Sri Lanka

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  • Smell of appeasement surrounds asylum-seeker deal

    THE Australian government went to Sri Lanka this week bearing gifts in the hope of winning co-operation in its bid to reduce asylum-seeker numbers.

     

    One was material: $11 million towards de-mining the former northern conflict zone and resettling about 250,000 civilians still held behind razor wire in internally displaced people (IDP) camps.

     

    The other was less tangible: rhetoric that pandered to the Sri Lankan view that most asylum-seekers are Tamil Tigers seeking to reinvigorate the separatist struggle from distant shores.

     

    Both bore the whiff of appeasement.

     

    While the EU is poised to withdraw Sri Lanka's tax exemption status for textile exports, worth $US3.3 billion annually, because of reported human rights abuses there, and the US administration has called for the camps and former conflict zones to be opened to international scrutiny, Australian officials say they prefer a more "constructive" approach.

     

    In a joint news conference late on Monday night to announce a memorandum of understanding on people-smuggling, Foreign Minister Stephen Smith emphasised the importance of apprehending and prosecuting criminal and terror syndicates behind the people-smuggling trade.

     

    "We face a heightened challenge from the criminal syndicates behind people-smuggling and we need to up our efforts to combat that, and that's what our agreement is about today," Mr Smith said.

     

    Australia's latest financial contribution will provide $6m to clear mines in resettlement areas, $2m for food assistance to people who have been resettled and $3m through the UN for housing reconstruction work.

     

    In announcing the aid grant, Mr Smith welcomed the Sri Lankan government's commitment to moving people out of IDP camps and back into their communities "with all the freedoms associated with that, particularly the freedom of movement".

     

    That will be news to people such as Pawani, a 25-year-old Tamil woman who lost both her legs in March during heavy government shelling of Killinochchi, the administrative capital of the former LTTE-held north.

     

    She was released into her parents' care only last month after spending five months in an IDP camp but enjoys none of the freedom of movement Mr Smith referred to this week.

     

    Confined to her family home in a tiny fishing village in eastern Batticaloa Province, Pawani cannot even travel the few kilometres to the neighbouring village to see relatives and friends without first seeking permission from security officers.

     

    "I have been advised by the authorities that I have to live at the one address I have been released to," she told The Australian.

     

    "When I want to leave this village, I have to inform the authorities.

     

    "Even to go to hospital, I have to get permission.

     

    "I have many relations who live in neighbouring villages but I can't visit them. Even if I get permission, I am not allowed to stay the night."

     

    Neither Pawani nor her family has received compensation for her life-changing injuries and she has no idea whether the government will help pay for artificial limbs and rehabilitation.

     

    Colombo-based human rights lawyer Gowry Tharawasa has little faith Australia's latest aid contribution, which brings Canberra's total financial aid package since the war's end in May to $49m, will find its way to the people most in need.

     

    "IDPs who have been released have not been given any proper facilities," Ms Tharawasa said yesterday.

     

    "No aid has been provided. There's been big publicity about people released but they have been dropped in villages without even basic facilities."

  • Fonseka flees America before war crimes interview

    Sri Lankan Chief of Defense Staff General Sarath Fonseka fled the United States, hours before he was due to attend a meeting with the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to discuss allegations of war crimes against Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

     

    According to Fonseka and other Sri Lankan officials, the DHS contacted the general on October 28 during his trip to the U.S. to visit his daughters, who live in Oklahoma.

     

    Fonseka, who holds a U.S. green card permanent-residency certificate, was asked to show up for an interview on November 4. But hours before the interview was due to take place, Fonseka flew out of the US, thereby avoiding meeting.

     

    In the Sri Lankan parliamnent, this was portrayed as the actions of a partriotic citizen.

     

    “In the same way this brave soldier rid the country of terrorism, he is now on his way home without betraying the nation,” AFP quoted Samantha Vidyaratne as telling the Sri Lankan parliament.

     

    Earlier, in a letter to the Sri Lankan Embassy in Washington, Fonseka said he had been asked by United States officials to be a ‘source’ against Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

     

    Two US officials from the DHS had reportedly made the request from Fonseka on his son-in-law’s telephone line, the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.

     

    Fonseka said one of the officials had asked him whether he was prepared to be a ‘source’ against the ‘Defence Minister’ of Sri Lanka. Fonseka had responded by asking him whether whom he meant was the President, who is the Defence Minister, the Daily Mirror reported.

