The plight of our people has been steadily reaching newer levels. And, after being an observer with a hands-off approach, I decided to do something about it. I became proactive - in small ways. As a mother of two young children living in Sydney, Australia and having many commitments, it was not easy to change my inaction - but I did. I firmly believe now, that if we all do our little part and started working towards a common vision, that vision will and must materialize. I realise there’s spiritual element to this as well, and of course some people are skeptical when it comes to these things. But I still wanted share my simple suggestions at the end of this article, with other ordinary people who, like I used to be, are a bit lost when it comes to how they can help.

It all began in 1983 for me. Following the horrifying experience of the riots, I remember the first time my family settled in Jaffna. I remember the 3 day ship journey to Jaffna, the light blue waters of the KKS harbour and the village school where my family was given bread and potato curry. How lovingly the senior students – my people - served the food to us. How good the food tasted, especially after being in a crowded ship for 3 days and having experienced sea sickness.

Children are resilient and if given the chance they bounce back. I soon forgot and overcame the bad memories thanks to my people and Jaffna. I was just a little girl and I was swept away by the simple beauty of my hometown Chavakachcheri – the lush paddy fields, the tall palmyrahs, the mango groves and the hot white sand that made me hop and jump when I tried walking barefoot to the kovil close by. Jaffna healed me and my horrific memories of the riots. Jaffna saved me in many ways. Jaffna taught me culture, the beauty in living close to nature, the importance of an ecologically sustainable living and embedded in me deep spiritual beliefs.

Then I remember how the war started. Little by little and then all in a rush. The many atrocities that happened. I remember the first time a loved one got killed. I remember a friend who was arrested and disappeared. I remember a childhood acquaintance who was later gang-raped and murdered by Sri Lankan soldiers – became to be known as the Krishanthy Kumarasamy case.

I remember proudly waving at Indian soldiers only to be terrified of them a few months afterwards. What a betrayal by India! But more was to come. I remember how stupidly and naively I voted for Chandrika Kumarutunga when I moved back to Colombo, having just turned 18 and got voting rights, trusting the South to deliver peace as they promised. Instead, the war intensified under Chandrika’s regime and I lost a beloved cousin of mine who had just entered University - her body blown into pieces in one of the many aerial bombings by the Sri Lankan Air Force in the North. How naïve I was in hoping that a Sinhalese government would deliver peace to the Tamil people.

Then, now in a new millennium and in another country, I got sadder and angrier as I read the latest news or heard from people who visited Sri Lanka. I could almost feel the terror that our people are experiencing on a daily basis - It was almost palpable. We cannot trust our enemy one little bit nor should we let them get away with what they have done to us. Let our fighters carry on with what they are doing but meanwhile, I decided that I need to do my part – in whatever small ways I can.

When we look at the Tamil Diaspora, some of us still lay our hopes on the International Community - I am not saying it’s a bad thing but it should not be the only thing. Some of us wait for some sort of miracle to happen. Some of us feel absolutely hopeless and pessimistic. Some of us feel tortured to live this way – reading the news of our homeland, feeling angry and depressed – then only to get distracted by trivial things in daily life. Only a rare few Tamils undertake the weight on their shoulders and do more than their part in helping our homeland. They are the dedicated people who though living abroad have not forgotten their duty. These people of the Tamil Diaspora are true leaders and beacons of hope.

However, most of us do nothing. I have friends who simply sigh and change the topic or don’t talk about it anymore. Even worse, I have friends who don’t even give it a second thought. They like to believe that they have lots of rights in Australia. They thrive in the small things of daily lives and happily chat in English with their kids. One part of our future generation is being utterly traumatised in Sri Lanka, while the other part (or to be fair, the majority of other part) is growing up oblivious to what’s happening to their brethren back home.

So I put together a simple plan on how I (a housewife and a mother) can change my habits, and then I acted on it. It was a very liberating experience for me. Small things can make a big difference. Hence, I share my thoughts with and for the people who might have adopted a “hands-off” approach (like I did before) or “looking the other way” approach.

Act 1 - Get in touch with the North East. Help relatives and friends in North East.

Almost all of my close relatives are living abroad. But I took some trouble to get contact details of distant relatives in Sri Lanka. I contacted my mother’s second cousin’s family in the North, whom I met only once in my life when I visited them as a child. They were just so happy that I remembered them and called. Now we are in touch at least via mail. I called a long lost relative in Batticola. For two decades, the people of the East have experienced the worst of Sinhalese brutality in terms of large scale massacres. This is due to geographical proximity as well other factors which has made them more vulnerable. My relative in Batticola was ecstatic that I called. As far as I am concerned, a two way communication was helpful to both parties. I feel connected. Also, sending a small amount of money goes a long way. In these horrific times, they need all the help that they can get. Initially, I felt ashamed that I didn’t contact these people before. But better late than never.

Act 2 - Help the charities that do work in the North East

About 5 years ago, I realised if I can afford to spend $20 a month on McDonalds, I can sponsor a child. So I sponsored this little girl through Foster Parents Plan. The country they chose was Bangladesh. 5 years on, I still felt so happy of my decision whenever I got a letter or picture from her. So later, I started to donate to the orphanages in Vanni directly through a friend who is personally involved with the orphanages. I allocated a small percentage of my salary for this purpose. I also started contributing in Tamil events and through Tamil organizations using common sense and a bit of trust. In doing so, I brushed aside a long felt concern - “I really need to know how and where my money is going”. A quote from one of my favourite writers comes to mind.

“You often say, ‘I would give, but only to the deserving’.
The trees in your orchard say not so, nor the flocks in your pasture.
They give that they may live, for to withhold is to perish” – Kalil Gibran

I felt that if we don’t give now (our time, money and energy) to our people back at home, our culture and our nationhood might perish eventually. Once I started giving my time, money and energy in small ways, I felt more confident in terms of futures results.

Act 3 - Boycott Sri Lankan goods

Self explanatory - just check the label of whatever you buy. For example, I stopped buying MD brand that I used to use a lot.

Act 4 - Write to local MPs, NGOs and to the media.

Get details of your local MP and engage them. Write to them regularly or schedule a fact to face meeting so that after a while, they get to know you and a relationship can be formed. I started writing to NGOs and the media, and was amazed at some of the responses that I got. They really like to hear from ordinary people. I feel that I doing my part educating people. This takes maybe 1 or 2 hours of my time per week. And I do believe, if many people start doing this, it could be a powerful factor.

Act 5 - Teach our children Tamil language. Teach them the ancient and recent history of Tamil homeland.

This is a very important point for two reasons. The next generation of children needs to be aware. They will have to carry on the struggle of rebuilding our nation once we are no longer here. Also, teaching our children our language and history is not only beneficial for our people back home, but also good for our children’s self concept, self image and identity (regardless of age).

Act 6 - Don’t imagine the worse or NOT try something out because of an assumption.

I have a friend who says with gloom “even if Tamil Eelam materialises it’ll be a bad state. We will destroy ourselves”. Would you give a 10 months old child a can of coke just because “he’s going to be doing that anyway when he is 18” (I actually heard a father say that and I feel sorry for both him and the kid!). This kind of logic is flawed. We can’t give up on things by imagining a bad future. You nurture and nourish a plant so that it’ll be bear good fruits. We’ll just have to heal with love and hope.


Act 7 - Think collectively and truly identify with North East as Tamil Eelam.

We need to think collectively and truly identify with North East as Tamil Eelam. Our thoughts and actions stemming from this identity will have far reaching consequences. Freedom is ours to take - not something that we need to ask from somebody else. Once we start believing in Tamil Eelam, it will materialize. Meanwhile, I feel better when I introduce myself as a “Tamil from the North East of Sri Lanka now referred to as Tamil Eelam by us” – a rather long winded answer to the simple question “where are you originally from?” But I still feel good saying it. I used to say “Sri Lankan”.

We might have a few dilemmas. For example, we might not have a flag and song that is recognised by others. Recently, the Principal of my daughter’s school had a bright new idea. In order to reflect the cultural diversity at the local school, he wanted to display the different flags of the different nations the children’s families were coming from. It was an extremely nice thought! But I did not feel like giving the Sri Lankan flag nor could I give our flag with the Tiger emblem on it since it may not be perceived as a national flag. I felt really troubled and at the end had to tell the Principal that we didn’t want any representation by flags. So we do have road blocks in this area and we need to work on that but I still rather identify with our unborn nation than to be identified with Sri Lanka - even for formalities. This was an important psychic change.


Act 8 - Positive visualisation

Positive visualisation is not just day dreaming or just hoping, but actually visualising the final goal in mind so that we can work towards it. I have practiced this in my personal life with good results. Once I drew a picture of a goal that I wanted (a seemingly impossible goal at that time), put it in my study room, and every day reflected on it for couple of minutes. This clarified things in my mind. This helped and kept me in focus on what I wanted to achieve and what needs to be done on a daily basis - all the small steps that I had to do in order to achieve this big goal.

Nowadays, I also visualise visiting my hometown (now the home of a big army camp) and see what has to be done from my part in order to achieve this. This last point (positive visualisation) kind of encompasses all of the above points: Visualise -> Get Proactive -> Act; Visualise -> Get Proactive -> Act. I visualise my family visiting my mother’s cousin’s family in Jaffna and having lunch with them. I visualise my kids playing together with theirs! This may seem a bit far fetched but I truly believe that the Universe will respond to my thoughts as well as my actions. I believe we can create our own future if we really want to. We just have to start off this process by being proactive first. The rest will follow.

Some skeptics might call me a dreamer. But I rather dream than despair. I rather believe than be cynical. I rather pray and plead to the Universe, than to turn the other way and pretend everything is fine - as the Tamil saying goes “Prayers that are said for the common good always work”. I rather act and consequently feel good about myself for the small yet powerful deeds that I am doing in helping out my people. It’s all worth it in the end.

Sri Lankan military’s Deep Penetration Unit targeted a bus ferrying children from a sports event in Vanni killing 20 people including 11 children.

A critically injured boy receives treatment.

On Tuesday January 29, 20 civilians, including 11 school children, a teacher of Thadchanaamaruthamadu Roman Catholic Tamil Mixed School, the driver, conductor and two hospital workers were killed and 14 wounded when a Deep Penetration Unit of Sri Lanka Army triggered a Claymore mine targeting the bus carrying school children in Madu division of the Liberation Tigers of Tamileelam controlled territory. Eight school children were among the wounded.

Dr Vettinathan, a local medical official told the BBC News website: "There are about 20 casualties (in hospital)...four or five of the victims are in a serious condition. There is one doctor in the hospital."

Bishop Rayappu Joseph told the BBC that the bus travelling near the town of Mannar was hit by a claymore mine in an area controlled by the Tamil Tigers.

The bus was 1 km away from Madu church, after having picked up the children at Thadchanaamaruthamadu and was on its way to Paalampiddi from Madu.

Bishop Joseph said victims of the attack had been taken to Pallamadu hospital, south-west of Mannar.

The principal of the displaced Chinna Pandivirichchaan school, S.M.G Lambert, 46, was one of the 12 critically wounded, transferred to Muzhankaavil. He was one of the seven severely wounded patients who were later transferred to Kilinochchi hospital. Two of them succumbed to their injuries on the way. Dead bodies of the two victims were handed over to Akkaraayan hospital.

Rev. Fr. Emilianus Pillai, from Madu Church, told TamilNet that tension prevailed at the attack site as SLA started firing artillery shells after the explosion, causing panic among the civilians who were helping the victims.

The head of the rebels' peace secretariat, S Pulithevan, told the BBC that the children were returning from a sports meeting.
He said that seven adults, including teachers, were among the dead and blamed the Sri Lankan military for planting a roadside bomb.
The Sri Lankan military, however, denied any involvement.
In a letter to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, B. Nadesan, head of the political wing of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), said the army's Deep Penetration Unit had "deliberately" targeted the school bus.
"Since the present president of Sri Lanka took office in November 2005, 2,056 Tamil civilians, including 132 Tamil children, have been massacred by the state forces," he added.

He said the government had not only abrogated the truce it signed in 2002 with the LTTE but had "adamantly" refused to allow UN human rights monitoring in the war zone.

Nadesan claimed that the LTTE had cooperated with Norwegian peace brokers and declared its commitment to the truce pact "100 percent".

"It should be obvious to the international community that there is only one path open to regain the rights of the Tamil people and that is for the international community to recognise the sovereignty of the Tamil nation," Nadesan said.

Tamils Rehabilitation Organization (TRO) condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the gruesome, terrorist attack by a Sri Lanka Army (SLA) Deep Penetration Unit (DPU) on a civilian bus travelling to Paalampiddi from Madhu at 2:25 on 29 January 2008. The attack killed 20 people, 11 of whom school children, and injured 14, eight of whom were children.

As the victims are buried, TRO wishes to convey our condolences to the victims and their families. This attack has plunged the population of the entire region into mourning and is a grave breach of the most fundamental tenets of humanity. Such targeted attacks on civilians are forbidden under international humanitarian law and are never acceptable. The Government of Sri Lanka must stop any direct or indiscriminate attacks on civilians.

It is unfortunate that the Co-Chairs (United States, Japan, Norway, European Union), international human rights and humanitarian organization and Sri Lankan Civil Society have chosen to remain silent and not vociferously condemn this attack. The international community seems to have given the Government of Sri Lanka carte blanche to prosecute its war against the Tamil people.

This is the 7th Claymore mine attack by the SLA DPU’s on civilians in the LTTE controlled areas. These attacks have in total killed 40 persons and injured 22. Amongst the dead there have been 18 school children, one priest, 1 doctor, 2 nurses and a TRO humanitarian worker. The attacks, which are described below, have targeted ambulances (twice), humanitarian vehicles (twice), a mobile medical health service (twice) and a civilian bus.

SLA DPU Attacks:

27 November 2007: Seven school girls, three male volunteers and the driver of the van who were providing rural first aid service, were killed in an Claymore mine attack carried out by an SLA DPU unit while travelling on the Kokkaavil - Thunukkai Road

25 November 2007: An ambulance from the Muzhangkaavil hospital was the target of a SLA DPU Claymore attack at Mudkompan. The driver of the ambulance, Thavaseelan (29), was seriously wounded in the attack. The ambulance was engaged in providing medical service to displaced civilians.

26 September 2007: Rev. Fr. Nicholaspillai Packiyaranjith, 40, the Mannar district coordinator of Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) was killed by a SLA DPU Claymore attack the Mankulam - Vellankulam road. The Reverend was engaged in humanitarian relief work and was transporting baby milk and other essential humanitarian supplies for displaced children.

09 August 2006: The SLA DPU attacked yet another ambulance killing a medical doctor, his wife, two nurses and the driver. The ambulance, from Nedunkerni hospital, was hit by three Claymore mines in a row.

08 June 2006: Four health officials, including a nurse and the driver of the vehicle, from the Tamil Eelam Health Service Mobile Medical Service, were wounded at Akkarayan when an SLA DPU team exploded a Claymore mine.

24 March 2006: TRO humanitarian worker Muthuraja Aruleswaran, was killed and 3 TRO directors, including the Assistant Executive Director of the TRO, Vadivel Ravichandran, 38, were wounded in the attack.

A powerful explosion tore through a bus at Dambulla in north-central Sri Lanka, killing at least 18 people and injuring 51 others.

Military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara said, on Saturday February 2, a blast inside the private bus that was heading to north-central Anuradhapura city from Kandy occurred at 7.05 a.m. local time at a bus stand in Dambulla town, 148 kms from Colombo.

The ill-fated bus left Kandy at 5:15 am, with around 90 passengers at the time – three of them children – and by the time it got to Dambulla, there were almost 100 people on board. It was then that tragedy struck, which stopped the bus in its tracks, turning it into a deathbed.

The parcel bomb, left on an overhead rack of the long-distance bus, was set off using a mobile phone, a police spokesman said.

"We have information that two people got off the bus before the bomb went off," police Deputy Inspector-General Kingsley Ekanayaka said. "We are trying to track them down. A search is underway."

Bus driver Rohana Wijesiri said he was taking about 100 passengers to Anuradhapura.

"When we were passing Dambulla there was a huge blast and the door near my seat got blown away," Wijesiri said.

“It all happened very fast. There was an explosion and I could not even stop the bus. It stopped by itself due to the explosion. My door was open and I jumped out,” he said.

The top and sides of the bus were ripped apart in the force of the blast. A severed hand could be seen among the blood-stained bags, glass and other debris strewn several yards from the vehicle.

"I do not remember what happened next, but I was running on the road. I saw my conductor fallen on the ground. He, too, got up and started running with me. People were screaming and it was chaotic," Wijesiri said.

"As it (the bus) came near me, I heard thunder. I got thrown away," said Kankeaarachige Michael, a 52-year-old businessman, who was standing by the road when the blast occurred.

"When I saw blood gushing out of my body, I realised it was a bomb," Michael said at Dambulla Base Hospital where he was being treated.

Mallika Wickramasuriya (72), was one of those travelling to Anuradhapura. She boarded the ill-fated bus, along with her sister, in Kandy.

“My ears are hurting, my chest is also hurting. There was a big explosion and I saw fire. I tried to get out of the bus, but two people fell on me. They were dead. I saw their wounds bleeding. My sister sustained chest injuries,” she said.

“My National Identity Card and all other belongings are in the bus,” she added with difficulty. She could barely hear, due to eardrum injuries.

“I heard an explosion and I rushed to the place. I saw a body lying on the ground with an eye missing. Many people were screaming for help. We found 13 bodies immediately and the casualties were taken to the hospital. There were three children in the bus. One was taken to the hospital by us,” Channa Priyantha Opatha, an eye-witness told The Nation newspaper.

The bodies were mostly burnt and blackened, with sections missing. Some had gaping holes in their chest and upper body areas.



According to police, 150 people have been interrogated in relation to the incident. Sixteen were taken into custody after searching nearly 280 houses in the Naula area, DIG Central Division Kingsley Ekanayake said.

Condemning the bombing as "an act of savagery", President Mahinda Rajapaksa urged the Sinhalese majority not to be provoked by the "brutality" of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

Sri Lankan leaders are gung-ho about capturing by the year-end the country's northern regions the Tamil Tigers now control.

But ground realities do not match the optimism, say military observers who are predicting a military stalemate rather than an outright victory for either party.

Army chief Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka has declared he would not hand over the 'terrorist problem' to his successor when he retires at the end of this year. Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, President Mahinda Rajapaksa's brother, has vowed to kill Tamil Tigers chief Velupillai Prabhakaran.

The president claims that the armed forces have notched up 'unprecedented victories' in the past two years, that the bastions of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been falling rapidly, and that only 'one and a half districts' remain with the rebels.

Indeed, the capture of the eastern province from the LTTE and the destruction of a number of LTTE ships were spectacular achievements. These have helped keep public morale high in the largely Sinhalese-speaking southern Sri Lanka, the key political constituency of President Rajapaksa.

However, since mid-2007, the Sri Lankan ground forces have not been able to show any notable successes, giving rise to fears among military observers that there could be a prolonged stalemate, leading to public disillusionment.

The operations in Mannar in the northwest began Sep 23 last year. The aim was to capture Viduthaltivu, 16 km to the north.

But after four months of fighting, only eight kilometres have been taken, a military expert who did not want to be identified told IANS. “And this is just the periphery of the periphery.”

The armed forces are actually bogged down in the north over a wide swath of territory, ranging from Mannar in the northwest to Weli Oya and Nagarkovil in the northeast.

The government forces are making determined efforts to break through the first and second lines of defence of the LTTE. The best troops and equipment are being deployed.

But the Tigers are offering 'very' stiff resistance, reliable sources said.

An estimated 50,000 troops are stationed in the Jaffna peninsula in the northern tip.

But, strangely, these are not being deployed to break through Thenmarachchi, in the Jaffna region, capture the Elephant Pass, a narrow isthmus that links Jaffna to the Sri Lankan mainland, and threaten the LTTE holed up in the Vanni, as the northern region minus Jaffna is known.

To relieve the pressure on itself in the north and divert the energies of the government forces, the LTTE is counter-attacking at Weli Oya in the northeast. It has also shelled Palaly, the only air base in the Jaffna peninsula, forcing the government to cancel Jaffna-Colombo flights.

More importantly, the Tigers have been staging small-scale terrorist attacks all over southern Sri Lanka, including Colombo.

Claymore mine attacks and suicide bombing missions have been conducted over a very wide area, from Kebetigollewa and Weli Oya at the northern end, to Buttala and Yala in the deep south; and from Colombo in the west to Kanjikudichcharu in the eastern district of Amparai.

And although the LTTE is said to have been driven out of the east, it took over the Special Task Force camp in Bakmityawa in Amparai district Monday, albeit briefly.

While the ambitious plan to capture the entire northern province by year-end is keeping thousands of government troops tied up along a wide northern front, the need for fresh troops in the beleaguered south is increasing.

“Apart from an estimated 50,000 in Jaffna, the newly captured 2,000 sq km in the east would need another 100,000 troops. Yala would need about 4,000. All this constitutes half the land area of Sri Lanka,” said retired Air Chief Marshal Harry Goonetileke.

“The total needs could be 250,000 troops, without taking into account the all-important Colombo region that will need another 100,000.”

This raises costs.

“In 2007, the defence budget was SLRs. 139 billion ($1.3 billion). But the actual expenditure was 20 percent more. The spending this year is expected to be SLRs. 166 billion ($1.5 billion),” Goonetileke said.

Added Muttukrishna Sarvananthan of the Point Pedro Institute of Development: “And this is happening in the context of aid cuts by several Western countries.”

But President Rajapaksa insists that the West and India are backing him and that there has been no aid cut.

This is the moderate position on Eelam: Eelam is your right. It is not a gift, not an act of charity but something that is already yours. As with all things, you can claim it or lose it. Others can try to take it away from you but that would constitute an assault, a theft.

When the founding fathers of America made the case for their nation, they did not rely on a cultural identity that had evolved over thousands of years. They did not rely on a common language, let alone a few thousand years of a shared literary heritage. They did not even rely on the concept of a traditional homeland. For, they had none of these on their side.

They relied instead on something more intrinsic and universal. They relied on the rights of man.
And so to quote from Thomas Paine, who articulated the concept most clearly in his seminal book of the same name:
"The fact therefore must be that the individuals themselves, each in his own personal and sovereign right, entered into a compact with each other to produce a government: and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arise, and the only principle on which they have a right to exist …"
It follows that, by these principles, the nation of Eelam, can have and does need only one form of legitimacy: a compact entered by the people who choose to belong to that nation.
Of course, those of us, who have a few thousand years of historical cohesion as a "civilisation", a common culture and heritage, and more recently a shared history of oppression and injustice, to bind us together, may not feel the need to explicitly enter into a "compact" with each other; we may take it for granted that it exists and that it has done so implicitly for millennia.

Nevertheless it important to remember that this "compact" or agreement is all that is required. Think of it as similar to saying "I do" in a wedding ceremony, except there is no officiating priest, only ourselves.
Eelam exists because we do.

Furthermore, according to the principles of Paine, where a government arises which contradicts the compact, it is illegitimate. So if the Tamils of Sri Lanka have an agreement with each other to form a government, then any claim by the Sinhalese that they are the "appropriate" government for us is illegitimate.

Eelam exists because we can.
It follows that one nation cannot be "given" to another. So for example the British colonial administrators could not have "given" the Tamil nation to the nation of Sri Lanka. It was not theirs to give. Neither can the International community, today, give us Eelam. It is not theirs to give. Neither is it theirs to deny.
Thomas Paine went on to elaborate on why he believes this right to form a government exists. He argues that in their natural state, humans are social creatures; that it is in their best interests to congregate in societies.

One reason for this is the diversification of talent: it is in man's best interest to specialise in his area of talent and to rely on the different talents and abilities of others. So a social structure where each person contributes something useful to society: a doctor, a priest, a teacher and so forth arises naturally. It is in man's best interests to trade with each other and to regulate trade in some manner.
In fact that governments are hardly required except to fulfil certain duties that might in exceptional cases be otherwise neglected.

And so he says: "The more perfect civilisation is, the less occasion has it for government, because the more does it regulate its own affairs, and govern itself."
And from here, we can see that those geopolitical actors who do not benefit from the existence of Eelam, but whose own forms of government, and in the case of the United States, whose very existence is based on the principles enunciated by Paine, have only one line of attack:
They can say that the Tamils, do not really want Eelam. We can call this the "Only we know what you want" argument.

They can say that the Tamil "civilisation", to use Thomas Paine's formulation, is not ready to govern itself, that we lack 'capacity'. We call this the "you are too primitive" argument.
But because the second argument cannot stand on its own, the first is the foundation to their attack.
For the international bureaucrats, the foreign secretaries, ambassadors, ministers - the Robert Blakes, Kim Howells etc - of this world know, that the basis of their own legitimacy, the legitimacy of their states and governments arise from Paine's principles.

Hence they also know they have no right to deny the people of Eelam their right should they wish to claim it.
However, in pursuit of their own selfish interests, they tell us that we don't really want Eelam. They tell us that the "moderate" Tamil has entered into a "compact" (to quote Paine) to be governed by the brutal Rajapakse government, the Wickremasinghe government or in the past the Jeyawardene government, the numerous Bandaranaikes (SW, Sirimavo, Chandrika) and so on.

They then point out all the disadvantages of Eelam. Junior minister Kim Howell told the British Parliament last month that partition would be bloody, for example.

Some roll out a number of other issues: the borders are too long, the future will be unstable (as if it could be any more unstable than it currently is); there will be anarchy because "you" do not know how to run a government (as if it is easy to form a government worse than the current, un-chosen Sinhala chauvinist one); it will not be economically viable (as if the current semi starvation in Jaffna or chronic displacement in the East is a state of economic well being).

There are other ways in which they tell us that the "compact" for Eelam is a bad idea. They say that the pro-Eelam position is "extremist".

Extremist? Holocaust denial is extremist. The denial of some Israelis of the Palestinians` right to exist in their own homelands might be extremist. A belief that we should all live under a new global "caliphate" or Islamic government with Islamic law, the Al Qaeda position, might be extremist. The belief that one may arbitrarily invade another people's land and take control of their resources, otherwise known as the "Bush Doctrine", might be taken as extremist.

In short, what is extremist is to take away from others what belongs to them.
But asserting the rights of man? The same rights asserted by the founding father of the United States of America? Claiming a right which according to all the current norms belongs to us already? This is extremist?

Well even for a propaganda war aimed at a "primitive" people incapable of forming a government, this is a little disingenuous.

And further, in line with the "too primitive" argument, they tell us that the Tamils do not have a feasible government in waiting. They say that the LTTE is "authoritarian", that it will be too unacceptable to the international community.

But, the point is that the Tamils have a right to choose their own government and they will exercise that right once Eelam is declared, perhaps even making mistakes along the way. But that too is the prerogative of the people of Eelam.

Meanwhile, the 'extremists' can be subject to ruthless violence. The international community is silent as the Sinhalese silence those who speak for Eelam: journalists, members of parliament, rights activists, aid workers. They may support the stationing of an occupying Sinhala army in Jaffna so the people there can understand what good governance is.

Yet for all their dissembling, the "international community" know they have no right to deny the people of Eelam their right should the people of Eelam stand up to claim it.

For Eelam is not a gift. It is not something one begs for or pleads for, or lobbies for. It is an agreement between a people. A right cannot be granted or revoked, but it can be exercised. Eelam is a decisive act.
Consequently, the United Nations cannot "give" us Eelam. They can merely decide, after the event whether they will "recognise" it: by this is meant whether they will allow it to vote in their resolutions, or sit on their committees such as the Human Rights Committee on which Sri Lanka, laughably, has a membership.
So there is only one answer from the moderate Tamil to the international community, which cuts through the fog of deception:

"We understand that Eelam is our right and the right of our children. We decide to claim it, on behalf of ourselves, and our generations to come. We and only we decide its existence. We will not be deceived by 'compromises' or cowed into not claiming that which is ours. We, the people, are Eelam. Accept it."

Sri Lanka has received six tenders from three foreign companies for oil exploration in its northwestern offshore Mannar basin, the country’s petroleum resource minister said on Thursday.

The blocks being put up for bids are estimated to contain 1 billion barrels of oil and would significantly alter the country’s energy sector and economy.

According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, the country imports about 15 million barrels of crude each year, and also buys about 15 million barrels of oil products from abroad annually.

"We have got six tenders. They are from Cairn India (CAIL.BO: Quote, Profile, Research), ONGC Videsh (ONGC.BO: Quote, Profile, Research) from India and Nico Resources from Cyprus," Minister A.H.M. Fowzie told Reuters.

"All three companies have bid for the first block, while Cairn India and Nico Resources have bid for the second block. The third block has received only one bid from Nico Resources."

The first block is the smallest out of the three with 3338.1 square kilometres, while the third block is the largest with an area of 4126.5 square kilometres.

Sri Lanka has eight exploration blocks in the Mannar basin, three of which are to be given for exploration once the government decides on a successful bidder.

Two have been assigned to China and India on nomination basis and the government plans to delay bidding on the last three blocks to get higher revenue, Reuters reported.

Oil and Natural Gas Corp (ONGC), which was offered the block nominated to India said in September it was not interested in the assigned block, citing low prospectivity and the fact that Sri Lanka was asking for a big signature bonus.

The Sri Lankan government later said it would negotiate with ONGC for a new oil block. The outcome of the negotiation has not yet been revealed.

The bidding process was closed last Thursday and the government expects to select the best three bidders by April 2008 and to start the oil exploration process by August.

Last year the United States awarded a grant of US$474,000 to Sri Lanka’s ministry of Finance and Planning to develop the country’s oil and gas sector.

The non-oil producing country expects its first commercial crude oil production by 2010.

Prior to the bidding, the Sri Lankan government had said oil exploration licences would be awarded to firms that can provide most advanced technological and economic benefit to Sri Lanka.

A 35 percent tax from net profit, 10 percent royalty fee of annual production revenue, and allowing the planned National Oil Exploration Company to invest 10 percent in exploration activities were the conditions put forwarded by the government.

Signature bonds, production bonds, and profit sharing ratio are to be considered in selecting the best three bidders.

Roadshows to attract investors were held in London, Houston and Kuala Lumpur in September last year.

The government says seismic data shows more than a billion barrels of oil lie under the sea off Sri Lanka's northwest coast, though no reserves have yet been proven.

If proven, the reserves would be a major boost for the war-torn country, which produces no oil and imported $2.2 billion worth in the first 11 months of 2007.

In addition to developing the oil and gas sector in Sri Lanka India and China are also assisting development of other energy sectors by building coal-fired power plants.

The Chinese government is helping Sri Lanka build its first coal-fired power plant at Norocholai, north of capital Colombo, as the island seeks cheaper electricity.

India's largest power company, in December 2006 signed an agreement to build a 500 megawatt coal-fired power plant in the northeast of Sri Lanka.

The head of the LTTE political wing has written to the Secretary General of the United Nations, urging him to "recognize Tamil sovereignty as a constructive approach to end the unending five decades long, large scale, and serious rights violations against the Tamil people."

"The pace of civilian killing by the Sri Lankan State, after unilaterally abrogating the ceasefire agreement of February 2002, after evicting the ceasefire monitoring mission, the SLMM, and after adamantly refusing to allow UN human rights monitoring body continues to increase,” said Mr. B. Nadesan in his letter to Mr. Ban Ki-Moon on January 30.

“The response of the Sri Lankan State to the concerns raised by senior UN officials about the rights violations has been uncivilized to say the least. It has responded to the concerns raised by many senior UN officials by calling these UN officials "terrorists" and "colonizers". In effect the Sri Lankan State is repulsing all efforts by the international community to rectify the appalling rights situation in this island,” he noted.

"The Sri Lankan State unilaterally abrogated many of the agreements that were made even within the six year ceasefire period. These include, agreement reached during the early peace talks to address the immediate humanitarian needs of the war affected Tamils, agreement reached on de-escalation according to the ceasefire, and the agreement signed for rebuilding the tsunami affected areas,” the letter pointed out.

Stating that the Tigers have ensured that there were no underage members in the movement and that the LTTE has respected the efforts made by the international community to rectify the rights situation, Mr. Nadesan said the LTTE has "demonstrated its readiness to cooperate with the international community."

"We wish to emphasize to you that all along we have respected the efforts made by the international community to rectify the rights situation and to bring peace in this island. Respecting the international norms we have entirely eliminated those under the age of 18 becoming members of our organization,” the letter said.

"We have consistently called for the 100 percent implementation of the internationally supported ceasefire agreement of February 2002 for regaining the rights of the Tamils. We also cooperated fully with the Norwegian facilitators, respecting the wishes of the international community, in drafting and implementing the above mentioned agreements, that on immediate humanitarian relief, that on de-escalation and that on post tsunami reconstruction, that were later abrogated by the Sri Lankan State,” Nadesan said.

"It should be obvious to the international community by now that our organization has demonstrated its readiness to cooperate with the international community. It should also be obvious to the international community that there is only one path open to regain the rights of the Tamil people and that is for the international community to recognize the sovereignty of the Tamil nation,” the letter said.

"We, therefore, urge you to consider recognizing Tamil sovereignty as a constructive approach to end the unending five decades long, large scale, and serious rights violations against the Tamil people," Mr. Nadesan concluded.


Mr. Nadesan, in his letter to Mr. Ban, also drew his attention to the claymore attack by the Sri Lanka Army Deep Penetration Unit in Madu and other earlier attacks.

"On 28 January 2008 at 2.30pm, a Sri Lankan military Deep Penetration Unit attacked a civilian bus on the Madhu-Palampiddy road in the Mannar district killing eighteen civilians including twelve children. The attackers would have known that buses at that time carry school children returning home from school. This attack on a bus with scores of children, therefore, deliberately targeted the children. Among the eighteen civilians killed were twelve children aged from 8 to 16.

"Just three weeks ago on 4 January, in an aerial bombing of Uppupukulam village in the Mullaithivu district, seven children ranging in age from 3 to 16 were among those injured. Just two months ago, on 27 November, in another claymore attack on a van arrying school children trained in first aid, six children were among those killed. On that same day in an aerial bombing of the Voice of Tigers radio building three children traveling on the road were among those killed. Just two days prior to this, in an aerial bombing on the village of Tharmapuram in the Mullaithivu district three children were among those killed. On the 8th of that same month one child was killed and another lost his leg in an aerial bombing of the village of Alampil in the Mullaithivu district.

"The deliberate targeting of Tamil civilians by the Sri Lankan State has continued even through the nearly six year period of the ceasefire agreement signed in February 2002. Since the present President of Sri Lanka took office in November 2005, 2056 Tamil civilians including 132 Tamil children have been massacred by the Sri Lankan State forces.

Earlier Mr. Nadesan had reiterated his organisations commitment to the 2002 Norwegian facilitated Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), even as the Sri Lankan government abrogated it.

Noting that the government has withdrawn from the CFA without any justifications, the LTTE political head said that the Tigers, even at this juncture, stood ready to implement every clause of the agreement and requested Norway to continue with its facilitation role with the support of the International Community.

Even then, he had urged the international community to recognize the right of the Tamil people to live with self-determination in their homeland and remove the bans the various countries have placed on the LTTE.

The abrogation by the government demonstrated that it will never permit the Tamil people to live with freedom in their homeland, he said in a statement.

The LTTE did not take any decision to withdraw from the CFA agreement even when the government assassinated the leader of the LTTE peace delegation, S P Tamilshelvan, in November 2007, he noted.

“The abrogation by the GoSL of the unprecedented nearly six year long CFA has clearly demonstrated that the GoSL will never permit the Tamil people to live with freedom in their homeland. Therefore, the international community must understand this, and immediately remove the bans it has placed on the LTTE believing the false propaganda of the GoSL, accept the just aspirations of the Tamil people, and recognize the right of the Tamil people to live with self-determination in their homeland,” he said then.

A high-frequency surface wave radar, hailed as the only one of its kind in the world and developed with Canadian taxpayer's money at a cost of $39 million has been sold to Sri Lanka.

A Canadian defence firm, with the help of a state agency, has sold the high-tech radar system to the Sri Lankan government which, earlier this year, unilaterally terminated the Norwegian sponsored ceasefire agreement that was in place for the past six years plunging the island back into a bloody war.

At the time, the Canadian government denounced the Sri Lankan move describing it as deeply regrettable and expressed concern about the "escalating violence on civilians, humanitarian workers and human rights defenders".

Canada’s decision to supply radar systems to Sri Lanka for military purposes is counterproductive and will fuel the escalating violence on civilians, the very outcome Canada was concerned with, Sri Lankan observers said.

The high-frequency surface wave radar, hailed as the only one of its kind in the world and developed with Canadian taxpayer's money at a cost of $39 million has been sold to Sri Lanka.

This high-tech radar, jointly developed by Canadian defence scientists at Raytheon Canada Limited, is capable of monitoring small boats hundreds of kilometers away.

The federal government set aside $43 million to build and operate eight radar sites on the East and West coasts as part of its push to improve security in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

But the government has shut down the existing experimental radar sites in Newfoundland, and the program has been cancelled. The project was derailed after one complaint was received that the radar interfered with civilian communications. The experimental radars had been operating for 10 years without a complaint.

But Raytheon Canada, which builds the high-frequency surface wave radar, is pushing ahead with marketing the system to other nations.

It has sold the radar to Sri Lanka with the help of the Canadian Commercial Corp., a Canadian government agency that helps companies market their products overseas. Other international customers are being lined up, said Raytheon Canada vice-president Denny Roberts.

"The technology works," Roberts said. "Other countries don't seem to have a problem with it."

The radar is unique in that it can track ships at much greater distances than regular surveillance systems. It can detect objects as far away as 200 nautical miles (370 kilometres) from Canada's coasts.

Canada has been leading development in the area of surface wave radar technology. The British government built a similar system during the Second World War, but it had limited range.

With recent advances in computer processing, scientists from Defence Research and Development Canada's Ottawa laboratories decided to revisit the idea.

The system transmits high-frequency waves that follow the curvature of the Earth to detect and track objects hundreds of kilometers over the horizon. Regular radars are restricted to objects in their line of sight on the horizon.

The system transmits high-frequency waves that follow the curvature of the Earth to detect and track objects hundreds of kilometres over the horizon. Regular radars are restricted to objects in their line of sight on the horizon.

The Canadian navy had been hoping the radars would cut down on surveillance costs, in particular the flying time of Aurora maritime patrol planes. The radar could be used to pinpoint suspicious ships, after which Aurora aircraft could be directed to those vessels to conduct further surveillance.

While attempts by Sri Lanka Army (SLA) to breach Tiger defense lines to advance into LTTE territory have become daily occurrences in Mannaar-Madu theatre of battle, civilians have become the silent casualties bearing the brunt of SLA rage.

Hundreds of families have been displaced and live in refugee camps, and many have been traumatized by injuries and deaths to family members due to aerial attacks, SLA mortar fire, and claymore attacks by SLA's Deep Penetration Units (DPUs).

Ms. Mary Consulator from Thadchanaamaruthamadu refugee camp is one such victim.

When her bunker at the Thadchanaamaruthamadu refugee camp came under SLA shelling on Sunday [January 27], Mary sustained minor injuries, and her child, Rajani Peries, was critically wounded.

She faced the crisis with the courage of a mother in a war-zone: she admitted her child to the Pallamadu hospital and stayed with the child to nurse him to health. She sent the other children to stay with her first daughter, Shobhana Peries, who is married and living near Madu Church.

On Tuesday, her two grown-up daughters, Rosmy Peries, 17, and Shobhana, 23, with her 18-month-old baby boy, J. Pradeepan, and Mary's two teenage sons, Jeniston Peries, 12, and Antony Peries, 17, came to the Pallamadu hospital by bus to look at their wounded sibling.

The bus by which they left was attacked by the SLA's Deep Penetration Unit that triggered a Claymore mine. They returned to the hospital as fatally wounded victims, or didn't return at all.

As tears stream down her face, Mary repeats her tragic tale.

A native of Periya Panndivirichchaan, Mary was displaced and was living in the Thadchanaamaruthamadu refugee camp. When her child was severely wounded in the SLA shelling last Sunday, she admitted the child to the Pallamadu hospital. She was taking care of her wounded child who regained consciousness only on January 28.

Her eldest daughter, Shobana, with her baby, Mary's two sons and another daughter, came to see them at the hospital by the 7:30 a.m. bus. The five of them left the hospital and took the 1:30 bus.

On the way, Shobana's younger sister Rosmy, got off at Thadchanaamaruthamadu where the refugee camp is located. The others were in the bus on their way to Madu when the claymore attack took place. On board were schoolchildren returning from a school sports event.

Mary recounts how the wounded in the claymore blast were brought to the hospital in ambulances and private vehicles from Madu. Mary, stunned by the wounded and dying young and the rivers of blood, spotted her elder daughter Shobana who was brought by ambulance back to the Pallamadu hospital.

Shobana was wounded in her legs and hand, and was in a state of shock. When Mary asked her the fate of her 18-months old baby Pratheepan, she said she was unaware of what had happened to the infant, or even to her two brothers Antony Peiris and Prasath.

Mary's 13-year-old Jeniston was brought to the hospital with wounds a while later. Another son aged 15 years and her grandchild are still missing.

Mary is now at Kilinochchi hospital looking after Jeniston and Shobana. Her youngest child wounded two days earlier is still at the Pallamadu hospital.

Japan has told Sri Lanka that it has no plans to suspend development aid to the island nation as reported in the international media.

Japan's special peace envoy to Sri Lanka Yasushi Akashi told Sri Lankan Foreign Secretary Palitha Kohona over the phone Friday that his country had not changed its aid policy vis-à-vis Sri Lanka and it would stick to the commitments it had made.

The international media had reported from Tokyo Thursday that Akashi had warned that Japan would cut off aid to Sri Lanka if the latter continued with its military operations against the Tamil Tiger rebels.

"We could be forced to review our aid policy if military action keeps escalating," AFP quoted Akashi as telling reporters in Tokyo.

Akashi said that Japan welcomed the proposals made by the Sri Lankan all party panel on devolution of power and commended President Mahinda Rajapaksa for his efforts to find a peaceful solution to the ethnic conflict.

Akashi further said that he remained convinced of the assurances given by the President Mahinda Rajapakse with regard to Sri Lanka’s approach to the peace process.

He dismissed the reports in the UNP’s official website and also in some newspapers as a misrepresentation of what he said at the press conference, reported the Asian Tribune.

The UNP official website had earlier reported that “Japan’s envoy to Sri Lanka’s peace talks and who was here recently sternly warned the Govt. yesterday (31 Jan) that it will have to review its financial aid if Govt. steps up its aims for a military solution following the abrogation of ceasefire agreement. Japan, the major aid donor for Sri Lanka will however continue their bid along with three other Nations, the U.S., Norway and the European Union for a peaceful solution for Sri Lanka.”

Earlier, at the news conference in Colombo on January 15, Akashi said the Japanese Government continued to support Sri Lanka in view of achieving sustainable peace based on a political solution.

“Peace is not easy to achieve and frustrations are inevitable” Akashi told the press briefing, while emphasising Japan’s unwavering commitment to help Sri Lanka achieve peace and prosperity.

However, Japan has also previously expressed concern about the Sri Lankan government’s decision to abrogate the 2002 Norwegian facilitated Ceasefire Agreement.

Japan’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Masahiko Koumura, issued a statement on January 4 stating that his country was “deeply concerned that the decision taken by the Government of Sri Lanka” to withdraw from the Ceasefire “may lead to the escalation of the conflict by way of increased level of violence and greater civilian casualties, and leave the peace process at a standstill.”

The news follows months of speculation amongst Sri Lankan watchers about whether Japan will fall into line with the Western stance seeking to force Sri Lanka to cease its human rights violations by cutting aid.

Britain announced last year that it was going to withhold £1.5 million of aid as part of the united effort among the co-chairs to the Sri Lankan peace process to pressure the government. However at the same year it was revealed that Britain licensed £7 million worth of weapons and military equipment for export to Sri Lanka in the quarter to May 2007 alone.

There had also been speculation that the other co-chairs of the Sri Lankan peace process (EU, Norway and the US) were seeking to remove Japan from the co-chairs and to broaden the group to include, Australia, India, and Canada.

An edition of the Sunday Island reported in mid January that it had “information from a reliable source” that “the need is not to broad base the co-chairs but to get rid of Japan because Japan has not been toeing the line of the western powers as regards the Sri Lankan issue.”