The experience of growing up and beginning her work as a human rights advocate in apartheid South Africa has never left Navi Pillay. It is an experience that deeply informs her work as the United Nations high commissioner for human rights.

“I can never separate myself from what somebody who is violated feels like, because that experience is real to me,” the former South African judge says during a visit to Dublin.

“I will always be very close to and identify with the plight of victims. I would not be attracted to what is expedient, strategic or politically correct – that is what my experience has taught me.”

Her predecessor, Louise Arbour, was vocal in her criticism of how measures taken by the Bush administration and other governments to combat terrorism since the September 11th, 2001, attacks had damaged the human rights agenda. Pillay notes that the Obama administration has proved more supportive.

“Both from the statements and actions from the current US administration, there is a clear demonstration of a commitment to protect human rights and to restore standards that are respected universally,” she says.

The decision by the Obama administration to reverse a Bush- era boycott of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), despite “propaganda which portrayed the council as biased and a venue for bashing Israel”, was, Pillay says, of great significance.

The HRC has, through the introduction of new review structures, done much to overcome the poor reputation of its forerunner, the Human Rights Commission.

“Member states take charge of each other’s human rights record and 80 states have already been reviewed on the same criteria applicable to all states,” Pillay says. “I’m not saying that it is going perfectly, I’m saying that this is a good mechanism.”

Pillay praises Ireland’s support for a recent UN resolution calling for investigations into allegations that war crimes were committed during the January conflict in Gaza. “I agree with Ireland’s reasoning that the call for investigation is a legitimate call.

“If someone robs you on the street, you want an investigation, an identification of the suspect and a prosecution. Where societies have taken that route – my country’s truth and reconciliation commission, for instance – you find that there has been a management of the passions that arise from victims’ calls about injustice.”

Pillay stresses the importance of the Goldstone report on the Gaza conflict – which prompted the UN resolution – because it is grounded in international law.

“Whatever the justification to go to war is, you cannot use disproportionate violence and you cannot target civilians,” she says.

Pillay has also called for an inquiry into alleged human rights violations committed during the conflict in Sri Lanka. “It is time for all states to remind themselves of the principle of accountability to which we all subscribe to . . . we want to end impunity for serious crimes. I have called for an international investigation because that is what I have been doing for all situations such as this – it is not just Sri Lanka. And the absence of such an inquiry means that I must continue making such calls.”

The human rights situation in Iran, generally and in relation to the crackdown on post-election protests in June, is also a matter of concern. “We have written to the government asking them to protect the right of protest and the right of free speech,” Pillay says. “We are watching those trials and we are appalled at the severity of the sentences.”

How has Tehran responded? “That it is subject to the judicial process, that it is in the hands of the judges. But of course it is a matter of concern that they are continuing to suppress protest.”

Pillay has highlighted the impact of economic, financial and climate change crises on human rights, and she has drawn attention to the issue of caste- based discrimination which, she notes, affects 250 million people.

It is just over 10 weeks since we launched the Campaign. In that time, pressure on the Sri Lanka Government (GoSL) - from this Campaign and from many other directions - has helped to keep alive the issue of the Tamil internees (a more accurate phrase than "internally displaced persons"). It has led to modest steps by the GoSL to release some of those held, and now the announcement by the President's brother, Mr. Basil Rajapaksa, that those held in the special internment camps "will be allowed out for short periods from next month" (BBC News, 21 November).

We welcome the November 21 announcement, but consider that it does not go nearly far enough. Why, six months after the end of the civil war, should people not charged with any crime be allowed out only "for a day or two at a time?"(BBC News, 21 November) They should be freed, pure and simple.

More important, perhaps, is Mr. Rajapaksa's reiteration of the government's recent pledge to resettle those displaced by the end of January. We hope that this pledge, unlike earlier promises, will be fulfilled, and we urge the international community to maintain and indeed to step up its pressure to that end. We remind the international community that the government had originally promised resettlement of all people in the camps within 180 days of the date of the promise, which should have been this week. The end of January will be a full two months after the original promised date.

To convince the world that this time it is serious, the GoSL should be asked to put in place and make known a detailed plan for meeting its own revised deadline in order to ensure that people are "resettled" in places of their own choosing, with full respect for their dignity and basic human rights, which has not been the case with those 'released' from the camps up to now (see below). It is vital that UN agencies and international NGOs be given full access to the areas where resettlement takes place, and also to the internment camps as long as people are still being held there.

It should also be noted that the November 21 announcement affects only the civilian detainees who have not been detained as Tamil Tiger (LTTE) suspects. In addition to these, some 12,000 people alleged or suspected to have fought with, or otherwise been associated with, the LTTE are being held in separate camps. Given the long-standing, well-known and well-documented capacity and willingness of Sri Lankan authorities to engage in various forms of mistreatment of prisoners, including torture, during detention and ensuing interrogations, there is every reason to be worried whether basic human rights, as well as basic norms of humane treatment under international humanitarian law, are being respected. The International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as international human rights monitors, must be given immediate and ongoing access to these detainees.

The best estimate of the current situation is that:

- Between 135,000 and 150,000 people are still imprisoned in the main internment camps. Independent observers have very restricted access, so it is not known how the monsoon has affected the health and living conditions of the internees.

- A detailed and careful report from a coalition of NGOs and INGOs, the Colombo-based Internally Displaced Persons Protection Working Group (IDP PWG), makes it clear that the release of approximately 100,000 from the main internment camps does not mean these persons have returned to their homes or even home communities. Some remain in closed transit camps; some are in various kinds of institutions; some are with host families; some are in war-damaged structures that effectively serve as smaller, secondary camps. In general, there is a lack of transport and infrastructure support services and, according to credible reports, many of these still-displaced persons do not enjoy freedom of movement.

The IDP PWG states, by way of overall assessment: "There is a great degree of confusion as to whether IDPs who have been moved have actually returned or remain in displacement, particularly due to the lack of information to humanitarian actors on the current location of 'releases' and 'returnees.' The lack of information and clarity about the current categories of movements means the potential to monitor protection issues and promote durable solutions to displacement is seriously weakened. Moreover, it is difficult for humanitarian agencies and other actors to assess the type of assistance required." The available evidence indicates that the GoSL is either ignoring or inconsistently applying the basic norms in the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.

- Approximately 12,000 suspected LTTE combatants are still being held and interrogated (or worse) with no external scrutiny.