    The official had then told him he had meant Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, to which Fonseka allegedly replied that he was the Defence Secretary and not the Defence Minister.

     

    This conversation had been followed with a formal request by the Department of Homeland Security for a ‘voluntary meeting’ with Fonseka.

     

    Later Sri Lanka’s ambassador to the US, Jaliya Wickramasuriya, had retained lawyers from a leading law firm to ‘assist’ the military commander.

     

    Given that Fonseka is only a US green card holder and not a US citizen yet, the US authorities only have the powers to question him over matters relating to his prospective US citizenship and not human rights violation.

     

    This is however not the case for Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who holds US citizenship.

     

    The Sri Lankan government claimed responsibility for facilitating Fonseka’s departure from the US.

     

    “We facilitated General Fonseka's early departure ahead of his Wednesday meeting with the DHS,” Rohitha Bogollagama told Reuters.

     

    “General Fonseka is a high-ranking public official and our position is that he cannot be used as a source against another high ranking official. That's incriminating".

     

    Separately reports confirmed that Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was questioned by US immigration authorities on his arrival in the US as a member of the Sri Lankan delegation attending the UN General Assembly earlier this year.

     

    “This was not revealed to the media at that time.  However, our Defence Secretary has been questioned for one hour by some US immigration officials on his arrival in the country,” National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa told reporters.

     

    “Nevertheless, they have no right to question him on human rights issues. Now, these foreign forces appear to have renewed their conspiracy to hound the political and military leaders who led this war to a successful completion. They are trying to use General Fonseka for this purpose,” the Daily Mirror newspaper quoted him as saying.

     

    "It happened and I was there," Bogollagama said of the Rajapaksa interview. "We took all the necessary actions that were required."

     

    In the U.S., the DHS's office of Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE), which reportedly made the Fonseka request, refused to confirm or deny the allegation.

     

    “If there was an investigation, there's nothing we can provide. Especially in cases that are very sensitive under human-rights violations, until that person or group were fully investigated [we] would never comment,” ICE spokesman Brandon Alvarez-Montgomery was quoted as saying by Time magazine.

     

    Fonseka is known to have made some public remarks about the war in Sri Lanka, that could have drawn the attention of the UD officials.

     

    At an event in Ambalangoda, Sri Lanka, Fonseka was quoted as telling the audience that “the military had to overlook the traditional rules of war and even kill LTTE rebels who came to surrender carrying white flags during the war against the LTTE.”

     

    Similarly, at a speech at a Buddhist temple in the United States, Fonseka is reported to have said: “We must deploy enough troops to provide security for these [resettled] areas. We must in these areas, this virus, there are still 1000’s of terrorists in IDP camps. We must identify these terrorist and destroy them. We must take them into custody and then resettle them. We must provide security in strength to these areas. I will only be happy that we finished the war we ended when I see this.”

     

    The US government had initially invited Fonseka to attend an event to farewell Commander Admiral Timothy J. Keating during his visit. But this invitation was withdrawn once the US State Department filed its report into the concluding days of the war in Sri Lanka, which reported numerous allegations that might amount to war crimes.

     

     

    "[T]he US action to request meeting does not augur well for Mr Fonseka's legal future in the US,” a representative for Tamils Against Genocide (TAG) told TamilNet.

     

    “Private plaintiffs are ready to file law-suits against Mr Fonseka under existing US tort statutes, if his sovereign immunity is found to be non-enforcable. When the General relinquishes his military office in Sri Lanka, he will shed the sovereign immunity, and will expose himself to legal action in the US," the TAG representative said.

     

    TAG is a US based pressure group that filed a model indictment with the Justice Department against Fonseka and Gotabhaya Rajapakse, and is continuing to collect evidence, including Satellite evidence, for war crimes against Sri Lanka. 

  • Sri Lanka to respond to US report

    Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa has appointed a five-member high-level committee to look into a US Congress report that alleged human rights violations by both the Army and LTTE during the last phase of the 30-year-old civil war.

     

    The committee would be headed by legal expert D S Wijesinghe, Minister for Disaster Management and Human Rights Mahinda Samarasinghe told reporters on November 6.

     

    The other members of the committee are Nihal Jayamanne, C.R. de Silva, Mano Ramanathan and Jesima Ismail.

     

    Rajapaksa had earlier said that he would appoint an independent committee to comprehensively examine and provide recommendations on the report.

