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  • Public face of the Tamil Tigers

    “The thing that most people will remember about Thamilselvan is his huge smile.
     
    For his enemies in this most bitter civil war the smile only masked his ruthlessness.
     
    But for his friends he was a respected and popular fighter with a sense of humour.
     
    Thamilselvan joined the movement in 1984 aged seventeen and was a key figure in fighting the Indian peace keeping force in the Jaffna peninsula where he was born.
     
    In 1993 he was injured in an aerial attack and had to have all the muscles from one leg removed leaving him unable to walk without a stick.
     
    For more than a decade Thamilselvan has been the public face of the Tigers – heading its political wing and attending almost all the peace talks with the Sri Lankan government.
     
    He's probably been interviewed more than any other politician in Sri Lanka – always appearing with two armed bodyguards.
     
    He leaves behind a wife, an eight year old daughter and a son born four years ago during the heady days of the peace process when many rebels hoped for a better future.”
     
    Former BBC Colombo correspondent Frances Harrison who met head of LTTE political wing SP Thamilselvan on numerous occasions
     
  • Sinhala nation has killed our peace dove' - LTTE Leader Pirapaharan
    The Sinhala nation has taken the life of a political leader "deeply loved by the Tamil speaking world" and "greatly respected by the international community," said Velupillai Pirapaharan, the leader of Liberation Tigers, in a message to the Tamil people on Saturday, following the demise of LTTE's Political Head and Chief Negotiator, Brigadier S. P. Tamilselvan.
     
    "I raised him as a great commander, an unparalleled political head, a diplomat who communicated with the entire world, and a skilled negotiator," Mr. Pirapaharan said.
     
    "Buried within his beautiful smile, I recognized, right from the beginning, a thousand profound meanings, his abilities, and his leadership qualities."
     
    Full text of Mr. Pirapaharan's message released by the LTTE follows:
     
    Head Quarters
    Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
    Tamil Eelam
    3 November 2007
     
    My beloved people,
     
    Despite the repeated and continuous calls from the international community to find a peaceful resolution to Tamil national question, we have not seen any goodwill from the Sinhala nation. We do not see the Buddhist universal love. Sinhala nation did not open its heart and send a peace message. On the contrary, it is sending war-vultures that are dropping giant bombs. It has cruelly killed our peace dove.
     
    Sinhala nation has taken the life of a political leader deeply loved by the Tamil speaking world and greatly respected by the international community. It has taken away an unrivalled leader who has won the hearts of the people of Tamil Eelam. Tamil Eelam nation is confronting an unparalleled loss after loosing the head of our political wing, Brig. S P Tamilselvan and five other LTTE members. Our people are in profound shock and sorrow.
     
    Tamilselvan was close to me ever since he joined our freedom movement. I loved him deeply. I taught him as my own beloved younger brother. Buried within his beautiful smile, I recognized, right from the beginning, a thousand profound meanings, his abilities, and his leadership qualities. I raised him as a great commander, an unparalleled political head, a diplomat who communicated with the entire world, and a skilled negotiator.
     
    His thoughts were always about the liberation of the land and the people he so dearly loved. He longed for a free, honourable and safe life for our people. He was a fire that laboured selflessly and with determination towards the goal.
     
    In a new form, he joins our liberation struggle which is moving on like a lengthy river of blaze. In this new form, he has set alight in our heavy hearts a deep yearning for the goal. He has nourished that yearning. Strengthened by his nourishment we will continue to travel on our path towards the goal with renewed determination.
     
    V. Pirapaharan
    Leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
     
  • Tamilselvan killed in SLAF air raid
    S. P. Tamilselvan, the head of the Liberation Tigers Political Wing, was killed in Kilinochchi Friday morning.
     
    P. Nadesan, the head of the Tamileelam Police Force, was appointed as the new head of the Political Wing later that same day. He will be in charge of the two departments from now on, Irasiah Ilanthirayan, the LTTE's military spokesman said.
     
    The Head Quarters of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in a press communiqué said it was conveying the loss of Brigadier Tamilselvan with profound sadness to the people of Tamil Eelam, the Tamil Diaspora and the Global Community.
     
    He was killed in a Sri Lanka Air Force attack that had specifically targeted the residence of the members of the Political Division.
     
    The LTTE military spokesman described the aerial attack by the Sri Lanka Air Force on Tamilselvan's residence as a cowardly assassination.
     
    The LTTE conferred its highest military rank, Brigadier, to Tamilselvan.
     
    Others who died in the bombardment alongside Brigadier Tamilselvan were Lt. Col. Anpumani (Alex), Major Mikuthan, Major Neathaaji, Lt. Aadchiveal and Lt. Maavaikkumaran.
     
     
     
     
     
  • No Choice
    The targeted killing last Friday of Mr. S. P. Tamilselvan, the LTTE's Chief Negotiator and the head of its Political Wing, along with five other LTTE officials, by the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) shocked the Tamil community. Across Diaspora centres and in the homeland, there is palpable grief and anger. The specificities of the attack - whether the SLAF knew Mr. Tamilselvan was at the location, for example - are irrelevant: the military has been trying repeatedly to kill him for years, frequently bombing his offices, residences and convoys. The assassination is a quintessential reflection of the Sinhala mindset. President Mahinda Rakapakse, along with the vast majority of Sinhalese, see the island's ethnic problem purely as a Tamil terrorist challenge. For all the lip-service (and there's not much of that about now) about power sharing, the south is single-mindedly focused on a military victory. The abandon with which the military has for two years blasted Tamil villages, driven hundreds of thousands of Tamils from their homes and continues to abduct, torture and murder Tamils is underwritten by the confidence the international community, despite its distaste, is nonetheless solidly behind Colombo’s war.
     
    Both the Sinhalese and the international community have their legitimating theories. For the Sinhalese, once the LTTE is destroyed, the Tamils will docilely accept whatever limited (and decidedly undeserved) powers they are given. The leading members of the international community in Sri Lanka agree. But they also believe that once the LTTE is destroyed, the island can be 'developed' whereupon Sinhalese, Tamils and, for that matter, the Muslims, will come to see each other as fellow Sri Lankans and live happily ever after. Despite the decades of Sinhala oppression the Tamils have faced by successive governments since independence (i.e. three decades before Tamil militancy was triggered), the international community bases its strategy today off a utopian vision of an ethnic harmony to come. It is not that such a vision is impossible that is staggering but, rather, the belief it can be realized by enabling a violent Sinhala conquest of the Tamils followed by economic development.
     
    The various reactions to the Sri Lankan military's assassination of Mr. Tamilselvan should serve as food for thought for anyone out there who still believes either that peace talks might end the bloodshed or, even more naively, that the international community will act to protect the Tamils against the rampages of the state. As President Rajapakse crowed in Parliament this week, he has secured the assistance of the international community to defeat the Tigers. As we have argued before, for all the noise about human rights (and much of that has dissipated now), the state actually wants for nothing. Ironically, the more the international community is convinced the LTTE can be defeated, the freer the hand the Sinhala state will have.
     
    Let there be no mistake; irrespective of the extent of the casualties or suffering the Sinhala military inflicts on Tamil civilians, the international community will not restrain the state. Not, that is, until the military is checked on the battlefield by the LTTE's counter-violence. At that point, as in 2001, international peaceniks will rush back to help Tamils and Sinhalese solve 'their' problem. The insistence by some international actors, especially those who proudly proclaim their support and assistance for the Sinhala state, that 'there is no military solution' is duplicitous. The solution must be political, we all know that. But it can be rammed down the Tamils' throats on the end of bayonet. Which is why several members of the international community advocating 'peace' in Sri Lanka have also banned the LTTE.
     
    When Sinhalese unite
     
    Last week Sinhalese reveled in Mr. Tamilselvan's assassination. Traditional drums were played in the street. Parties were organized at home. Some Buddhist temples held all night celebrations. For any Sinhalese who genuinely desires a negotiated solution, the killing of the other side's top diplomat should have been deeply worrying and regrettable. But very few in the south feel this way, something the Tamils need to bear in mind as they make their way in the time to come. For decades, when faced with violence and brutality by a Colombo government, many Tamils have rushed to the feet of the Sinhala opposition, voting it into power in a laughably futile effort to end their suffering, if only for a while. They have chased after the SLFP and UNP in turn, insisting, despite the evidence of their past suffering, that this time round it would be different.
     
    In reality, for the Tamils, there is nothing to choose between the main Sinhala parties. This is because all of them are beholden to the sentiments of the majority of Sinhalese voters who, as is now starkly clear, bitterly oppose sharing of any power with the Tamils. The point was underscored this week by the reaction of the UNP - still the darlings, incidentally, of the 'peace through development' international community - to Mr. Tamilselvan's assassination. Firstly, the UNP hailed the killing as a 'great victory' for the (Sinhala) Air Force. It then went on to tacitly back Rajapakse's brutal war, saying there is 'no point' negotiating with the LTTE. Let us be clear; whenever the LTTE negotiates with the state, it is about the rights, powers and extent of self-rule that we, the Tamil people, are to have. The UNP, drunk with the same confidence in Sinhala military victory that the SLFP regime is, believes, like the government, that there is no point in negotiating with an enemy who is about to be defeated. The optimism may be misplaced, but the UNP sees no reason to hide it.
     
    This week Tamils in the homeland and abroad have mourned Mr. Tamilselvan and his colleagues killed last Friday. We join them. Both Mr. Tamilselvan and Lt. Colonel Anpumani (Alex), who was also killed in Friday's airstrike, were friends of this newspaper. From the outset of the Norwegian peace process, concerned that the Tamil people be kept informed of developments, they, along with the LTTE's then Chief Negotiator, Mr. Anton Balasingham, went out of their way to ensure we were briefed on the peace process. We will miss them.
     
    A time to struggle
     
    Despite its bans on the LTTE, as the international community has openly acknowledged, every time the Tigers sit across the table from the Sinhala state, the interests they are negotiating for are those of the Tamil people. Whether it is a political solution - remember the fuss about the LTTE giving up independence for federalism? (Now the movement is thought to be weak, no one wants to use that word now) - or an interim administration or international aid for the Northeast, the Tigers were accepted by the state and the international community to be negotiating on behalf of the Tamils. Yet there is thundering silence after the Sinhala state assassinated the Tamils' chief negotiator. The international community has thus made it clear that any rights the Tamils secure depend entirely on the outcome on the battlefield. We therefore have to brace ourselves for an even more brutal military onslaught in the time to come. We must therefore be united in our resolve. Despite our skepticism, Tamil efforts to argue our case abroad, to win hearts and minds, must continue. But not in naïve optimism. If the state fails to defeat the LTTE then it will be compelled to negotiate with the Tamils. If it wins, we are lost. But, then, it was ever thus.
  • The long path ahead
    The path is long, my friends, and we have lost another companion.
     
    A companion who walked besides us as he showed us the way forward. A companion who knew the ugliness of war and sought out an alternative path. A companion who told the world of our struggle even as they turned their backs on us.
     
    Even as he walked with us there was no way of knowing how dear he was to the Tamil people or how crucial he was to our struggle. And there was none of the arrogance which comes with power. None of the distance which comes with authority. None of the coldness which comes with importance. Just a smile. A warm open smile which made you comfortable enough to speak your mind, to question, to criticize. A smile that we all see today when we close our eyes.
     
    Behind that almost child like smile was a razor sharp mind that understood the path to freedom was long and dangerous. Behind that smile was a man strong enough to be humble; wise enough to seek the counsel of others. A man so sure of our cause that he was willing to negotiate with an enemy who ultimately took his life.
     
    The path is long and lonely, my friends.
     
    Thamilchelvan Anna understood better that many that we need many companions to reach our destination. As a young diaspora Tamil who was not fully accepting of the struggle, it was refreshing to meet a man secure enough in his own beliefs to allow them to be questioned. Although he had never been to the West when I met first him in 2002, I was surprised by how well he understood that young Tamils in the diaspora would have many questions about the struggle and the movement, and was willing to answer even the most trivial questions.
     
    For some time now we have had two paths in front of us: the path of peace and the path of war. Our nation sent Thamilchelvan Anna down the path of peace. A path that was opened to us by the sacrifice of many lives. We sent him ahead and waited with bated breath; waiting for him to give us the all clear; waiting for him to tell is it was okay to move forward.
     
    When a warrior comes to talk peace surely that must have a special significance? He has seen the ugliness of war first hand; he has seen comrades fall in the red soil of our homeland; he has seen parents grieve for dead children; he has seen our people driven like animals into the jungles. When a man who knows the loss of war sits across the table from you and offers a way to bring peace to the island - do you talk with him or silence him forever?
     
    We sent Thamilchelvan Anna and we waited.
     
    We waited hoping against hope that this path would lead us to freedom. Lead us to a life of dignity and security. Lead us to lives filled with laughter and joy.
     
    But this path has led us only to misery and tears of loss. This path led us to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Tamils. This path led to daily killings and disappearances of Tamils across the island. This path led us to the assassination of Kausalian, Joseph Pararajasingam, Raviraj and now Thamilchelvan Anna and the five others who died at his side.
     
    The Sinhala people have shown us that they are unwilling to walk down this path.
     
    Despite all this we have been patient; our leaders have shown restraint in the face of provocation. Even as death rained down upon our people our leaders have kept the path to peace open. Now they have taken our messenger of peace. A messenger that went forward with the blessing of our people and our leadership. When our messenger is taken from us, the message is clear: the road to peace is closed.
     
    My friends, we walk alone to our freedom. We are all tired for the journey has been long and we have lost many companions along the way. Many of us have lost flesh and blood; many of us have lost house and home; some of us have lost identity and self.
     
    It is tempting to say enough. It is tempting to say I will walk no more. I must rest. It is tempting to lose hope, to fear where this road will lead us. This is what they want from us. They want us to forsake our revolution; to give up our dream.
     
    Now is not the time, my friends. As long as we have the will and means to resist those who seek to oppress us we must stay the path to freedom.
     
    We must show the world they may kill the revolutionary but the revolution will come. They may kill the dreamer but our dream will be realized.
     
    We have lost another companion. But in his name we walk on. In his memory and the memory of so many others we remain strong.
     
    Freedom will come one day. United as a people, we will reach that goal. Thamilchelvan Anna knew this. That is why he was always smiling.
  • India ups military support to Sri Lanka
    A change in policy in India has seen the south-Asian giant step up its support for the Sri Lankan military by supplying ‘offensive’ weapons.
     
    In the past India had declared that it will only supply ‘defensive weapons’ to Sri Lanka. However the latest reports confirm that the island’s giant neighbour has now shifted to supplying ‘offensive weapons’ to the Sri Lankan government to fight the LTTE.

    According to Indian press, New Delhi has supplied Colombo advanced automatic 40mm L70 anti-aircraft guns to guard against aerial attacks by the LTTE.
     
    “The Ordnance Factory Board, for instance, has just received another $40,000 order for supply of L-70 gun barrels to Sri Lanka. Among other things, four ‘Indra’ low-flying detection radars have already been supplied to Sri Lanka,” the Times of India newspaper quoted a source as saying.
     
    Playing upon India’s fears about China and Pakistan making strategic inroads into Sri Lanka, the government of President Mahinda Rajapakse has asked India to supply more air defence weapons and radars, artillery guns, Nishant UAVs and even laser designators for PGMs (precision-guided munitions).

    Indian analysts believe the altering of policy by India is aimed at preventing Sri Lanka turning to Pakistan and China to meet its military need.
     
    “Overall it looks like India is inching closer to the type of role Sri Lanka would like to see it play,” a Sri Lankan diplomat opined.

    With Sri Lanka’s record of indiscriminate aerial and artillery bombardment, India has in the past always treaded a careful line with Sri Lanka, fearing that any weapons supplied by India being used to kill civilian Tamils would result in uproar in the southern state of Tamil Nadu.
     
    According to Indian press reports, an encounter between the Sri Lankan Navy and the Sea Tigers off the coast in north-eastern Talaimannar last week revealed the existence of an LTTE arms stores in India.

    The LTTE ship detected by the Navy had been carrying a remote-controlled LTTE plane which military officials said was very likely to have been ferried from Tamil Nadu in India, reports further added.
     
    “Pressure is on Delhi to prove that it is taking tough measures against the LTTE’s terrorist activities which has an impact not only on the sovereignty of Sri Lanka, but also on that of India,” a senior Indian military official said.

    Some analysts point to these military reasons as being behind India’s decision to step up its weapons supply to Sri Lanka and take a forceful stand against LTTE activities.
     
    However, others suggest that a lack of opposition from Tamil Nadu, particularly from current ruling party in the state, the Dravida Munetra Kalakham (DMK), would have encouraged India to increase its military support to Sri Lanka.

  • Are the Tamils are a people?
    Tamils have gathered in large numbers across the eglobe to demand their collective rights, including all those due to a people
    The visit of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour was preceded by two important events in Sri Lanka.
     
    On 24 September, the LTTE issued a statement that coincided with the sessions of the United Nations General Assembly. The statement urged the international community to recognise the concept of the sovereignty of the Tamil people and to give them the opportunity to express their aspirations as in the case of the peoples of Kosovo and East Timor.
     
    The Tiger statement also called the government of Sri Lanka to “accept the aspirations of the Tamil people and come forward to find a resolution that is based on the right to self-determination of the Tamil people.”
     
    The second event was the UNP announcing the need to amend the CFA and that its new policy towards a political solution to the ethnic problem would be “…based on a credible power sharing proposal acceptable to all communities.”
     
    This, in effect, declared the party’s repositioning on power-sharing from what it had agreed to in the Oslo Communiqué, which was “founded on the principle of internal self determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.”
     
    The visit of the UN official was in response to human rights violations taking place in Sri Lanka such as, extra-judicial killings, disappearances, abductions, atrocities on IDPs, shortcomings in the freedom of expression etc. Nearly all these violations are closely related to the armed conflict in the country.
     
    Arbour made no bones about the fact that the human rights mechanisms in Sri Lanka were so ineffective that an international human rights monitoring mission was required to be present on the ground if rights were to be effectively protected.
     
    While the violation of rights that brought Arbour to Sri Lanka was mainly due to the war that had led to the government suspending the usual safeguards available to the citizen, we have to go a step back to see why armed conflict emerged in this country at all.
     
    The reason for militant movements to take up arms in the 1970s was because of a systematic and relentless campaign by successive Sri Lankan governments to violate the collective rights of the Tamils – the right to language, to equal opportunity in education, employment and livelihood, to culture and security (among others).
     
    The war did not begin because of the LTTE or the other Tamil militant movements; it began because of the abuse of the collective rights of the Tamil people and when attempts at peaceful redress of those violations were unfruitful.
     
    It is important to note that what were being violated were the rights of a ‘people.’ According to international law, a group that could be described as a ‘people,’ if they believe that their right to live as equals within the state is being challenged, have a right to self-determination.
     
    Are the Tamils a ‘people’? Justice Marcus Enfield speaking at an international conference on Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict in 1996 said “There appears to be an underlying assumption that ‘peoples,’ in the sense used in international instruments, is the same as ‘the minority,’ and that they have the same rights in international law. A group which may fit within the definition of ‘peoples,’ cannot cease to be such merely because (as) a result of demographic or territorial change it becomes a minority of the population.
     
    “This has been recognized to be the case for the Tamils by the widely respected International Commissions of Jurists, a representative of which is stated:
     
    “The Tamils could be considered to be a ‘people.’ They have a distinct language, culture, a separate religious identity from the majority population, and to an extent, a defined territory.... The application of the principle of self determination in concrete cases is difficult. It seems nevertheless, that a credible argument can be made that the Tamil community in Sri Lanka is entitled to self determination...
     
    What is essential is that the political status of the ‘people’ should be freely determined by the ‘people’ themselves.” (Proceedings of the International Conference on the Conflict in Sri Lanka: Peace with Justice 1996)
     
    The right to self-determination enshrined in the UN Human Rights Charter, is a foundational document of the organisation which Arbour represents.
     
    The substance of the Charter was subsequently incorporated into the ICCPR and ICESCR: “All peoples have the right of self determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.”
     
    The evolution of the right to self-determination becoming part of international law is too long to describe here, but suffice it to say that it was used extensively in the 1950s and 1960s by anti-imperialist movements against colonialism.
     
    However, once these new nation states were born, dominant groups within such post-colonial states began pursuing policies of discrimination against vulnerable communities within the state, such as the Tamils in Sri Lanka.
     
    The right to self-determination allows a people to adopt a political status so that they may “freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” This means they have the right to choose a political organisation within which they can freely express their economic, social, cultural and other aspirations.
     
    The basis of the struggle of the Tamil people is the systematic discrimination they have faced, facilitated by power relations prescribed by successive constitutions from the time of independence.
     
    They have all been unitary constitutions that placed effective control of political institutions at the centre – the president, parliament and judiciary – that have been traditionally Sinhala dominated.
     
    What is more, the passage of these constitutions through parliament was not with the consent of the Tamil people.
     
    It is very important to note, however, that the right to self-determination does not necessarily mean secession, though misinformation by vested interests has portrayed it as such.
     
    Internal self-determination (which was an element in the Oslo communiqué) refers to structures of autonomy within a state. Only external self-determination signifies secession or a separate state.
     
    Arbour and the international community have been absolutely forthright in condemning human rights violations that circumscribe the freedom of the individual.
     
    That is because for historical and pragmatic reasons she and all her tribe from the west lay greater emphasis on individual human rights.
     
    But if the international community is sincere about evolving a rights-based solution to the national question in Sri Lanka, doing patch-up work on individual human rights violations will not do.
     
    Violations of the collective rights of the Tamils and Muslims are the basis of the conflict, and long-term, sustainable solutions will not be possible unless they are addressed.
     
  • Tamils traumatized by war - study
    While residents in Colombo and areas outside the conflict zones often grumble about the cost of living, opportunist politicians and the lack of accountability by state institutions, their counterparts in war-torn Jaffna are a community virtually on the run.
     
    Every family has a bag packed with all the essentials, ready to flee at a moment's notice, a new research study has revealed.
     
    "When displaced to a refugee camp, they are systematic in getting themselves organized. They immediately find a corner, hang up screens with sarees, and start arranging their belongings for an indefinite stay," says Prof. Daya Somasundaram, a well-known Sri Lankan psychiatrist, in a new, path-breaking study on collective trauma.
     
    The author, who fled Sri Lanka fearing for his and his family's safety and now resides in Adelaide in Australia, says the long-running civil war is causing more mental health problems and a social breakdown than the catastrophic 2004 tsunami.
     
    "People have learned to survive under extraordinarily stressful conditions. A UNHCR official observed that in Jaffna people have become professional in dealing with complex emergencies from previous experiences," noted Somasundaram, Clinical Associate Professor in Psychiatry and Australia's first 'refugee scholar' at the University of Adelaide under the Scholar Rescue Fund.
     
    Unfortunately, just like the words of that perennial American classic, “Where have all the flowers gone – When will they ever learn; when will they ever learn”, this study – like many others will go unnoticed and disregarded by policy-makers, and those who matter (from both ends of the spectrum) and end up – like many other serious discourses on the need for urgent peace – in an office cupboard gathering dust, an aging computer or a pen drive.
     
    Prof. Somasundaram's study on "Collective trauma in northern Sri Lanka: a qualitative psychosocial-ecological Study" recently published in the International Journal of Mental Health Systems, however has come in for praise by other researchers, some of whom are his students or colleagues.
     
    Ananda Galappatti, a Medical Anthropologist and an editor of Intervention, the International Journal of Mental Health, Psychosocial Work and Counselling in Areas of Armed Conflict, said Prof. Somasundaram's study is a valuable contribution to the discussion of mental health and social suffering in Sri Lanka, as it argues that chronic situations of conflict can result in 'collective trauma', serious psycho-social consequences that extend beyond individuals and impact on families and key social relations within affected communities.
     
    "He argues for an understanding of suffering that is considerably broader than that allowed by conventional psychiatry, which tends to limit its perspective to psychological disorder or dysfunction in individuals," he said adding that Somasundaram built on insights gained through his work in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia.
     
    Jaffna has been the seat of Tamil militancy where the cry for self rule or the call from non-violent Tamil political parties for more powers to the region from the centre, emerged. The Tigers have said they are preparing for a major offensive by government troops in the north leading to uncertainty amongst the northern population.
     
    Apart from death and destruction the psychosocial impact of the war has been severe in the conflict-affected areas in the north and east. The tsunami added to the woes of war-ridden societies.
     
    The tsunami was a one-off catastrophic event that left a trail of destruction and loss, says Prof Somasundaram.
     
    "But it did not continue to exert a prolonged effect (unlike the war). As a result the severity of the collective trauma was much less. In fact, having lived through a prolonged war situation has meant that Tamil communities have learned skills and strategies that make them better able to cope with disasters."
     
    Several surveys of individual level trauma and its effects in the context of war have shown widespread trauma but this is the first study done of collective trauma.
     
     
    The situation is getting worse amidst a daily diet of killings, abductions and robberies in Jaffna.
     
    "We are seeing a lot of patients with psychological problems arising out of a situation of helplessness and uncertainty. No one knows what is going on and what would happen," said Dr. S. Sivayokan, Psychiatrist at the Jaffna Teaching Hospital.
     
    Sivayokan, a student of Prof. Somasundaram who took over the author's position in this hospital, said a large number of robberies by unknown groups during the night have resulted in residents being fearful of nights and having sleep problems.
     
    "A new (psychosocial) situation is developing. We see more patients unlike before who have hallucinations and imaginary situations related to the current context (uncertainty)," he said by telephone from Jaffna, where there has been a night curfew since last year.
     
    He said this situation could be the added effects of suffering trauma over and over again during more than 20 years of conflict. In the high security zone in Jaffna, residents have been displaced for over 17 times while in the city itself, the average family would have been displaced at least twice.
     
    Dr. Sivayokan said if there was continuous war, things would have been different.
     
    "But in this case, there was a period (during the recent ceasefire) where there was peace, cultural exchanges and hope. Now there is uncertainty and worry about families, children," he added.
     
    Prof. Somasundaram says the phenomena of collective trauma first became very obvious to him when working in the post war recovery and rehabilitation context in Cambodia.
     
    During the Khmer Rouge regime, all social structures, institutions, family, educational and religious orders were razed to 'ground zero' deliberately (so as to rebuild a just society anew), he said.
     
    "The family unit has been included (in this study) as it is paramount in most parts of the traditional world. When the family is affected, the members too are affected, while if the family is healthy the individual is either healthy or recovers within the family setting,” his report showed.
     
    Prof. Somasundaram's study deals extensively with the war and tsunami impact on the family unit and traditional cultures which has triggered much of the psychosocial conditions now prevalent.
     
    From the loss of one or both parents, separations and traumatization in one member, pathological family dynamics adversely affected individual family members, particularly the children, he says.
     
    The cohesiveness and traditional relationships are no longer the same. Compared to before the war, children no longer respect or listen to their elders, including teachers.
     
    The study reveals that Tamil parents quickly change their behaviour and tone (in contrast to what the child has seen at home or elsewhere) when dealing with the security forces.
     
    They, perhaps unconsciously and with the best of intentions (to safeguard their children and to avoid unnecessary hassle), assume a submissive posture (removal of hat, bent head and body, low and almost pleading tone of voice, pleasing manner with a smile) when accosted by the security forces (e.g. at check points).
     
    The children will observe this change without comprehending the full purpose (perhaps to avoid the child being detained) comparing it to their demeanour at home and in time loses faith in his or her parents, it said.
     
    "A strong influence has been the contemptuous way elders and community leaders have been treated by the authorities and the submissive way they have responded. Elders are perceived as being powerless and incompetent in dealing with war and its consequences, a point often made by the young militants. Elders have also been traumatized by the war, affecting their functioning, relationships and parenting skills," it said.
     
    Prof. Somasundaram said the high incidence of mental health problems, alcohol and drug abuse, physical and sexual violence, child abuse and family disharmony found among indigenous populations around the world can be the result of the break up of traditional culture, way of life and belief systems.
     
     
  • Torture once again rampant in the Sri Lankan conflict
    Many still bear the scars of the torture they suffered at the hands of the Sri Lankan military or police
    The scale of the resumption of torture in Sri Lanka following the breakdown of the cease-fire between Tamil insurgents and government forces, and the emergence state-sponsored paramilitaries such as a breakaway Tamil group led by Col Karuna, is revealed in the number of cases seen recently by the Medical Foundation.
     
    A survey of 140 Sri Lankan clients referred to the MF in the past year shows that all parties to the conflict have reverted to human rights abuses after a lull of several years in which torture was largely confined to police investigating criminal matters.
     
    Despite the upsurge, the Home Office last year removed 385 Sri Lankans who had been unsuccessful in claiming asylum, among the largest number of people returned to any one country in 2006. Many had spent their time in the UK in detention as part of the "fast track" asylum process.
     
    In 2007 removals have continued, as well as the fast tracking of some cases, although the conflict has steadily worsened.
     
    The Home Office's Operational Guidance Notes (OGN), which inform immigration decisions, still state that the capital, Colombo, is a viable location for returning failed asylum seekers, although the latest travel advice issued by the Foreign Office reports "widespread disruption".
     
    That disruption largely takes the form of raids and street checkpoints to guard against insurgent infiltration. Emergency regulations implemented in 2005 permit the detention without charge of anyone suspected of "terrorist activity".
     
    Tamils from outside Colombo are particularly suspected, yet the OGN continues to vouchsafe that "claimants who fear persecution at the hands of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) in LTTE dominated areas are able to relocate to Colombo or other government controlled areas".
     
    Now more international human rights organisations are highlighting the abuses resurfacing in a country where Tamil militants took up arms against the Sinhalese majority more than 25 years ago in attempt to carve out their own territory in the North and North East.
     
    In August, Human Rights Watch accused the Sri Lankan government of unlawful killings, enforced disappearances and other serious human rights violations, and called for a UN mission to monitor events on the ground. Amnesty International has urged the UN’s Human Rights Council to call on the Sri Lankan government to address the "grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict". The Asian Human Rights Commission has described the Sri Lankan government's commitment to investigating human rights abuses at present as no more than "mere words".
     
    In 2000, the MF published research highlighting the use of torture by both the Sri Lankan forces, and the LTTE, which documented the methods used. Today, a new wave of clients bears witness to its resurgence.
     
    The current client caseload suggests that increasingly it is civilians with no real political connection who are the targets of the Sri Lankan security forces, the LTTE and state sponsored paramilitaries such as the "Karuna Group."
     
    The overwhelming majority of clients seen at the MF were Tamil, with just three giving their ethnicity as Sinhalese. In 79 cases out of 115 where the perpetrator was named, the Sri Lankan Army were alleged to be responsible for the torture. The LTTE were implicated in 15 of those cases, the Sri Lankan Navy in 14, and the Karma Group in 11. In a number of cases, once targeted by one faction, victims subsequently fell under suspicion from other groups because of speculation about what they might have said while being held.
     
    Some of those Sri Lankans interviewed reported being coerced into working for the LTTE as an alternative to having family members "conscripted". Others said they were targeted as suspects, often because of the activities of spouses or relatives. Several women who were detained by security forces or paramilitary groups while seeking to find their husbands were raped by the very authorities they sought help from.
     
    The torture techniques reported by this recent group of arrivals to the UK match those found by the MF in its 2000 findings. The prevalence of rape, with at least 24 female clients and 22 male clients reporting they fell victim.
     
    Fifty-five clients reported being beaten with implements ranging from truncheons to electric cable, 30 reported being burnt with cigarettes, and 20 said they were partially suffocated by a plastic bag soaked in petrol being placed over the head. Suspension by the ankles was also common.
     
    Those interviewed by the MF remind us once again of the ongoing strife in Sri Lanka. It also reminds us of why we must impress on the Home Office the urgent need to identify torture survivors early on in the asylum process so that they are not detained, and are adequately supported and cared for.
     
  • Sri Lanka trumpets oversubscription for bonds
    Foreign traders view Sri Lanka as a good place to invest, especially in government bonds
    Sri Lanka’s debut foray into the sale of international sovereign bonds has drawn significant interest from overseas investors, attracting $1.25 billion of orders for a $500 million bond offering, according to an e-mail sent to investors.
     
    The Sri Lankan government Thursday trumpeted the over-subscription of its controversial bond for USD500 million as a firm vote of confidence in the resilience of the island's war-torn economy.
     
    The President's Office had said in a press release that the bond was over-subscribed three times when the bids closed last Wednesday.
     
    Forty per cent of the investors were from the US, while Europe, Middle East and Asia accounted for 30% each, the Hindustan Times reported.
     
    The press release claimed that international investors were clearly impressed with Sri Lanka's 7.4% growth in 2006, despite the fuel price shock, adverse weather conditions and the continuing war.
     
    “Whatever way you look at it and depends who you talk to -- it’s either a good boost for the government or a costly exercise to the country,” a senior, respected banker, who declined to be named, told the Sunday Times.
     
    On his part, he believed the oversubscription meant “the international investor was confident in the Sri Lanka economy but was paying a higher price because the political risk is higher.”
     
    Explaining this, he said because of the United National Party’s (UNP) opposition to the bond and fears that repayment could be a problem if interest rates rose to over 8 percent (when bonds like this may have attracted a rate of around 7 percent).
     
    The main opposition UNP had criticized the bond as being an expensive way to raise funds and even threatened that it would cancel the issue if it came to power.
     
     “Having said that I believe this issue has shown that foreign investors are confident of Sri Lanka. However there is bound to be a debate on the good and bad side of this issue,” the senior banker told the Sunday paper.
     
    Other bankers agreed that the interest rate of over 8 percent for the US$ 500 million bond which raised offers of over US$ 1.2 billion came because the risk was higher, the Sunday Times reported.
     
    "The bond carries 8.5% interest over a five year period which is the costliest loan that the Sri Lankan state has ever taken in its history. The subscribers have got a very good deal even as it shows how desperate the government has been to get money," Dr Harsha de Silva of the Colombo-based think tank LIRNE ASIA told Hindustan Times.
     
    Dr de Silva and other critics, including the opposition UNP, wonder if the expensive money, got in such a hurry, was meant to tide over the cash crunch the government was facing, to meet the budget deficit, or finance the ever escalating war in the North and East, the Hindustan Times reported.
     
    Bankers and economists agree with the opposition criticism that the bond is not for the stated reasons like financing infrastructure development projects, the Sunday Times added.
     
    “If it was for this reason, the government would have easily gone in for cheaper credit (ADB, etc) at 1-2 percent or even less. Here we are paying 8 percent in a short term (five years). That’s a huge cost to the people and something stinks in what the government is saying,” a Colombo banker was quoted by the Sunday Times as saying.
     
    Sri Lanka’s defense expenditure is to go up from SLRs 139 billion ($ 1.27 bn) in 2007 to SLRs.166 billion ($ 1.46 bn) in 2008, and the inflation rate is currently at 17.5%.
     
    “Everyone knows that despite what the UNP says it won’t keep to its word,” another banker, asked to comment on whether the UNP, if and when in power, would stop the repayments as announced, told the Sunday Times.
     
    This was also a view expressed earlier by Fitch Ratings.
     
    Media analysts said one of the problems in analysing politically-sensitive issues like this was that commentators from the political, business, economic or banking sectors were often polarised on political lines.
     
    “They are either reflecting a pro-government view or a pro-UNP view and speak with some kind of bias and often don’t come up with a rational or unbiased view on national issues,” one analyst said. “So it’s difficult to get an independent comment.”
     
     
  • Sri Lanka hunts new oil reserves
    Sri Lanka is seeking international expertise to conduct seismic surveys off the southern tip of the island in a hunt for new oil deposits, a senior minister said Friday.
     
    "Initial seismic surveys shows that there are prospects for oil deposits in the southern seas and we are calling for international tenders to conduct a two dimensional seismic survey," Petroleum Minister A. H. M. Fowzie told AFP.
     
    The survey is expected to cost about 6.5 million dollars, he said.
     
    Sri Lanka has also sought international investors to explore oil off its northwestern shores.
     
    Seismic surveys conducted by Norway's TGS Nopec have shown that there was potential for oil and gas in the Cauvery basin off Mannar. Officials estimate the basin to carry oil reserves in excess of one billion barrels.
     
    Fowzie said over 40 foreign firms showed interest when the government shared data on three out of eight blocks earmarked for exploration, during roadshows held in London, Houston and Malaysia last month.
     
    Successful bidders have to pay the Sri Lankan government a 10 percent royalty fee on oil produced and a 35 percent tax on profits in return for an eight-year license to prospect for oil, he said.
     
    Two blocks in the basin out of the eight have already been allocated to the governments of China and India, which have to pay a 100-million-dollar deposit each for the privilege.
     
    In the early 1970s, Sri Lanka drilled seven wells in the Mannar region with help from the former Soviet Union, but found no oil.
     
    The country continues to import all its petroleum.
     
    Meanwhile, an Indian oil company has announced plans to explore prospects for oil in Sri Lanka.
     
    India's premier Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Ltd (ONGC) will be investing INR75,000 crores, and 35 per cent of that is for exploring new ventures.
     
    "We have made nine hydrocarbon discoveries in the current year, out of which three are in Cambay Basin, one each in Mumbai Offshore, Assam Shelf and Cauvery basin and three in the East Coast deepwater" said ONGC chairman and Managing Director R.S. Sharma addressing a press conference in Chennai Friday, the Asian Age reported.
     
    He said that ONGC is in talks with Sri Lanka to explore opportunities there. "If there are any good prospects, we would enter that area," he added.
     
  • Eastern colonisation continues in Battilcaloa
    Internally displaced refugees are unable to return to their homes, but Sinhalese are being settled in traditionally Tamil areas in the East
    Sri Lankan was once again accused of colonising the Eastern province under the guise of resettlement. Parliamentarians of the largest Tamil party in the parliament this week again accused the government of Sinhala colonization of the Eastern province.
     
    Whilst announcing plans to develop the eastern province and seeking international aid for the purpose, Sri Lanka has continued to militarise the province by involving security forces in administration of the province and aid distribution, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) charged.
     
    In its latest attempts to colonise the Tamil dominated eastern province, the Sri Lankan state has employed Sinhala prisoners at Maangkerni cashew plantation owned by Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation (SLCC), whilst the locals who were previously employed there have been languishing without any income for the past many years, Batticaloa District TNA parliamentarian S. Jeyananthamoorthy charged in a letter addressed to President Mahinda Rajapakse.
     
    The move to bring on Sinhala convicts will result in Sinhala colonization in future and exacerbate ethnic conflict in the area, Jeyananthamoorthy pointed out in his letter.
     
    "The cashew plantation located in Maangkerni, Batticaloa District, has been long abandoned and is in an unusable state. There is a very large SLA camp constructed at that site and as a result the entire plantation has been destroyed,” he notes.
     
    “Those previously employed in the plantation are languishing without any income for the past many years,” he wrote.
     
    "Though it is not an appropriate step to be taken under the existing conditions, SLCC has decided to reactivate cashew cultivation in that location. At the same time I learn that the cashew corporation has entered into a contract with the Prisons department to employ Sinhala convicts at this location. I also learn that this scheme is being implemented by your advisor and parliamentarian Basil Rajapakse.”
     
    “In Vaakarai region, there are still a large number of former employees of the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation,” he wrote, pointing out that they continue to be unemployed.
     
    “Apart from this, when such an employment scheme is implemented, priority should be given to the youths residing in the region. To bring in Sinhala prisoners to be employed here, without taking into consideration these factors is an undemocratic act and should be condemned.”
     
    “This move could be a prelude to permanently keep these convicted prisoners here in order to create Sinhala colonization. In addition, allowing these convicts to move around freely in this Tamil area will instil fear among the Tamil population and may lead to ethnic conflicts in the future,” he notes.
     
    In September this year, Tamil parliamentarian and TNA parliamentary group leader, Rajothayam Sampanthan, brought to light similar attempts by the Sri Lankan state to colonise the eastern province in the Trincomalee District.
     
    He charged the government was giving in to the demands of the extreme nationalist Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a Buddhist monk party, during an address to the Sri Lankan parliament.
     
    The JHU plans to carve out a Sinhala district between Trincomalee District in the Eastern Province and Mullaiththeevu in the Northern Province, aiming to split the geographical contiguity of the Tamil homeland, he alleged.
     
    Successive Sri Lankan governments have already systematically colonized the traditional Tamil areas of Manalaaru (named Weli Oya in Sinhala), Pathavikkulam (named Padaviya in Sinhala), Thiriyaay, and Pulmoaddai between the Mullaiththeevu District and the Trincomalee District, he noted.
     
    The areas of Kokkilaay, Thennamaravaadi and Thannimurippu (named Janakapura in Sinhala) are militarized zones.
     
    However since the demerger of the Northern and Eastern provinces earlier this year, the Sri Lankan novernment has taken steps to create a new Sinhala district consisting of the above areas.
     
    The aim is to partition the Northern and Eastern provinces, in order to fulfil its pledge given to the JHU during the last Presidential elections, Sampanthan said at the time.
  • An act of unbelievable determination, bravery and precision
    LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirapaharan meeting Air Tigers before setting off on their mission deep behind Sri Lankan lines. Photo LTTE
    Reliable details of the combined air and land attack launched by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on the Anuradhapura air base of the Sri Lankan Air Force early in the morning of October 22, 2007, indicate that it was neither an act of desperation as projected by the embarrassed Sri Lankan military spokesmen nor an act of needless dramatics as suggested by others.
     
    It was an act of unbelievable determination, bravery and precision successfully carried out by a 21-member suicide commando group of the Black Tigers - significantly led by a Tamil from the Eastern Province - with the back-up support of two planes of the so-called Tamil Eelam Air Force.
     
    Reliable Western sources say that no other terrorist organisation in the world would have been capable of organising such a raid, which had been preceded by painstaking intelligence collection, planning and rehearsal.
     
    The commandoes, divided into groups, infiltrated into the air base from two directions and, within 20 minutes, took the security guards by surprise, overwhelmed them, seized their weapons and communication equipment, neutralised a radar and an anti-aircraft gun position and then intimated their headquarters that they were in effective control of the air base.
     
    Only then the two aircraft of the LTTE's air wing flew to Anuradhapura and dropped two bombs on the base and flew back safely to their hide-out.
     
    The commandoes remained in effective occupation of the base from 3 AM to at least 9 AM. During this period, they blew up three helicopters, two fixed-wing aircraft - one of them a trainer - and three unmanned drones.
     
    After losing communication with the air base, the Sri Lankan Air Force base at Vavuniya sent one of its helicopters to Anuradhapura to find out what had happened. As it was approaching the air base, it was shot down by the LTTE commandoes manning the anti-aircraft gun in the air base.
     
    The commandoes also blew up an ammunition storage depot in the air base and damaged its runway.
     
    It is learnt that the Black Tiger commandoes remained in communication with their headquarters till 9 AM. Thereafter, all communications ceased, indicating thereby that all of them had either been killed by the Sri Lankan Security Forces or had committed suicide to avoid falling into the hands of the Sri Lankan security forces, who had counter-attacked the base.
     
    Thirteen SLAF personnel were killed, nine inside the base and four in the helicopter crash.
     
    The LTTE has been silent on the fate of the commandoes. However, it has released their personal particulars.
     
    Two Lieutenant-Colonels, six Majors, 12 Captains and one Lieutenant rank Black Tiger members took part in the operation. A Lieutenant-Colonel who led an attack team was from Trincomalee, two of the members, a Major and a Captain, were from Batticaloa, one from Mullaiththeevu, one from Mannaar, three from Ki'linochchi and eleven members from Jaffna .Three Captains were women.
     
    Initial reports of the raid had indicated that the raid started with an air attack by the LTTE's aircraft and that it was only thereafter that the commandoes had infiltrated into the air base by taking advantage of the confusion.
     
    Subsequent reports, however, indicate that the Black Tigers initially infiltrated the base and took control of it and that it was then that the air raid was launched more to test the capability for co-ordination between the air wing and the Black Tigers than to cause damage to the base. Since the Black Tigers were already in effective control of the base, they did not need any air support.
     
    Embarrassed by the spectacular display of the LTTE's prowess, the Sri Lankan authorities have been trying to play down the successes of the LTTE operation.
     
    They claim that only two helicopters and one fixed wing aircraft were damaged and another helicopter was destroyed when it crash-landed due to technical reasons.
     
    The Colombo correspondent of the "Daily Telegraph" of London has reported that the Black Tigers destroyed an expensive Beechcraft surveillance plane worth £14 million, two Mi17 helicopters, two Mi24 helicopters, three unmanned aerial vehicles, a K-8 jet and eight PD6 propeller trainer aircraft.
     
    The Anuradhapura air base was essentially used by the SLAF as a training base. The training command of the SLAF was located there.
     
    In addition, it was also providing intelligence support to the SLAF and the Navy through the sophisticated Beechcraft plane fitted with equipment for aerial photography and the collection of electronic and technical intelligence and the unmanned drones.
     
    Instructors from Pakistan, China and Israel were periodically attached to the base.
     
    The helicopters destroyed by the Black Tigers were being used as helicopter gun ships or for VIP transport. While the damage sustained by the SLAF is considerable in money terms and reduces its capability for intelligence collection for air and naval operations, its impact on the SLAF's capability for air strikes over the LTTE controlled areas would be limited.
     
    The successful operation would seem to have been launched by the LTTE in retaliation for the recent operations of the Sri Lankan Navy against the transport ships of the LTTE and the air strikes of the SLAF over LTTE positions in the Northern Province.
     
    It once again underlines the LTTE's reputation as an organisation with a tremendous tenacity of purpose, grit and sophistication in thinking and planning. Its recent set-backs have not weakened its morale.
     
    They have only redoubled its determination to keep fighting for its political objective unmindful of the losses in the Eastern Province. 
     
    The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: [email protected]
     
  • Sri Lanka’s outlook is for more war
  • Sri Lanka escalates war whilst sending contradicting signals
    The Sri Lankan Army has been using its newly purchased equipment, including Buffel Armoured Personnel Carriers like the one above, to aggressively pursue its war against the Liberation Tigers
    The Sri Lankan government continued to escalate the fighting in the north of the island by launching multiple attacks on the LTTE administered Vanni, as they sent contradicting signals to the international community by making peace overtures to the LTTE and vowing to wipe out the organisation at the same.
     
    Over the past few months the Sri Lankan security forces have been preparing for a major offensive against the LTTE in Wanni and gradually intensifying their attacks, setting the scene for an all-out war in the island’s north.
     
    Since coming to power in November 2005, the Rajapakse administration has launched military operations, one after another, with the aim of capturing LTTE administered territories, whilst reasoning that the offensives were intended to keep LTTE from returning to war.
     
    Whilst the international community has made periodic statements urging the government to seek a political solution to the long drawn conflict, so far no tangible pressure has been applied by the international community, including co-chairs to the peace process – Norway, US, EU and Japan, to persuade the Sri Lankan state to return to negotiations.
     
    Emboldened by the lack of pressure, especially following the collapse of the All Party Representative Committee (APRC), the mechanism through which the western states were hoping a power sharing political solution would be derived, and continuing military support, both training and material, from India and other countries, Sri Lanka is busy preparing for an all-out war.
     
    Comments made by Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapakse, brother of the president Mahinda Rajapakse, made it clear where the government's priorities lay when he said a political solution would be impossible without first crushing the Tigers.
     
    However, Sri Lanka continues to make uncommitted peace overtures to the LTTE in an attempt to show its commitment to a negotiated settlement.
    Speaking at a conference in New Delhi earlier this month President Rajapakse said he would respond favourably if the LTTE seeked ``negotiated and sustainable'' settlement in their two-decade-old fight for a separate homeland.
    ``If those who carry arms against the state are willing to enter a process of genuine negotiation toward a peaceful and democratic solution, the government and the people will reciprocate,'' Rajapakse said.
    ``I don't believe in a military solution and I want a political solution,'' Rajapakse added.
    However last week, answering questions during a television question-answer session, Rajapakse vowed to ‘liberate’ all areas of Sri Lanka from the LTTE and destroy the organisation.
     
    "The government will not tolerate terrorism and it would be fought until total elimination," Rajapakse added.
     
    Few days earlier Rajapakse’s military commander, General Sarath Fonseka reflected similar sentiments when he vowed to continue the military operations against the LTTE and declared the army would "crush terrorism" to convince the rebels that the ethnic problem cannot be resolved through violence.
     
    "The Army will crush terrorism to convince the terrorists that their problems could not be solved through terrorist acts," Fonseka said while addressing the 58th Army Day celebrations at the Army Headquarters.
     
    He cited the army's successes "starting from the Mavilaru operation up to the liberation of Silavatturai".
     
    "In the future too the Army would continue to march forward triumphantly,"
    Fonseka further said that he expected to chase the Tigers from the north in a year, “maybe less”.
     
    Last week saw fierce fighting in multiple fronts with the Sri Lankan military attacking LTTE positions in Muhamaalai in Jaffna, Mullikulam in Mannar and Trincomalee district.
     
    In recent weeks the Sri Lankan Air Force has stepped up aerial bombardment of Wanni targeting densly populated areas like Viswamadhu and Puthukudiyiruppu.
     
    In the latest attack, on Friday 19 October, five SLAF Kfir bombers dropped more than twenty four bombs in two sorties, targeting civilian settlements in Veanaavil and surrounding areas, sources in Vanni said.
    Artillery barrages have also intensified with the Sri lankan army based in Jaffna peninsula, Vavuniya, Mannar and Trincomalee regularly targeting civilian settlements.
     
    Civilian settlements in northern war-front like Mukamaalai, Naakarkoayil, Kilaali, Vadamaraadchi East, Pa'lai, Chempiyanpattu, Iyakkachchi, Maruthangkearni, Kaddaikkaadu, Vettilaikkearni and Poonakari besides Vavuniyaa and Mannar districts have been the targets of heavy artillery, mortar and Multi Barrel Rocket Launcher fire from SLA positions in the past few weeks.
     
    On the naval front also there have been increasingly frequent skirmishes between the Sri Lankan Navy and the Sea Tigers.
     
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