These actions are all in violation of Sri Lanka's obligations under a number of rules of international humanitarian law, including common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, which requires it to prevent inhumane, degrading, or humiliating treatment. Also being violated are a range of obligations under customary international human rights law and customary international humanitarian law including those pertaining to prolonged arbitrary detention, freedom of movement, core social and economic rights (such as those relating to housing, nutrition, and health), and, in the case of the suspected LTTE combatants, the prevention of torture, extra-judicial executions and other violence (including sexual) to the person.

The GoSL's explanation of why progress is so slow has not been convincing, especially when it is set against their original target of releasing everyone by the end of the year. For example, it has been known for a very long time that areas in the North and East of the island are heavily mined and thus the recent focus on demining is welcome but far too late. Moreover, the reasoning that some areas are safe for returnees but not safe for NGOs is hard to fathom.

More worryingly, we have heard reports that 'deTamilisation' is being carried out in the areas to which they should be returning. The GoSL must allow independent observers and journalists to check the claim made recently in the Sri Lankan parliament by Suresh Premachandran, one of the elected representatives of the Tamil community, that buildings of cultural importance to Tamils which have been demolished in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu districts are being replaced with large military bases, Buddhist temples and administration buildings. As the media have been denied access to these areas and in view of satellite reports of drastic cleaning up operations, one can only assume the GoSL has something to hide.

We conclude that the GoSL is trying to do just enough to satisfy the international community, in order to retain its privileged ("GSP+") access to the EU market, gain further IMF funding and avoid further pressure. We also conclude that the actions of the GoSL bear no relation to the various statements made by President Rajapaksa following the end of hostilities, in which he promised to act with compassion, move forward in a spirit of reconciliation, and ensure that all Sri Lankans, including of course the Tamil population, can live 'in safety without fear and suspicion" (Parliamentary address, May 19, 2009). Instead we note that a growing number of informed commentators - most recently the Director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, himself a Sinhalese - describe the country as a de facto dictatorship.

The reality today is that the most basic rights, not only of those still detained in the camps but of the Tamil population as a whole, are being brushed aside. To continue to accept this is to accept a renewed wave of Tamil emigration and to ensure further conflict in the future.

We therefore call on:

- The GoSL to allow international human rights observers into all parts of all camps, as well as the areas where people are being resettled.

- The GoSL to allow those still in the camps full free movement in and out whilst permanent solutions are developed, and to allow all NGOs, local and international, unhindered access to these innocent people who, after enduring months of trauma, need much physical and psycho-social healthcare.

- The GoSL to put in place and make known a detailed plan for meeting its revised end-of-January deadline for closing the main camps, in order to ensure that people are "resettled" in places of their own choosing, with full respect for their dignity and basic human rights.

- The GoSL and the UN to abide, rigorously and consistently, by the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement in order to promote return to people's home areas and homes in safety and dignity.

- The UN Secretary General (UNSG), and his representatives, to continue to press for all those held in camps to be treated in line with international standards, to correct unexplained breaks with normal practice (e.g. replacement of UN agencies with other agencies such as the International Organization for Migration) and, in particular, to make ICRC access to all detention centres a non-negotiable demand.

- Given the need for tight coordination of all UN agencies and for pressure to be sustained on a daily basis, we again call on the UN Secretary-General to appoint - with all urgency - a Special Envoy for Sri Lanka.

- The Government of India to use its forthcoming talks with the GoSL to express much stronger concern about the conditions in the camps, the failure to respect international standards and the likelihood of further unrest.

- All donor countries, all those countries that supported the GoSL at the UN Human Rights Council in May 2009, and members of the Commonwealth to express these same concerns.

In addition, we congratulate Baroness Ashton on her appointment as High Representative of the European Union for Foreign and Security Policy, and urge her to stand by her recommendation, made in her previous capacity as Trade Commissioner, that Sri Lanka's "GSP+" status should not be renewed so long as the GoSL has not conformed to the agreed conditions, especially those concerning human rights. We further call on all EU member states and the European Commission to stand firm on these conditions, and to evaluate any deal with the GoSL in terms of how it improves the basic human rights of those who are illegally detained.

In years to come, we will not be able to say that we did not know what was happening. Or that it was nothing to do with us. Now that the fighting has stopped, people who have lived through so much violence and lost so much deserve at the least to be able to go home, resettle in their communities and play their part in building a new and peaceful Sri Lanka. As well, the right not to be tortured, as well as other core human rights, apply to all human beings, regardless of their proven or suspected past conduct; as such, the situation of the 12,000 suspected LTTE detainees cannot be ignored and their conditions of detention must be rigorously monitored.

Asylum seekers were involved in a riot at the Christmas Island detention centre, off the coast of Australia.

Thirty-seven people were injured in the chaos as around 150 people clashed and attacked each other with tree branches and pool handles.

It took the authorities more than half an hour to regain control over the situation.

The centre houses more than 1,000 asylum seekers, mainly Afghan and Sri Lankan, who had to be separated after the brawl. Most of the ‘Sri Lankan’ detainees are Tamils fleeing persecution by the Sri Lankan government.

After the incident 3 people had to be flown out of the centre to Perth, to be treated for broken bones. Some of the injuries included a broken jaw and a broken ankle.

Australian Immigration Minister Chris Evans cited frustration amongst the Tamil detainees as a possible cause for the scuffle.

"There hasn't been too many problems but there has been some increased tension I think around the Sri Lankans, in particular being a bit concerned as we have had some people removed back to Sri Lanka... generally there has been a bit of anxiety among Sri Lankan detainees."

At Christmas Island, Afghans form an overwhelming majority of the asylum-seekers who have been granted visas this year.

In the year to October 12, 544 Afghans were granted protection visas while 21 Sri Lankans were granted visas, which may have further exasperated tensions between the two groups.

The Asylum Seeker Resource Centre, said Tamil asylum-seeker claims were going nowhere.

"The problem is the Australian government is using the Sri Lankan embassy for security checks and identity checks," Ms Pamela Curr of the ASRC said.

"The Sri Lankan embassy is spitting bile about the Tamils. This is the way they can get at them: they go in slow, they don't release the information."

The detention centre is run by a private firm, Serco, who have recently been criticised over their handling of the centre. There is said to be overcrowding and restrictions on recreational activities.

Australian opposition immigration spokeswoman Sharman Stone also expressed her concerns and called for an urgent inquiry into the centre's management.

"There's massive overcrowding now on Christmas Island, but you have to wonder what sort of management or discipline is in place in the centre if you have 150 people brawling," she said.

"I am seriously concerned about whether the department is now so overwhelmed by the numbers there."

Ian Rintoul, from the Refugee Action Coalition, spoke to many of the refugees housed at the detention centre and felt the sheer number of people being held there the most prominent cause of the brawl.