     

    The report, submitted by the US State Department to the Congress, had charged that both the government and the LTTE with "serious" human rights violations in the final months of the conflict.

     

    The 68-page report prepared by the War Crimes Office lists 170 human rights violations between May 2 and 18.

     

    The committee will have until December 31 this year to submit its final report, Samarasinghe said. 

  • Tamils die fleeing Sri Lanka

    A boatful of asylum seekers, believed to be Tamil refugees, was detected off the shores of Australia last week, capsizing before it had reached land.

     

    Twelve civilians aboard the boat are believed to have drowned and 27 were rescued.

     

    The boat is believed to have set sail from the Batticaloa, Sri Lanka, with the ultimate destination being Australia.

     

    The surviving asylum seekers  were sent to a detention centre on Christmas Island,  off the northern coast of Australia.

     

    After 24 hours a rescue operation to find further survivors was called off.

     

    “Medical advice received indicates that there is no further chance of survivability,” Australian Home Minister Brendan O'Connor said in a statement. “This is a tragic incident.”

     

    The refugees were rescued by a trawler and bulk freighter which responded to their distress signals.

     

    They arrived to find debris from the boat strewn about the water and a "significant" number of the passengers in the ocean.

     

    Two teenage boys aged 13 and 14 were among the missing, feared dead after the boat capsized near the Cocos Island.

     

    One body was recovered and a two more were sighted in the water, international media reports said.

     

    Meanwhile, 245 asylum seekers are still aboard a boat boarded West Java port of Merak in Indonesia, which was first detected on October 17. Since then, they have refused to disembark from the boat and step foot onto Indonesian soil.

     

    Ten refugees have come off the boat for urgent medical reasons.

     

    "We all wish to come to Australia," said 30-year old Anton speaking from an Indonesian hospital.

     

    The group’s spokesman Alex, has told reporters that he was deported from Canada in 2003, but was reluctant to talk about his past, fearing for the safety of his wife and children, who are still in Sri Lanka.

     

    He said that he would "hold the Australian government and the Indonesian government responsible for their murders," if anything were to happen to them.

     

    Many of the refugees on board the boat have said that they were held in the infamous Menik Farm IDP camp.

     

    "They are deeply traumatised and fear being returned to camps if they hand themselves over to the Indonesian government,” said Pamela Curr from the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre in Melbourne.

     

    “Three people from this boat have been hospitalised and five people with little children have left the boat because of the children. Last week water was restricted and no medical care given for conjunctivitis which was sweeping through the boat. Over 30 cases reported on Friday," she said.

     

    "IOM and Indonesian officers are pressuring the people to disembark. However after living in camps in Sri Lanka these people are not ready to commit to camps in Indonesia," she added.

  • Softly, softly on Sri Lankan boat-people

    This country enjoyed a warm glow early in the life of the previous Government when it relieved Australia of some of the so-called Tampa refugees.

     

    Green MP Keith Locke believes we should do it again, this time for asylum-seekers from Sri Lanka who have been picked up by an Australian customs vessel and returned to Indonesia, where they are refusing to disembark.

     

    This country needs to be careful as well as compassionate.

     

    It must do nothing to undermine Australia's legitimate efforts to control its borders. With a vast, empty coast facing Asia and the Indian Ocean, Australians naturally harbour a deep-seated fear of mass illegal immigration by sea.

     

    The Howard Government's refusal to admit the boat-people to the Australian mainland, keeping them encamped in Nauru, Papua New Guinea or Christmas Island, may have seemed hard-hearted in New Zealand but across the Tasman it won John Howard more friends than enemies.

     

    So much so that he was accused of exploiting his hard line for election gains.

     

    Be that as it may, Mr Howard can now point to a measure of success in stemming the flow of sea-borne asylum- seekers during his period in power.

     

    And for all that the Australian Labor Party criticised him at the time, the Rudd Government is doing much the same. It has shut the Nauru and PNG camps but increased air and sea patrols and maintained arrangements that deny refugee appeal rights to those held on Christmas Island.

     

    The public, however, believes Mr Rudd has softened the line and blames him for a recent resurgence in numbers of boat-people trying to make landfall in Australia.

     

    Two polls published this week returned adverse verdicts on his border security. Perception is probably a bigger problem than the reality. Australia accepts 13,500 refugees a year. More than 95 per cent arrive by plane.

     

    The number intercepted at sea over the past year is about 1800. Almost 700 of them have been stopped in the past six weeks. