Dozens of unidentified men pelted stones at the headquarters of a private television station sympathetic to the opposition United National Party (UNP) in Sri Lanka's capital, causing damage to the building, police said.

Officials at the MTV channel said they suspected the attack on Monday March 22 was politically motivated ahead of next month's parliamentary elections.

"We have arrested 16 people who were involved in the stone-throwing incident," a police official outside the MTV premises in Colombo's Braybrooke Place told reporters.

He said several staff members were wounded while windows in the building were broken. Several cars had their windshields shattered.

Unidentified attackers torched the studios of MTV in January last year and the authorities are yet to bring the perpetrators to justice. The station is widely seen as pro-opposition, but the network insists it is independent.

Justice Minister Milinda Moragoda rushed to the MTV office shortly after Monday's attack and promised to investigate.

"Whoever has done this will be brought to justice," the minister told reporters.

The latest attack came as Sri Lankan and foreign media rights groups accused the government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa of cracking down on dissent, a charge the government has denied.

Former Army General and presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka, was produced before a secret court martial and charged with preparing to challenge President Rajapakse in the January presidential election, whilst in the army and violating regulations for purchasing military equipments during the war.

Engaging in politics whilst in uniform is illegal in Sri Lanka.

Fonseka has denied all charges against him and claims that "none of the accusations are true." President Rajapaksa, he says “is jealous of me as I got more votes than him although he rigged [the election] he knows that I can challenge him... but I will never give up."

Meanwhile, President Rajapakse ruled out any chance of a military pardon for  Fonseka. In an interview with Singapore’s Straits Times, he dismissed Gen. Fonseka as a “fool” and ruled out an early pardon for his rival.

"But if I pardon him what about army discipline? What about the court martials of other officers? What can I do? This is the British law. They gave it to India and us," Rajapaksa said.

"Fonseka himself put thousands of soldiers under court martial. At one time the figure was 8,500. I shouted at him and I had to release them." Rajapaksa added.

Questioned about the alleged coup plotted by Fonseka, Rajapakse said: "There was something going on. I cannot discuss all details as inquiries and legal proceedings are on."

Fonseka's court martial was conducted by a panel of 3 military officers, all of whom were previously subordinates of the former general. The hearing has been adjourned until April 6 as the officers themselves disputed the validity of the panel for both cases, arguing that they are not clear on whether it is legal for the panel to preside over both hearings.

The neutrality of the panel was also questioned as two of the three military judges had previously been disciplined by him. The third officer is a close relative of Gen. Fonseka’s replacement as head of the Army, who also initiated the court martial.

Media was excluded and only given limited information.

"This is very bad. This is the first time in Sri Lanka's history that an army commander has been court-martialled," Mr Fonseka's wife, Anoma, told The Independent last night from Colombo.

"A year ago he was the most popular army commander in the world and now [they say he is] just like a terrorist."

The spokesperson for Gen. Fonseka, Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has accused the tribunal of delaying tactics.

"The army judges did not wake up this morning and discover that they have been appointed to both courts," the spokesman said. "They knew it from the day they were appointed." Dissanayake said, adding this is a ploy to prevent Gen. Fonseka from contesting in the forthcoming general elections.

Gen. Fonseka was arrested in February, on dubious charges. Critics say that his statements over war crimes committed by the Sri Lankan forces is the real reason behind his arrest, but the government has consistently denied this and has said that Gen. Fonseka was planning a coup and the arrest of President Rajapakse.

Since his arrest he has spoken of his fear of being assassinated. In a recent letter smuggled out and handed to British broadcaster Channel 4, Fonseka complained of being denied access to hot water and lack of air conditioning.

The Sri Lankan Government in turn used the opportunity to accuse him of collaborating with the “voice of the Tigers”, Channel 4.

Gen. Fonseka is leading the Democratic National Alliance, which includes various parties including the JVP, at the upcoming parliamentary elections. But with him under arrest it is unclear how the party will be led. Currently his wife Anoma is presiding over party events and reports suggest that she will stand in for him at the general election.

President Rajapaksa has been accused of waging a personal vendetta against the former Army General, and has been urged by the international community to guarantee his safety.

Last month, the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon expressed concern over events in a conversation with President Rajapaksa.

A UN statement said Ban "expressed his concern (to Rajapaksa) about recent developments in Sri Lanka", brought up Fonseka's arrest and "urged the government to respect the due process of law and guarantee (Fonseka's) personal safety."

Sri Lankan officials have been in talks with EU officials in Brussels, in an attempt to reverse the decision to withdraw GSP+.

The EU decision, announced last month, followed a report by the European Commission highlighting serious short-comings on Sri Lanka’s commitment to implement international conventions on human rights – the basis on which GSP+ was granted.

The high level, four member delegation, led by the Treasury Secretary, P.B. Jayasundara, arrived in Brussels early last week. The group included Attorney General Mohan Peiris, Foreign Affairs Secretary Romesh Jayasinghe and Justice Ministry Secretary Suhada Gamlath.

It is believed they focused on the detrimental impact of the removal of GSP+ on the Sri Lankan economy and levels of unemployment. John Clancy, EU Commission’s trade spokesman, reiterated the importance of addressing the identified concerns so that “significant improvements on the effective implementation of the human rights conventions” occurred.

The head of the EU delegation, Bernard Savage, added “One must not hasten to think there will be an immediate change in the EU stance following this week’s talks. The talks will lay the ground work for a positive development on the extension of the GSP+ and other issues. The two sides will discuss the Commission report issued on Sri Lanka in December last year and see what needs to be done”

Sri Lanka’s foreign ministry has previously described the necessary goals as ‘unattainable targets’. Officials rebuked the announcement of the withdrawal, warning that any discussions should be “sensitive” to Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.

This round of talks was described as a ‘preliminary exchange of views’ and the two sides are believed to meet again shortly.

GSP+ (Generalised System of Preferences) is a trade concession that was awarded to Sri Lanka by the European Union (EU) following the tsunami. The basis for granting such a concession is recipient country’s commitment to implementing 27 conventions on human and labour rights. In 2008, a reported total of EUR 1.24 billion was imported by EU from Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka is the only country added on the annual human rights report by Britain this year as a country of concern by the Foreign Affairs Committee, according to British Foreign Office. The Annual report on Human Rights 2009 presented on Wednesday March 17 to British Parliament says, ‘Since the last report, we have added one country of concern. We agreed with the Foreign Affairs Committee’s recommendation to include Sri Lanka. This reflects our concern about allegations of serious conflict violations, as well as the deteriorating status of the rule of law and freedom of expression.’

The following are some excerpts of the HR report:

‘Human Rights Council Special Session on Sri Lanka

The EU led efforts in May to call a special session of the HRC in response to the situation in Sri Lanka. We found support for the session from select members of other regional groups who shared our concerns. Together we worked hard on a draft resolution that could be presented to the wider HRC membership, even those with misgivings about the focus on Sri Lanka, as a constructive expression of HRC concern.

In doing so we hoped for a consensus outcome. Sri Lanka, unfortunately, tabled a text with a different purpose, which was passed by majority vote. The UK could not agree with their assessment of the situation and voted against the resolution because it:

• comitted to reaffirm that it is the primary responsibility of the state to ensure protection of the human rights of all persons under its jurisdiction;

• failed to call on the government of Sri Lanka to start an inclusive political process, which would address the legitimate concerns of all of Sri Lanka’s communities; and

• did not address the need to ensure the protection of human rights defenders, journalists and minorities or the right to freedom of expression.

The session, nonetheless, presented an opportunity for many States, UN Special Procedures, and the High Commissioner for Human Rights to put on record the plight of civilians caught up in it. We continue to believe that the situation merited the attention of the UN’s primary human rights body and that it was right to call the session.’

‘Since the end of the conflict we have been calling, along with the EU, for an independent and credible process to address possible violations of IHL. The Sri Lankan government has made little progress.

In October, President Rajapakse announced the formation of a committee to look into a US State Department report on possible violations. In late December, the President extended the deadline for the committee to report until the end of April 2010.’

‘Freedom of Expression

Sri Lanka ranks 162 out of 175 countries in the Reporters without Borders Press Freedom Index 2009. The environment for free expression deteriorated in the early part of 2009 as the conflict intensified.’

‘A Tamil journalist, J S Tissainayagam, was sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment on 31 August for charges related to his writing. In addition, Tamil language newspapers (such as Sudar Oli, Uthayan and Valampuri) continue to operate in extremely difficult conditions, with their staff regularly receiving anonymous threats.’

‘Disappearances and Abductions

Reports of abductions and disappearances of civilians continued throughout 2009. In the vast majority of cases the reported victims are Tamil civilians.’

Sri Lanka's Election Commission has turned down the demand for presence of foreign poll observers at the counting centres for the upcoming parliamentary polls.

The demand was made by some opposition parties including United National Party (UNP) which said that such a presence would ensure accuracy in election results. The opposition request comes in the backdrop of allegations of malpractices in the vote count for Presidential elections.

Election Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake did not outright reject the proposal but said that the political parties should have made such a request on the nominations day.

The main Opposition United National Party (UNP) has sent a written request to the Election Commissioner asking for the presence of foreign poll observers at the counting centres to ensure accuracy of election results.

Meanwhile, Rohana Hettiarachi, Director of People's action for Free and Fair elections (PAFFREL), said the organisation has sent several letters and reminders to the EC regarding the appointment of observers at the forthcoming general elections without avail.

"The Elections Commissioner did not even dwell on the subject, it was pointed out, the UNP website claimed.

Engaging sections of vested interests in the diaspora to elude righteous causes of struggling people, in order to achieve imperialist goals in war and peace, is a long time strategy of powers. International foundations, firms and other such outfits are created from time to time for this purpose.

How such outfits envisage to blunt the cause of Eezham Tamils by locking vulnerable sections of the Tamil diaspora into a Sri Lankan diaspora identity, and how the outfits wish to achieve it behind the back of Tamil people and their media, is clearly revealed in a ‘confidential’ Assessment Report and Program Strategy of the Public International Law & Policy Group (PILPG), prepared in March 2009.

Federal solution based on shared sovereignty and right to self-determination in a contiguous north and east of Sri Lanka was the highlight of the TNA manifesto released on Friday, March 12, leading to international media, including the BBC, Guardian and AFP, claiming the party has dropped its demand for statehood for Tamils.

While irreversibly committing on federal solution, the manifesto is ambiguous on the nature of the sovereignty of Eelam Tamils and their right to self determination, said Tamil political circles in their immediate responses.

The party manifesto also referred to "shared sovereignty among the peoples who inhabit this island". The term shared sovereignty is used to describe structures such as the European Union as well as federal structures with or without the right to secession.

The manifesto refrains from asserting to Tamils exercising their right to self determination to decide the national question in an internationally monitored arrangement.

Reinforcing the party's position of distancing itself from Tamil Eelam, last month TNA leader, Rajavarothayam Sampanthan, told the BBC he believed most Tamils in Sri Lanka no longer believed in violence or separation, but nevertheless wanted equality.

Another TNA parliamentarian, Suresh Premachandran, told the BBC a federal solution was appropriate given the "changed global and regional situation".

Premachandran said he was inviting the government to respond by solving Tamils' problems within a united Sri Lanka.

"If the Sri Lankan state continues its present style of governance without due regard to the rights of the Tamil-speaking peoples, the TNA will launch a peaceful, non-violent campaign of civil disobedience on the Gandhian model," according to the TNA.

The TNA also said it would lobby neighbouring India and the international community to ensure the island's Tamil community gets a greater say in the administration.

The TNA, a coalition of Tamil parties, had 22 seats in the outgoing parliament, but the various elements have split in recent weeks.

Sri Lanka government has begun clearing all Liberation Tigers' landmarks in the North including Heroes' Resting Homes of fallen Liberation Tigers in an attempt to wipe out any trace of the Tigers.

Sri Lanka Army (SLA) occupying Jaffna peninsula is actively engaged in demolishing the Heroes’ Resting Homes of Liberation Tigers in Uduppidi, Kodikaamam, Koappaay and Vealanai in the islets of Jaffna, sources in Jaffna said.

Foreign media persons now visiting Jaffna peninsula in large numbers who show a keen interest in visiting the HRHs are shocked to witness the systematic demolishment of war heroes’ memorial monuments which are given due respect all over the world.

SLA which invaded the peninsula in 1996 had then ploughed down the HRHs in the peninsula with bulldozers but during the 2002 peace accord between the government and the Liberation Tigers they had been restored.

The people in the peninsula are not allowed to visit the HRHs and now the news of SLA demolishing reaching them has enraged them.

Tourism Ministry Secretary George Michael confirmed told the media, on Thursday March 18, the government had begun clearing LTTE landmarks in the north in line with the government’s policy.

“The official government policy is not to highlight former LTTE landmarks for tourism purposes. The government has already begun to clear some LTTE landmarks inline with the government’s view that terrorism, the LTTE and the violence which affected the public during the war should be forgotten,” Michael said.

According to media reports, LTTE landmarks have now become a popular tourist spot in the north as people flock to these areas to view the buildings and houses which once belonged to the LTTE leaders.

Nearly 300,000 local and foreign tourists have visited Jaffna, since the opening of the A-9 road to Jaffna, sources in Jaffna said.

African National Congress

Letter to GTF

We are delighted to send this congratulatory message to the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) on its inaugural gathering.

Having resolves our past political, social and economic challenges in South Africa through dialogue, we firmly believe that willingness to engage, listen to views and ideas of fellow compatriots and the international community, will go a long way in finding a solution to Tamil concerns in Sri Lanka.

We are encouraged by the GTF’s commitment to a democratic and non-violent approach. As an umbrella organisation representing mass-based formations in many countries around the globe and in the Tamil Diaspora, may you grow from strength-to-strength in achieving your objectives by peaceful means.

We would like to take this opportunity to thank the organisers and dignitaries for honouring this historic occasion.

AMANDLA!

David Cameron

Letter to GTF

I am delighted to send my best wishes for today’s inaugural Global Tamil Forum Conference.

Members of the Tamil diaspora have contributed a great deal to our society, and this event brings them together with their friends from around the world.

Today we are united in a common cause and wish to see the same outcome – a peaceful, stable and prosperous Sri Lanka, where the democratic and political aspirations of all ethnic groups are fulfilled and all Sri Lankans are able to live together in harmony.

Sri Lanka has recently emerged from a very difficult period in its history and it is vital that a negotiated settlement occurs and a period of reconciliation and healing begins in earnest. I know that the Tamil diaspora is ready to play a full part in this process, and I am sure this Conference will be a positive step forward in this work.

On behalf of the Conservative Party, I would like to congratulate the Tamil diaspora for their energetic efforts to ensure enduring peace in their country, and to wish the Global Tamil Forum inaugural Conference every success.

Seeing Iraqi men and women step forward to vote their beliefs - people who would most likely be tortured and killed in decades past for even expressing their opinions - is a touching picture indeed. And the election day violence itself was not horrific - for Iraq, of course.

A recent newsmagazine cover not only stated that Iraqi democracy had been finally won, but backed up the statement with that infamous picture of George W. Bush with the "Mission Accomplished" banner so shamelessly unfurled behind him on the Navy carrier.

So, if you are one who predicted that Iraq was a prime time foreign policy disaster - as I certainly did - perhaps it is time to move into gear into the newest chapter of the Iraq war book.

Unlike some famous, but unnamable, political figures who could not seem to decide whether they voted for the war or against it, for funding the war or for the war without funding it, or just for the Afghan war or for the Afghan war but only if it did or didn't go into Pakistan, yes, I was against it. And despite Sunday's moving elections, I remain against it.

When I spent considerable amounts of time in Iraq during the 1970s and '80s, I was driven close to madness by the silence of the people. I don't mean quietness of speech, or calmness of manner, or tranquility of mien. I mean utter, total, drear silence. Except for government interviews, no one would speak to you - at all. It was very much like the Soviet Union in those days, only more so.

Only once was I invited to a home. In this case, the home of a well-known and more or less government-approved writer. We all pretty much sat there for two hours, barely exchanging a sentence, while we wondered who would turn out to be the inevitable informer in our midst.

So for me, after we invaded Iraq, it seemed wondrous to see Iraqis actually SPEAK! But even that agreeable surprise was not enough. This war was, and is, still a mistake.

First, there were all the lies the American people were fed: Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction to be loosed soon upon the West! The neocon idea that Iraq would easily become a democracy and, even more than that, would then help democratize the entire Middle East. The presumption that we were "fighting al-Qaida there so we would not have to fight it at home."

These lies are as false today as they were yesterday. Saddam, a monster of magnitude, had boasted of such weapons only in order to terrify unfriendly and acquisitive neighbors like Iran. Nor is there any evidence whatsoever that these elections are having any influence on the rest of the region. And al-Qaida - was it ever in Iraq in any serious numbers?

Then there is the sheer cost of Iraq. One-idea fanatics like the American neocons don't bother their important little selves to think about the cost of their wars. Yet anyone else can rather easily figure out that these wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and now Pakistan have contributed decisively to our financial collapse - and will continue to.

The International Monetary Fund reported recently that at the turn of the 21st century, the United States was producing 32 percent of the world's gross domestic product, only to end the first decade producing 24 percent of the GDP. This marked the most dramatic decline in relative power of any nation in history except for the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War.

Add to this the degree to which the George W. Bush administration's and the neocons' obsession with going to war in Iraq, which had nothing to do with 9/11, deflected them from finding and defeating al-Qaida, the true authors of 9/11. If we fail in Afghanistan, there is little question that that failure will be due to our detouring through Baghdad and Basra to find al-Qaida Central.

New York Times writer Dexter Filkins reminisced recently in The New Republic about how we essentially threw Afghanistan away in the beginning with our obsession with defeating Saddam.

"It is useful, if a little sad," he wrote, "to recall just how complete the American-led victory was in the autumn of 2001. By December, the Taliban had vanished from Kabul, Kandahar, and much of the countryside. Afghans celebrated by flinging their turbans and dancing in the streets."

It is curious in America today - in a dramatic reversal of the parsimoniousness of our Founding Fathers - that we spend so little time thinking of what is valuable to us and what we can practically afford to do. Instead, we strike out in all directions, as if the Lord God Almighty had given us a Promised Land of Holy Credit Cards that will never come due.

And so, when something wrong goes somewhat right, like Sunday's elections in Iraq, we say, "Whew, it wasn't as bad as we thought," or, "Wow, we finally lucked out!" That's simply not enough for a great country like ours. 

Two former war-crimes specialists were recently hired as consultants for Guinea's military junta after it was accused of massacring civilians -- and produced a secret report downplaying the violence, Foreign Policy has confirmed.

David M. Crane, the former U.N. prosecutor for the Special Court in Sierra Leone, and his chief investigator, Alan W. White, were once on the front lines of the international effort to hold war criminals accountable for their misdeeds, securing an indictment in 2003 against the former Liberian warlord and president Charles Taylor.

The two American war-crimes specialists, who now run a consulting firm called CW Group International, LLC, recently used their expertise on behalf of the government of Guinea's former military leader, Moussa Dadis Camara, who stands accused by a U.N. commission of inquiry of responsibility for the Sept. 28, 2009, murder and disappearances of more than 156 civilian protesters in the country's national soccer stadium.

CW Group signed an agreement with Guinea's military junta on Oct. 15, three weeks after the massacre, to "conduct a confidential investigation into recent allegations of shootings and sexual assaults, including gang rapes, that occurred on September 28, at the national stadium." The findings of the investigation were first published early this week by the newsletter Africa Confidential, but Turtle Bay has independently obtained a copy of the secret report and secured the first interviews with Crane and White.

The report confirms that an elite Guinean presidential guard -- known by their red berets -- opened fire on opposition demonstrators at the national soccer stadium, and sexually assaulted women inside and outside of the stadium. But the death toll -- 59 -- and the scale of the violence described by Crane and White, is lower than that described by international human rights investigators. The report also downplays the role of the Guinean leadership in the killings or the abduction of scores of civilians and makes no mention of a coverup of the crimes, which has been claimed by the U.N. commission and Human Rights Watch. "Simply stated it appears from the facts extant that a crime against humanity was not committed by government forces on September 28th," the report states.

On the contrary, CW cites the efforts of key military commanders to defuse the standoff and to protect the opposition leaders who had gathered in the national stadium to protest Camara's effort to run for president in 2010. CW places some of its greatest emphasis on criticizing the country's opposition movement, Le Forum Des Forces Vives, for carrying out its demonstration in defiance of President Camara's wishes.

The report places most responsibility on the unit's commander, Lt. Aboubacar Cherif Diakite (a.k.a. Lt. Toumba), noting that President Camara had instructed the military to stay out of the stadium. "Those military personnel who responded to the stadium were in violation of a direct order issued by President Camara," the report stated. Lt. Toumba later told Radio France International that he shot President  Camara in retaliation for seeking to place the blame for the killings on him. Toumba is in hiding and Camara is receiving medical treatment in Burkina Faso.

"The CW report is a dishonest and misleading report, and it is shameful that persons formerly associated with the Sierra Leone Special Tribunal authored it," according to an international human rights researcher who investigated the massacre. "It is absolutely clear that they ignored evidence that was widely available to them, both in terms of the scale of the atrocities and the responsibility for the massacre. Their motives in writing a white-wash report for the Guinean authorities have to be questioned."

Crane and White deny that their report was a white wash. But it stands in stark contrast to the U.N.'s investigation, which is based on nearly 700 interviews with witnesses and government officials and concluded that forces under the command of President Camara launched a "widespread and systematic attack" against the demonstrators, killing more than 100 civilians in the stadium, including 40 whose bodies have never been recovered. The U.N. report -- which said the assault constituted crimes against humanity -- says at least 109 women were sexually assaulted, including several who were held for days by soldiers in sexual slavery, and hundreds of others were tortured. The U.N. commission found that "there is a prima facie case that President Camara incurred direct criminal responsibility in the perpetration of crimes."

An investigation by Human Rights Watch echoed those findings, concluding that Guinea's military rulers unleashed a premeditated massacre of more than 150 people in an attempt to silence the political opposition. It also documented an effort by the Guinean military authorities to cover up the crimes.

Crane acknowledged in an interview with Turtle Bay that his firm carried out the investigation in order to assess what had taken place in the national stadium, but that the intent was not to clear Camara of responsibility. He also said that his firm's report was merely a preliminary assessment of events that could change as further evidence came to light, including that provided by the U.N. and Human Rights Watch. He noted that the report called on Guinean authorities to set up a 15-member task force to conduct a more extensive investigation, and to interview the more than 1,350 people his report claimed were treated for injuries.

"There were no punches pulled," Crane said. "It was clear to us that crimes were committed against the Guinean people and had to be dealt with under domestic law and possibly international law. We certainly want to see justice for the Guinean people and particularly the victims."

While the report does not hold Camara personally responsible for the killings, Crane and White both insisted that the firm privately warned Camara that he bore ultimate responsibility for the crimes and had to prosecute those responsible for them. "Even though there's no direct evidence in the preliminary assessment that links you directly as commander and chief you are ultimately responsible," White recalled telling Camara. "We told him to his face if you do not take appropriate action and hold those responsible for what happened you could be held criminally responsible: plain and simple."

The two war-crimes experts first appeared on the international justice scene in 2002, when they were appointed to lead the U.N.-backed investigation against Charles Taylor on charges that he provided financial and political support to a ruthless rebel movement, the Revolutionary United Front, that was known for mutilating its victims.

The two men had previously served in the U.S. government for more than 30 years. Crane, now a professor at Syracuse University College of Law, rose within the Pentagon to become a senior inspector general in the Defense Department, and an assistant general counsel of the Defense Intelligence Agency. White served as the director of investigative operations for the Defense Criminal Investigative Services before joining the U.N. court.

Crane and White said their firm is committed to the same principles that drove its two founders to champion the cause of human rights in Sierra Leone. Their consultancy work in Guinea focuses on promoting human rights and the rule of law. In Guinea, the company proposed a plan in December to provide Guinean troops training in the laws of armed conflict, and to promote a series of good governance policies that would lead the country toward "free and fair elections," Crane said. The proposal was dropped after the assassination attempt against Camara. "We were pursuing international justice to ensure that impunity did not continue in Guinea."

Crane and White were paid for their confidential report, but wouldn't reveal how much. White said the amount was "inconsequential."

The two men also insisted that their work on behalf of the Guinean military junta did not constitute lobbying, which would require that they register as agents of a foreign government. "We are not lobbyists," said White. "They try to prop you up publicly. We didn't do that.... At the end of the day, our integrity and ethics and moral standards will never be compromised. We do believe in Africa and know they lack capacity." 

Over the past year, the cracks in Sri Lanka’s façade of liberal democracy have started to show. Filling them with money, be it through direct aid, encouraging trade or international loans, has obvious appeal. Sri Lanka’s lack of liberalism however, is not due to economic hardship; precisely why economic development will not lead to its salvation. In Sri Lanka money is merely used by the state to pursue its own fascist agenda.

Several months after the government claimed victory in the war with the Liberation Tigers, civilians continue to languish in camps or in temporary shelters with no access to jobs, houses or a living. The fact that conflict and discrimination have propelled many, Sinhalese and Tamil alike, into poverty is undeniable. The need for financial aid, through either aid agencies or economic development is accepted by all aware of the humanitarian situation. It is the method of administering it is questioned.

Any money,  be it through direct humanitarian aid, encouraging trade or international development loans eventually finds its way into the hands of the state. In a liberal democracy this economic boost should in theory, be distributed fairly across society in order to serve those most in need.

It is often argued that despite a state’s flaws, impeding the flow of money only accelerates economic descent, as well as disproportionately exacerbating the plight of the poorest.

Sri Lanka, despite its regular elections, does not represent our ideal of democracy. Society is not, in the eyes of the state, considered to be made up of equal individuals. The minority, vulnerable through numbers, is oppressed by state and people through the enforcement of the racial divide and by the sheer magnitude of the numbers of the majority. This discrimination is ratified through the distribution of parliamentary seats, through the access to jobs and upper echelons of society and through access to education opportunities. It is propagated through the generations through state propaganda and reinforcement of Sinhala fascist policies.

Many international analysts have long been critical of the Sri Lankan government’s lack of transparency and accountability. Despite money being allocated for development projects, improved infrastructure and industry have for too long remained pipedreams, with the money assigned to unfinished projects left unaccounted for – or disappearing into the pockets of politicians who use it to maintain their families or their patron client networks.

After the tsunami, aid agencies expressed concern over the disparity in aid distribution, with a consistent leaning towards the Sinhala south over the Tamil North and East regions. Even now whilst the state perpetuates the poverty of Tamil civilians by forcibly maintaining their refugee status within camps, there have been numerous reports of newly built Buddhist temples and Sinhala colonies in the traditional Tamil homelands of the North and East.

In order to alleviate the immediate suffering of the poorest, the government must welcome international and Diaspora aid agencies into the country and allow them to take responsibility of aid distribution and allocation themselves.

The Sri Lankan state, with decades of Tamil genocide hidden in its closet, is hardly a trustworthy recipient of aid.

Despite claiming victory last year, the intolerance of dissent and stifling of individual freedoms has only worsened. Instead of fostering peace the government has focused its efforts and finances on state control. This is why the EU’s decision to withdraw the GSP+ trade concession, based on Sri Lanka’s failure to fulfil its commitment to UN human rights conventions, is to be applauded. Although it is a tax relief rather than a direct sum of money, it nonetheless allows the government to mask its failing economy and irresponsible use of the state’s finances.

Some analysts however have criticised the EU’s move, claiming that the most prudent position would be one of simply doing no harm.

The idea that Britain should keep quiet and increase trading with Sri Lanka, in order to surround it within a circle of democratic countries and exert a positive, liberal influence on Sri Lanka is quixotic. Sri Lanka was not in want of democratic trading friends, when driven by a need to defend its ever more brazen abuse of human rights, it chose to make new friends with those that shared similar views. Indeed it was from within that very circle did Sri Lanka fall so spectacularly from grace. 

Juxtapose the government’s proposed 20% increase in the country’s military budget with the recent claim by Gordon Weiss, a former UN official, that the Sri Lankan government slaughtered upto 40,000 Tamil civilians last year and the idea of feeding the Sri Lankan purse whilst turning a blind eye to its genocidal expenses is not only irresponsible but morally corrupt.

In Sri Lanka money is fungible and no one is held to account. It is a state that does not share our view of liberalism and has repeatedly massacred thousands based upon its fascist views.

A pragmatic ally in these circumstances is nothing but a willing accomplice.

David Miliband