"I have spoken to one Afghan and one Tamil detainee inside the detention centre. The incident seems like it was confined to just one compound, but they were aware of the situation and had spoken to people and the Afghan guy had observed some of it certainly," he said.

"What they say is that there was no particular cause. That is a result, people are angry, people are frustrated.”

"The overcrowded conditions inside simply boiled over inside the Green 1 compound and the Afghan detainee told me he was surprised it hasn't happened before and he is very certain that it will happen again."

"There is restricted news access, restrictions on some of the access to kitchen facilities and making tea and coffee during the day, trying to save," he said. This came with reports that inmates are restricted to two teabags a day and no access to the internet.

"It is those kinds of tensions or there are ethnic tensions simply to divert attention away from the deteriorating conditions inside Christmas Island and all the problems that are associated with mandatory detention.”

"The Rudd Government has seen fit to continue those Howard government policies and it is now reaping the whirlwind.”

"All the consequences, all the difficulties that were faced by the Howard government, will be visited on the Rudd Government because they have perpetuated the appalling conditions in mandatory detention."

Amnesty International has written to the Commonwealth heads of state, drawing attention to the human rights violations in Sri Lanka and urging them to raise their concerns about these with their Sri Lankan counterparts.

The letter also encourages them to support the calls for “greater accountability for abuses of human rights”.

The letter was written as the heads of commonwealth countries gathered at the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting at the Port of Spain in Trinidad & Tobago.

“In particular, we wish to alert you to continuing serious problems affecting the safety and dignity of Sri Lankans displaced by armed conflict,” the letter said.

It goes on to describe the situation in Sri Lanka, since the end of the war and describes the various violations of the liberty of the Tamil civilians that have allegedly been carried out by the Sri Lankan Government.

“...six months after the end of the war, Sri Lanka continues to confine people who fled fighting in closed displacement camps in uncomfortable and sometimes hazardous conditions,” the letter says.

“Camp shelters have deteriorated as Sri Lanka has entered the rainy season, and the UN reports that funds for shelter repair are running out,” the letter notes.

The London-based NGO also describes its own “Unlock the Camps” global campaign, which aims to end the arbitrary detention of the Tamil people.

The letter sets out the conditions of restricted movement for the people remaining in the camps.

“The camps remain military in nature. The military controls all decision-making related to management of the camps and the fate of displaced people in those camps; the military severely restricts the residents from leaving the premises even to seek medical care, and denies the displaced population basic legal safeguards,” the letter said.

Citing the widespread government reports that people have been released from the camps, Amnesty International raises its concerns.

“Amnesty International has received reports that displaced people have been subjected to rescreening by local authorities to determine whether they had links to the Liberation Tigers,” the letter said.

“There are also reports that some people who have been released, have been denied necessary documents to ensure that they are safe from re-arrest,” Amnesty noted.

“The Sri Lankan government has prevented humanitarian organizations from talking to displaced persons, and obstructed their ability to conduct crucial human rights protections activities, such as providing legal aid or assisting with family reunification,” the letter notes.

The letters also raises concerns about the screening process set up to identify Tiger cadres from among the detainees.

“Amnesty International has received repeated, credible reports from humanitarian workers about the lack of transparency and accountability in the screening process, which is conducted outside of any legal framework and the increased dangers to detainees when they are held incommunicado,” said the letter.

The letter raises the need for investigations into war crimes committed by both sides during the conflict. It also raises concerns about the Sri Lankan government’s attacks on critics and the continuing reliance on special security legislation.

“Special security legislation ... remains in place and grants extraordinary powers to the authorities to arbitrarily arrest and detain individuals almost indefinitely,” the letter notes.

It points to the “chilling” effect on freedom of expression the targeting of journalists, lawyers, witnesses and human rights defenders.

Amnesty International ended the letter by arguing that the Heads of Government should use this meeting as an opportunity to discuss this situation with their Sri Lankan counterparts and convince them to address the “urgent concerns” brought up.

Saying that the “time to act” is now, the letter concludes by calling on the CHOGM representatives to act on these concerns and encourage Sri Lanka to restore liberty, allow access and end arbitrary detention. It also calls for their support in ensuring accountability and accomplishing the needed reforms, including bringing about an international mandate for investigations and prosecution. 

In Haiti on November 10, United Nations peacekeepers from Sri Lanka fired live ammunition resulting in injuries to civilians, reported Inner City Press.

Sri Lanka contributes a large number of peacekeepers to the Haiti mission. Previously they have been accused of raping local women and girls.

Inner City Press asked spokesperson Michele Montas about the incident, and about UN peacekeepers using live ammunition instead of rubber bullets. Inner City Press also asked about the credibility of previous UN investigations.

Ms. Montas replied that after an emergency landing, "some Haitians entered the helicopter," reported Inner City Press.

She said a person in the helicopter fired and a cartridge hit a civilian. She also said that "a person in the plane shot in the air."

Shooting in the air is the protocol, Ms. Montas answered, when questioned by Inner City Press about whether it is UN protocol to shoot live ammunition in the air.

This is reminiscent of the incident in 2008 during the Security Council's visit to Goma in the Congo, where a UN security official shot his weapon in the plane to try to show that it was empty, triggering an all night bus ride by Ambassador to Kigali, Rwanda, the press site reported.

Later on November 20, Inner City Press spoke with a senior UN peacekeeping official, who explained that UN Formed Police Units have rubber bullets, but that in this case is was "military people."

Reportedly, these were Sri Lankan soldiers, in all probability previously involved in the conflict in northern Sri Lanka in which the U.S. and others have found presumptive war crimes, reported Inner City Press.

UN officials in New York and Port au Prince have reportedly received a letter that in 2005 "a Jordanian soldier's brutal rape and sodomizing a Haitian mother of five in Haiti. The report was sent to the UN, the victim complained to the UN.”

The investigation process never led to a resolution that was ever revealed to the victim, Inner City Press reported.

In 2007, it was discovered and reported that girls as young as 13 were having sex with U.N. peacekeepers for as little as $1 in Haiti.

Sri Lankan soldiers were accused of systematically raping Haitian women and girls, some as young as 7 years old.

The UN still refuses to disclose the outcome of its repatriation from Haiti of over 100 Sri Lankan peacekeepers on allegations of sexual abuse and exploitation.

No action has been taken against those responsible for any of these actions, Inner City Press noted.

The UN head of peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of the Congo this month rejected accusations that the organisation is complicit in war crimes Congolese troops allegedly committed in an offensive against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

Alan Doss, the head of the mission in Congo (Monuc), said such charges misrepresented the UN force's role and risked undermining efforts to help the Congolese government end the people's suffering.

Monuc has come in for strong criticism from human rights and aid groups for providing operational and logistical support for an army offensive, Kimia II, against Hutu militias from neighbouring Rwanda.

UN forces have provided military firepower, transport, rations and fuel for government troops as they seek to disarm the militias.

Human Rights Watch called on Monuc immediately to suspend its support to the Congolese army or risk being implicated in further atrocities.

Human Rights Watch said it had documented the deliberate killing of at least 270 civilians in a remote part of North Kivu province since March, when the offensive began.

Most of the victims were women, children and the elderly, it said.

"Some were decapitated. Others were chopped to death by machete, beaten to death with clubs, or shot as they tried to flee."

According to Human Rights Watch, army soldiers have killed a total of at least 505 civilians from the start of Kimia II to September.

Other groups, such as Oxfam, have described the human cost of the attempt to defeat the FDLR as "unacceptable and disproportionate to the results it has achieved".

Eastern Congo has been ravaged by war and conflict since the 1990s, when perpetrators of the genocide in Rwanda fled across the border and local guerrillas and foreign armies battled for control of lucrative mineral deposits.

Doss, who spoke at the Royal United Services Institute think tank in London, acknowledged the moral and practical dilemmas involved in supporting an army that is frequently accused of human rights violations.

"By extension, any Monuc support for the FARDC [Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo] is criticised as condoning such abuse," Doss said.

"And yet I believe that the women and the children of eastern Congo would probably suffer more should we give up and walk away from the FARDC."

Doss pointed out that Monuc's support for the army was not without preconditions, and that it had made clear that, where there was evidence of troops committing human rights violations, Monuc would withdraw its support.

He added that more than 30 army personnel had been prosecuted for crimes against civilians this year, and more such cases were being prepared.

The head of UN peacekeeping, Alain Le Roy, said Monuc would suspend support to army units it believes killed at least 62 civilians during the operations, reported The Guardian newspaper.

But he stressed the move would not affect the UN's broader support for the army.

Around 1,300 FDLR fighters have been disarmed and repatriated to Rwanda since the offensive began, according to the UN. During that time, more than 7,000 women and girls have been raped, and more than 900,000 people have been forced to flee their homes.

With a budget this year of $1.3bn and some 20,000 peacekeepers, Monuc is the world's largest UN peacekeeping mission.

Several American activists protested in front of the midtown Manhattan New York State armory building where Victoria's Secret catwalk event was being held Thursday, November 19.

While celebrities were arriving to attend the popular event, the protesters highlighted the Corporation's trade with Sri Lanka as aiding and abetting crimes against humanity, and war-crimes.

"The New York Police attempted to harass the protesters, but we carried on our protest much to the dismay of the catwalk organizers," said a protest organizer.

 The protesters distributed brochures that urged ethical American consumers to boycott Sri Lanka's products, and carried banners and placards that accused Victoria's Secret of continuing to trade with a Sri Lankan State that is widely believed to have committed war crimes on Tamil civilians during the State's offensives against Tigers early this year.

Ellyn Shander, the Connecticut physician, who was one of the attendees, said that "a wider boycott campaign" is being planned for the end of November as a part of mobilizing the Tamil diaspora to continue sustained boycott campaign to make significant dents in Sri Lanka's international trade.

Human rights groups are calling upon developers and publisher to address the way war crimes are portrayed in video games.

Two Swiss organisations carried out a study to see if conflicts portrayed in games – and the players’ actions in these situations – broke humanitarian laws that define war crimes.

The study, “Playing By the Rules” was undertaken by Pro Juventute, a Swiss children’s rights group, and Track Impunity Always (TRIAL), which is concerned with international criminal justice.

Staff played the games in the presence of lawyers skilled in the interpretation of humanitarian laws.

Their report provides a legal analysis of the conduct enabled by the games.

The study condemned the games for violating laws by letting players kill civilians, torture captives and wantonly destroy homes and buildings.

It said game makers should work harder to remind players about the real world limits on their actions.

The groups analysed over 20 games, including Army Of Two, Battlefield Bad Company, COD4: Modern Warfare, Far Cry 2 and Rainbow Six: Vegas, according to the BBC.

While the study acknowledged some games punish the killing of civilians and reward players that minimise the damage of each conflict, it condemned those that let gamers kill innocent people, torture captives and destroy homes and buildings.

“The practically complete absence of rules or sanctions is… astonishing,” the study said, adding that these titles were sending an “erroneous” message by depicting conflicts and counter-terrorist operations without limits or consequences for misconduct and war crimes.

The authors said: “[We] call upon game producers to consequently and creatively incorporate rules of international humanitarian law and human rights into their games.”

However, they added that they do not necessarily wish for games to become less violent. It claimed that, while most players are unlikely to become real world combatants, such games could influence what people believe war is like and how real soldiers conduct themselves.

Rock Paper Shotgun’s Jim Rossignol countered the study, saying: “Whether or not the rules of war are included in the game should be based entirely on whether that improves the experience for the player.”

He added that there was plenty of evidence to show that gamers “fully process” virtual violence as fantasy. He also cited studies of soldiers in Iraq who reported being a gamer had not desensitised them to the atrocities of war.

“Perhaps what this research demonstrates is that the researchers misunderstand what games are, and how they are treated, intellectually, by the people who play them.”

This piece is written on the assumption that Sarath Fonseka (SF) will stand for the presidency and be supported by a Joint Opposition (JO) of the UNF, the JVP and possibly minority parties. However, Rajapakse keeps dithering about an election because he will have to quit promptly in the unlikely event that he loses; hanging on for the remainder of the first term, whatever the constitutional position, will see the streets ablaze. Will he take the chance? Also by putting back the election Rajappakse makes the JO and SF stew and squabble for a year or two. So read on with these several caveats in mind.

SF’s endorsement by the JO is also problematic. He has altered several points in the Addendum to the first version of the resignation letter agreed with the UNF and leaked to the press. The alterations are all retrogressive, reactionary and militaristic; unwelcome by democrats and unacceptable to Tamils. Therefore liberal-democrats, minorities and the left should confer on Fonseka the same suspicion they accord Rajapakse.

The Tamils cannot hold it against Sarath Fonseka that he fought a war against them and won. It is a soldier’s job to fight, and there will be casualties, and it is his job to win if he can; no one can shrink from facing that fact. The point is; did he fight clean? Is he responsible, or partly responsible for alleged war crimes and contravention of human rights? These are grave charges about which he will have to reassure the Tamils if he wants any of their votes. I don’t think he can build this confidence; surely MR and SF are liable in equal measure for the alleged crimes – not to mention GR. Nevertheless let us see what they have to say about each other as the campaign heats up. Don’t be surprised if you see one in the Presidential Palace and the other in The Hague; charges of treachery are already flung around like confetti.

As I wrote last week universal justice and humanitarian obligations in war are now vigorously enforced; the old days when governments could get away with war crimes are fading. Israel is in the UN dock literally, and the mighty USA is in the dock of global public opinion. Little wonder then that the world is breathing down on Sri Lanka and for sure the actors in the election will have a lot to say about each other’s conduct in those fateful days of 2009; chronicles of white vans and motorbikes will leak like a plumber’s nightmare.

Hobswamy’s choice

Initially, I will approach the choice between MR and SF from a Tamil perspective, not because I am one (let alone 24 carat or 18 carat, not even 14 carats worth), but because the swing vote of the minorities is important. I think the hardcore Sinhala chauvinists will stick with MR; ideologically and politically he is their man and SF can’t break that. Those who suggest that he can split the most racist-reactionary sections of the Sinhala-Buddhist electorate will be proved wrong. Rather, SF will have to play to the middle ground, the progressive Sinhala vote, ethnic and religious minorities, the JVP vote, and folks fed up with corruption and abuse of democracy. But, he does not seem to understand this as evidenced by the aforementioned changes to the Addendum.

Points 14 to 16 of the original Addendum are good. Fourteen chides the government for ill-treating the IDP’s but in the new version the demand that IDPs be allowed to go live with relatives has been removed and some security related clap-trap inserted; a despicable alteration. The original point-15 blamed MR for failing to reach out to the Tamils and achieve a credible solution to the national question; the emphasis is now adjusted to say more troops and security are needed, again militaristic jingoism instead of a political approach. Point 16, in its original form, was near verbatim from the Platform for Freedom agenda, it has been entirely deleted; obviously, democracy is not one of Fonseka’s strong points!

If SF had the inclination and character to move in a progressive direction he may have made himself persuasive to the Sinhala middle ground and minorities. If for example he dumped the anti-conversion bill it would have brought the Christian vote flooding into his ballot box. Won’t he lose the extremist S-B vote you may ask? Nope, he was never going to get it, as I said two paragraphs ago.

It is Hobson’s choice for the Tamils. Vote this way, that way, boycott, enlist a Tamil candidate, what to do? It’s a miserable choice, but a decision is obligatory. In the event of a strong Tamil candidate like Sampanthan appearing, then the second-preference is the key. If Sampanthan does not contest and proclaims neutrality, it is a tacit endorsement of MR, because to contest is to draw a large number of additional Tamils to the booth and their second-preference vote into the spotlight. Tamils who will puke rather than vote for SF may however be able to bring themselves to do a number two on him. The TNA’s decision will tell us what kind of horse dealing has been going on in the background.

The executive presidency

SF is on record that he will retain the executive presidency as he needs authority to root out corruption and abuse. A website quotes him as saying, ‘that’s the way I did it in the army and that’s the way I am going to do it nationally’; this is nearly verbatim. He is more than half wrong; firstly, an administration with an executive president or Westminster style prime minister can be corrupt or clean, depending on the people at the top. Secondly, countries are not armies, as SF will learn if he becomes president; and a corollary the general seems to have missed, presidents who try to run a country like an army are known by another epithet, Dictator! Thirdly, it will take a good two years to get a new constitution written and adopted and the transitional arrangements implemented. That’s executive-time enough to get the basics of corruption fighting done.

SF’s tone is too full of himself and too self-aggrandizing. He will have to climb down and learn flexibility and people skills, neither of which the kaki uniform is adept at inculcating. Forcing capitulation on the executive presidency issue to secure Joint Opposition endorsement would be a good start in teaching him to be pliable and political. The UNF and JVP should tell SF to go to hell if he does not climb down on this issue.

The West, China and India

The Rajapakse government has drifted away from the West and into Sino-Iranian waters not because of any ideological preference, this government is ideologically chintanaless, but rather because these friends are anodyne on human rights issues. Western governments, under pressure of domestic public opinion, the Tamil diaspora and the global human rights lobby, have made themselves pesky gadflies, now even beckoning from the corridors of The Hague.

The anti-Western tilt opens a window which SF can use if his foreign policy is sufficiently sophisticated.

A critique can be made of the Rajapakse government for unbalancing our traditional post-independence relationship with the West and its educational, cultural and intellectual openings. It can be argued that this has already cost us GSP+, and could damage direct private investment and harm our economy in many ways. Ever since 1956 Lanka has been adroitly non-aligned, developing economic and regional ties with new friends while protecting its strong historical links with the capitalist West. Now is first time this balance has gone way out of kilter, the United States even contemplating war crimes charges against some political leaders. The point is not the charges per se, but the breakdown of established relationships.

The Sri Lankan voter is no fool; he/she will take the benefits of a balance in foreign linkages into account when marking the ballot. Hence SF can play the ‘rebalance and restore our traditional non-aligned foreign policy’ card, if he knows how to.

The great unknown in this game is Delhi, which will of course be very pleased by a tilt back from a Beijing-Teheran-Islamabad love affair towards the West; towards America to be precise. The unknown is whether India will risk discarding the known devil for the unknown, or think it safer to stay the course with MR having invested so much political capital in propping up the regime in its deadly duel with the Tigers. My prophetic nose feels a twitch of premonition about which way India will tilt, but it’s too early to share it with you.

Why either MR or the UPFA must go

The choice between MR and SF is like Scylla and Charybdis; between the UPFA and the JO, like the devil and the deep blue sea. Are there good reasons for abandoning sea monsters and ghouls in exchange whirlpools and the ocean depths? The answer is that the merit lies not in the entities themselves but in the need to thwart a second term; to have MR as president and the UPFA in parliamentary majority, jointly, for another six years, will be a calamity. These people have had a monopoly of too much power for too long and this is one root cause of corruption, abuse of power and the peril to democratic rights. Recall that for 17 years the UNP misruled while holding both branches of state, and then the SLFP-PA has done so for another 15, except the short Chandrika-Ranil interlude.

The interlude, notwithstanding the shortcoming of internal squabbling in power sharing governments, was clearly the best for the public. It was also the best for the minorities. I have no doubt that the Oslo Accord during the interlude was the closest we came, since the Dudly-Chelva Pact, to settling the national question; and the 2003 ceasefire ushered in the most hassle-free period for the Tamil people for so long as it lasted. I have no patience with those who say the ceasefire was a sell out to the LTTE – plain war mongers and chauvinists!

Factors affecting my retirement from the regular force of the Army

1. Various agencies misleading Your Excellency by stating a possible coup immediately after the victory over the LTTE which obviously led to a change of command in spite of my request to be in command until the Army celebrated its 60th Anniversary. This fear psychosis of a coup is well known among the defence circle.

2. Appointing an officer pending a disciplinary inquiry who performed duties only as a holding formation commander in the final battle as my successor, disregarding my recommendations to appoint Major General G A Chandrasiri as the Commander of the Army who was the then Chief of Staff and an officer with an exemplary service as the Security Forces Commander in Jaffna for over 3 years. This has already led to a deterioration of the high standards I was capable of introducing to the Army, to my bitter disappointment.

3. Appointing me as the Chief of Defence Staff, though a senior appointment to that of a service commander, with basically no authority, except for mere coordinating responsibilities in a manner which mislead the general public of the country and most members of the Armed Forces. In that the Secretary Defence pushing me to vacate the post of the Commander in just two weeks after the victory and Your Excellency insisting me to hand over duties in less than two months depriving me of my moral obligations in revamping the welfare and providing a sound administration to the men who fought a gallant battle. Due to this action you also denied me of my desire to streamline the career planning of Common Stream Officers whom I wanted to ensure that they are given with career prospects of becoming experts/specialist in their fields.

4. Further, prior to my appointment I was misled on the authority vested with the CDS. I was made to understand that the appointment carried more command responsibilities and authority than earlier over all three services, but subsequent to my appointment a letter by the Strategic Affairs Adviser to the Secretary Defence indicated that my appointment was purely to coordinate the services and not that of overall operational command. The letter is attached herewith for Your Excellency's information. Such actions clearly defines Your Excellency's and the Governments unwillingness to grant me with command responsibilities which leads to believe in a strong mistrust in me, which is most depressing after all what was performed by me to achieve war victory.

5. During a subsequent Service Commanders Meeting, the Secretary Defence was bold enough to state an unethical and uncalled statement by mentioning that "if operational control of all three services is granted to the CDS it would be very dangerous", which indeed was a loss of face to me in the presences of subordinate services commanders.

6. Your Excellency, you too made a statement at the very first security council soon after the 18th of May 09 when the battled was declared over, to the extent that "a strong public opinion is in the making to say that the Country is in possession of a too powerful army, which will lead Sri Lanka to another State like that of Myanmar". It was surprising to hear such a comment from Your Excellency in spite of your repeated praise and boast of the war victory brought about by the same Army. I personally felt that Your Excellency has commenced mistrusting your own loyal Army which attained the unimaginable victory just a week ago. You again repeated the same statement even after I handed over the command. Over these comments I felt disgusted as these comments indirectly insulted those who made the supreme sacrifice during the war victory.

7. The present Army Commander immediately on assuming duties commenced transferring senior officers who immensely contributed to the war effort during my command tenure including those junior officers working with my wife at the Seva Vanitha Army Branch which was involved in looking after the welfare of the troops, was clearly to challenge the loyalty of officers and most discouraging to the officer corps of the Army, with a wrong signal being transmitted on my authority.

8. Your Excellency, I wish to remind you that whilst the Eelam War IV was being fought I repeatedly requested to increase the compensation paid to those Next of Kin of the officers and men killed in action from Rs.150,000.00 which was the amount sanctioned in year 1985, to Rs.500,000.00 as the approved amount is grossly insufficient in the present context. This request was not considered favourably thereby I feel extremely guilty that the Army and the Government at large has not looked into the welfare of those who paid the supreme sacrifice.

9. With a pain of mind it was noted that the same Army which gained victory for the Nation was suspected of staging a coup and thereby alerting the Government of India once again on the 15th of October 2009, unnecessarily placing the Indian Troops on high alert. This action did tarnish the image and reputation gained by the Sri Lanka Army as a competent and professional organization who was capable of defeating a terrorist group after the Malayan Emergency, in the eyes of the World. This suspicion would have been due to the loyalty of the Sri Lanka Army towards me as its past Commander who led the Army to the historic victory.

10. During my absences from the Country (23 Oct 2009 to 5 Nov 2009) being on overseas leave, the Army Headquarters was bold enough to change the security personnel deployed at the AHQ Main Entrance and the Ministry of Defence emphasizing the withdrawal of the Sinha Regiment troops who were attached to me, as you are aware is my parent regiment and supplementing them with other regimental personnel. The Sinha Regiment troops were good enough to provide security to the Ministry of Defence for 4 years and it is surprising to note how the combat efficiency of the said troops supposed to have dropped overnight as per Secretary Defence's opinion.

Further the Sinha Regiment troops numbering a mere 4, non combatants, deployed for vehicle checking duties at the AHQ Main Entrance, were replaced by 14 armed Armoured Corps personnel, whilst a further two platoons were brought in to prevent the 4 non combat Sinha Regiment personnel performing duties, creating a mockery to the general public. This clearly indicates a questionable loyalty of troops good enough for duties for over four years purely due to the fact that the troops were from my Regiment. This also indirectly reflects mistrust on me or an indication that the persons concern wish to keep a tab on my movements and visitors to my HQ/residence which is a clear display of suspicion created on me.

11. Further on instructions of the Secretary Defence, troops from the Gajaba Regiment was brought in to the MOD complex to remove the Sinha Regiment troops which indicated the creation of divided loyalty within the Army and reasons to believe that the Army now being politicized. This is being encouraged by the Army Commander too who thinks that the Armoured Corp troops should over power Sinha Regiment troops again in the Army HQ complex which includes my office and residence.

12. Instigating malicious and detrimental news items and rumors by interested parties including several senior government politicians which led to identify me as a traitor in spite of my personal contribution of the government to change the history of our country.

13. It is with pain of mind that I note that the ordinary Army which I toiled to transform into a highly professional outfit is now losing its way. Increased desertions, lack of enthusiasm to enlist (A drop in enlistment rate by 50% is recorded), disciplinary problems on advocating divided commands indicates an unprofessional organization in the offing. During the last two months the members deserted are higher than the recruitment.

14. Resettlement process of the IDPs was also a point of concern. The IDPs are resettled in an ad hoc manner without proper infrastructure facilities to the dismay of most inmates. The Government has resorted to this course of action merely refusing to incur an additional expense for the betterment of the IDPs. This is indeed a short term remedy to get rid of the IDP issue. I strongly advocated that the resettlement should commence only after proper demining, providing necessary infrastructure facilities and on confirming of the identity of any infiltrated terrorists, thereby ensuring 100% safety and security to the younger generations among IDPs.

15. The conditions in the IDP centers is also a point of great concern to me. Thousands of valiant soldiers including members of the Navy, Air Force, Police and the Civil Defence Force sacrificed their valuable lives to liberate these unfortunate civilians from the brutality and tyranny of the LTTE in order that they could live in an environment of freedom and democracy. Yet, today many of them are continuing to live in appalling conditions due to the lack of proper planning and the reluctance to incur expenditure on the part of the Government.

16. The troop requirement for the resettlement is grossly insufficient and cannot sustain the demanding needs in the resettled areas, thus placing the innocent people in turmoil. Your Excellency's government is yet to win the peace in spite of the fact that the Army under my leadership won the war. There is no clear policy to ensure the security of the Tamil people thereby leaving room to ruin the victory attained, paving the way for yet another uprising in the future due to lack of security arrangements in the resettled areas.

17. Sri Lanka Army ensured the safe custody of approximately 10,000 surrendered LTTE cadres. But it is regrettably noted that so far no constructive action has been taken to methodically rehabilitate them in order to ensure that they get back to the society as properly rehabilitated law abiding citizens.”

A Tamil Canadian protester chokes back tears as she recalls a cellphone conversation she had several days ago with a cousin detained in a Sri Lankan camp holding Tamils displaced during the country's civil war.

"She doesn't know where her husband is. Her children have had no school for the past six months. There is no food or medication," said Uthayakumary Prapaharan, one of the roughly 600 people who gathered Saturday (November 21) to protest in front of the Sri Lankan consulate.

Prapaharan, a native of Sri Lanka who has lived in Canada for 23 years, said more than 60 of her relatives have spent time in the camps since the civil war ended in May.

"Some of my relatives have left the camps, so we know they are alive," said Prapaharan.

"Some are lost or have died already. But about 20 of my cousins and their kids are still inside the camps."

Tamil Canadians and their supporters, including Liberal MP Bob Rae and NDP Leader Jack Layton, expressed skepticism at Saturday's rally over the promises by Sri Lanka to not only allow the refugees to leave the camps but also to resettle the displaced Tamils.

"They are allowing some people to leave, but there's a question of where they are going," said Rae.

"There is a lot of talk of people being allowed to leave the big camp but there is a question of where they are being moved to and where they are being allowed to settle."

The rally included repeated calls for non-governmental organizations and independent news media to be allowed into the camps.

"International observers don't really have full access to the camps, so we can't know for sure what's going on. That has to change," said Layton.

"The Canadian government has to insist that international observers be permitted."

So far, information has been sketchy.

"We only know a little bit through people who have been allowed to visit their relatives," said Ranjan Sri Ranjan, president of the Canadian Tamil Congress, which represents roughly 300,000 Tamils living in Canada.

"Even then, the people cannot touch their relatives. They have to stand behind barbed-wire fences and talk from several feet away."

The turnout was smaller than the 2,000 protesters anticipated by organizers. It was also a fraction of the up to 4,000 who stopped traffic on University Ave. in March.

"A lot of people are disillusioned. They don't know what to do," said Raj Thavaratnasingham, a member of Canadians Concerned About Sri Lanka, one of the organizers of the event.

"I have talked to so many people who are upset that nothing is happening to change things."

(Edited)

The International Monetary Fund has declared that Sri Lanka’s budget deficit targets for 2009 and 2010 are challenging, due to the slowdown in growth

But the international lender of last resort thinks they can still be achieved.

The analysis came as IMF mission Chief Brian Aitken flew into the country on a 10 day visit with the IMF team in order to head talks on the second review of the IMF loan.

"Achieving the government's target of reducing the underlying budget deficit ... to 7 percent of GDP in 2009, and further to 6 percent in 2010, will be challenging, but these fiscal targets remain within reach," the IMF said in a statement.

"We see a sign of turn around," Aitken told reporters in Colombo. "The budget reforms are the key goals in the next two years. Now that the crisis is basically not a threat, they can focus on tax reforms and expenditure reforms."

The IMF announced that it would loan Sri Lanka $2.6 billion in July, which has contributed greatly in increasing the confidence of foreign investors. Despite of this however, economic growth has not picked up as fast as expected.

"With economic activity well below Sri Lanka’s potential, inflation is expected to remain in single digits next year," said Aitken.

There is no risk of demand-driven inflation as the economic growth of 3.5 percent this year "is way below potential,” he said.

"So until we start seeing a more rapid pick up of credit growth there's no worry about inflation. We see plenty of room for growth before we see any signs of demand-driven inflationary pressures," Aitken said.

"The horse has started to take off but there's still slack in the reins so the cart has still not quite gotten under way."

The government has so far managed to abide by the policy conditions set out by the IMF, in order to receive the loan. Yet, they have been warned about borrowed foreign reserves and their budget deficit.

"We'd like to see more and more reserves generated by economic activity rather than borrowed funds," continued Aitken.

The third $330 million tranche of the loan will be decided in the first quarter of next year, based on Sri Lanka’s performance.

General Sarath Fonseka resigned from the Sri Lankan Army on November 12, and in doing so, fuelled speculation that he intends to run for President at the next election.

Officially stepping down from his post on November 16, Fonseka said he would announce his decision on whether to enter politics soon.

“I gave my retirement papers,” Gen. Fonseka told the media at a Buddhist temple at Keliniya on the outskirts of Colombo in the evening after sending in his resignation letter.

“I have been serving my country in the past and I will serve the country in future as well.”

Asked whether he would join politics, the General said: “I can’t comment as I am still in uniform. I will decide my future once my retirement comes into effect.”

Soon after signing the official document to quit as Sri Lanka's top military officer, he repeated his statement.

"I expect to announce my future steps in two or three days. I will be serving the country in the future," he said.

“He is certainly entering politics. It is an irreversible process for him now," Sumanasiri Liyanage, a political science professor at the University of Peradeniya, told AFP.

“For the first time in 15 years, political developments have unfolded that threaten the dominance of Sri Lanka’s ruling party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party,” reported The National newspaper. 

“Mr Rajapakse has until now faced little serious resistance from an opposition that has struggled to find ways of countering him. But this political hegemony has shown unprecedented cracks with the emergence of a new leader for opposition forces to rally around,” the paper commented.

Fonseka is widely credited to be one of the three players in defeating the LTTE, along with Mahinda Rajapakse, and Gotabaya Rajapakse, Ashok Mehta, a political analyst who once led the Indian peacekeeping forces in Sri Lanka, told Al Jazeera.

If he decides to run for president, Fonseka could split Rajapakse’s voter base by giving voters another contender who also represents winning the war, said analysts.

The incumbent president had been expected to capitalise on the defeat of the LTTE and announce a quick poll.

At his Sri Lanka Freedom Party's annual convention, Rajapakse, said only that he would decide "in due course" after more than 100,000 party stalwarts urged him to call the presidential poll before the parliamentary elections due in April 2010.

Human rights activists have condemned the conduct of the last days of the war, alleging gross abuses of human rights and the commission of war crimes.

A US State Department report on possible war crimes in Sri Lanka criticised Fonseka in particular for having “overlooked the rules of war”.

Since the end of the war, the Sri Lankan government has been criticised by international community and human rights organisations for failing to resettle the hundreds of thousands of Tamils locked up in camps surrounded by barbed wire.

In Fonseka’s letter of resignation, which reads like an election manifesto, he adds his voice to the criticism.

“Your Excellency's government is yet to win the peace in spite of the fact that the Army under my leadership won the war,” he said. “There is no clear policy to ensure the security of the Tamil people thereby leaving room to ruin the victory attained, paving the way for yet another uprising in the future due to lack of security arrangements in the resettled areas.”

Rights activists reacted with disbelief.

"It is an irony of ironies that Fonseka is talking about human rights when he was our target of attack in the past," Nimalka Fernando, a human rights activist told the media.

Following the victory against the LTTE, Fonseka is rumoured to have clashed with the Rajapakse brother over who should take the credit for winning the war.

Since Fonseka’s resignation from of the office, many posters of Fonseka around Sri Lanka have allegedly been ordered to be removed.

“Fonseka says politicians are taking credit for a war won by the soldiers while Rajapakse [and his brothers] say it is the Rajapakses that won the war,” opposition politician Wijedasa Rajapaksa (not related to the President), told the National.

“People now have realised who the real hero is … and that’s Fonseka”, he said.

It is not clear yet which party Fonseka may join in the presidential election, with some speculation of a three-way contest between incumbent President Mahinda Rajapakse, main opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sarath Fonseka.

Wickremesinghe was considering contesting as the UNP candidate while Fonseka could be a candidate from the opposition People’s Liberation Front (JVP), the National cited local newspaper reports as saying. 

General Sarath Fonseka, Sri Lanka Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), sent his letter of resignation to the Sri Lankan President, Mahinda Rajapakse on November 12. His letter was accompanied by a 17 point Annex setting out the factors that led to his resignation.

These factors included his dissatisfaction at being stripped of his position as Army Chief to be appointed CDS with fewer powers and responsibilities, as well the government allegedly putting Indian troops on high alert about the possibility of a coup in Sri Lanka.

The body of his letter, as published in the Sri Lankan Guardian, is reproduced below. The annex is reproduced separately on this page.:

Request to retire from the regular force of the Sri Lanka Army

1. I, General G S C Fonseka RWP RSP VSV USP rcds psc presently serving as the Chief of Defence Staff, was enlisted to the Ceylon Army on 05th Feb 1970 and was commissioned on the 01st June 1971. On the 6th Dec 2005 due to the trust and confidence placed on me, Your Excellency was kind enough to promote me to the rank of Lieutenant General and appoint me as the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army in an era when the Country was embroiled with the menace of terrorism and was in a stalemate state after having toiled for a solution politically or otherwise for over 25 years without a success.

2. During my command of 3 years and 7 months, the Sri Lanka Army managed to eradicate the terrorist movement having apprehended an unbelievable stock of arms and munitions and decisively defeating the LTTE and its murderous leadership which Your Excellency is obviously aware of. I would not be exaggerating to state that I was instrumental in leading the Army to this historic victory, of course with Your Excellency's political support, which helped to materialize this heroic action. Though the field commanders, men and all members of the Army worked towards this common goal, it is with my vision, command and leadership that this yeomen task was achieved. I was determined to achieve this victory as I wanted to ensure that there is permanent peace and security for the future generation of the motherland.

3. I do appreciate the fact that the Country and Your Excellency did recognize my services which led to me being promoted to the first ever serving four star general to command the Army, nevertheless the courses of action which initiated subsequently greatly depressed me which I have enumerated in the Annex hereto.

4. Considering the facts mentioned in the Annex and more which I am privy to withhold, I am compelled to believe that Your Excellency and the Government has lost your trust and faith bestowed upon me for reasons only known to Your Excellency. Hence as the senior most serving military officer in the Country with 40 years of service, such a situation does not warrant a continuation of my duties any longer, thereby I have the honour to request that I be permitted to retire from the Regular Force of the Army with effect from 01st December 2009.

5. Furthermore I have the honour to request that on retirement Your Excellency would be kind enough to grant me sufficient security which includes trained combat soldiers, a suitable vehicle with sufficient protection (Bullet proof), escort vehicles and dummy vehicles for my conveyances due to the fact that I am considered as one of the highest priority targets by the LTTE, which they are yet capable of achieving. Also, I wish to bring to Your Excellency's kind notice that over 100 men, six escort vehicles and a bullet proof vehicle have been placed at the convenience of the former Commander of the Navy who recently retired. Your Excellency, I do further request that a suitable protected government resident be made available for me to live in. Also it is requested that approval be granted for me to continue occupation of the present official residence of the Commander of the Army - "The General's House" in Bahudhaloka Mawatha until I am provided with a suitable married quarter. I presume that such arrangements would be made available to me, considering the threat factor I am facing, which Your Excellency is well aware of.

6. I would also wish to quote an example in the case of the former Indian Chief of Army Staff General A S Vadiya, instrumental in leading the Indian Army in Operation Blue Star against the Sheiks at the Golden Temple, Amristar in 1984, was assassinated whilst on retirement in 1986 purely in revenge of his victories achieved. I do not wish to experience a similar incident as I have already sustained serious injuries after the attempt on my life by a suicide cadre of the LTTE, in spite of I being injured twice previously during military operations. Though during the operations I conducted myself in a daring manner disregarding threats to my life, on conclusion of the war I have absolutely no intention to endanger my life. Thereby, I am compelled to entrust you with my security which is requested for life.

7. Furthermore, I would like to emphasis on a statement made by me during my tenure as the Commander of the Army. In that, I mentioned my dislike to be in command forever and also I would ensure that my successor would not be burdened with the task of fighting the same war, which I abided with. Hence, as I have already overstayed my retirement date by 4 years, I wish to proceed on retirement without further delays.

8. Forwarded for Your Excellency's kind consideration please.