“People want answers to this,” he said, adding that while peace was an issue, “I think people are also talking about their stomach.”
He vowed to spend $50 million next year to keep down prices of goods ranging from milk powder to fertiliser, pledging to create 3 million jobs and double economic growth to 10 percent a year for a decade.
Stealing some of Mr. Rajapakse’s thunder, Mr. Wickremesinghe promised to revitalise the rural economy and guarantee paddy and milk prices for farmers.
He said he would raise the funds to pay for the subsidies from treasury coffers and from foreign aid pledged for tsunami recovery relief and for wider redevelopment projects.
He pledged a new poverty alleviation scheme would provide food stamps for the destitute and vowed to upgrade a thousand rural schools to the level of affluent city schools within three years.
He also pledged to abandon a coastal buffer zone imposed by outgoing President Chandrika Kumaratunga in the wake of December’s tsunami, and promised to rebuild homes for hundreds of thousands of displaced within months.
“It is a more people-friendly manifesto than a broad economic-friendly manifesto, but definitely the economic sense is there and the targets seem to be not impossible but challenging,” Hasitha Premaratne, head of research at HNB Stockbrokers Pvt in Colombo, told Reuters.
The Daily Mirror quoted him as saying he would do away with glittering emblems associated with the office of President if elected.
“I would make the President a servant of the people and no one needs to call me Your Excellency. Anyone can call me Mister or plain Ranil.”
To begin with, in a major policy shift to target the masses who voted his government out in 2004, he pledged a raft of subsidies if elected. He also vowed to vowed to end separatism, an unambiguous interpretation of Sri Lanka’s conflict that would appeal to Sinhala nationalists.
Launching his manifesto at the headquarters of his United National Party (UNP), Mr. Wickremesinghe, accompanied by senior party officials, paid homage to senior Buddhist prelates, seeking their blessings.
The first section of his two part manifesto deals with three themes: an end to hunger, employment suited for qualifications, and end to separatism. The second section deals with twenty areas ranging from tsunami reconstruction to women’s rights and foreign affairs.
Whilst Mr. Rajapakse, candidate for the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), has taken a stridently Sinhala-Buddhist line, forging alliances with the ultra-nationalist JVP (People’s Liberation Front) and the hardline monks’ party, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), Mr. Wickremesinghe has not taken a clear stance on the ethnic question till now.
Tellingly, the section that outlines the UNP’s plans to resolve the protracted conflict is titled ‘Defeat to Separatism’ and calls for a common Sinhala front.
Although in vowing to bring about a political solution “based on united Sri Lanka” – a step back from his rival’s vow to protect the “unitary character of the state” - Mr. Wickremesinghe claimed “a consensus” between his opposition UNP and the SLFP-led ruling coalition on the ethnic problem.
This consensus, along with the Oslo Declaration (a media term for the agreement between the then UNP government and the LTTE to explore federalism as a solution) and the Tokyo Declaration (a roadmap for peace and disarmament agreed by Sri Lanka and international donors in the absence of the LTTE) had “created the framework of a solution acceptable to all communities of the country,” the manifesto says.
In a clear invitation to the island’s Muslim voters, the UNP said “while guaranteeing Muslim representation in the peace talks, we will also ensure that at all times, the views of the Muslim community are taken into consideration.”
He also dangled a coveted ambition of Sri Lanka’s impoverished plantation workers – access to higher education and government jobs. “We will increase the opportunities for the children of estate workers to enter higher education institutes [and] employment opportunities in government sector for the estate community.”
The largest Estate Tamil political party, the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) is as yet wavering on pledging its support, as is the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the island’s largest Muslim party before an internal rebellion.
Whilst Mr. Rajapakse has embraced a strong Sinhala-Buddhist position, Wickremesinghe is wary of alienating the island’s minorities whilst pursing the Sinhala-nationalist middle ground.
Mr. Rajapakse, whose left-wing SLFP – like the JVP - has its core support amongst the rural poor, is also taking a strong stance on the creaking economy.
Taking advantage of widespread belief that Sri Lanka’s soaring cost of living is a consequence of foreign exploitation, the Premier has vowed to resist further privatization and to extend financial assistance to the rural poor.
In response Mr. Wickremesinghe, the right-of-centre market favourite, has adopted an unabashedly populist economic manifesto.
Banking on foreign investment more than tripling to $1 billion a year to meet his growth target, Wickremesinghe shifted his policy focus from a peace bid with the Tamil Tigers to the economy and the common man.
Mr. Wickremesinghe said the economy came first, Reuters reported from his press conference.
“People want answers to this,” he said, adding that while peace was an issue, “I think people are also talking about their stomach.”
He vowed to spend $50 million next year to keep down prices of goods ranging from milk powder to fertiliser, pledging to create 3 million jobs and double economic growth to 10 percent a year for a decade.
Stealing some of Mr. Rajapakse’s thunder, Mr. Wickremesinghe promised to revitalise the rural economy and guarantee paddy and milk prices for farmers.
He said he would raise the funds to pay for the subsidies from treasury coffers and from foreign aid pledged for tsunami recovery relief and for wider redevelopment projects.
He pledged a new poverty alleviation scheme would provide food stamps for the destitute and vowed to upgrade a thousand rural schools to the level of affluent city schools within three years.
He also pledged to abandon a coastal buffer zone imposed by outgoing President Chandrika Kumaratunga in the wake of December’s tsunami, and promised to rebuild homes for hundreds of thousands of displaced within months.
“It is a more people-friendly manifesto than a broad economic-friendly manifesto, but definitely the economic sense is there and the targets seem to be not impossible but challenging,” Hasitha Premaratne, head of research at HNB Stockbrokers Pvt in Colombo, told Reuters.
The Daily Mirror quoted him as saying he would do away with glittering emblems associated with the office of President if elected.
“I would make the President a servant of the people and no one needs to call me Your Excellency. Anyone can call me Mister or plain Ranil.”
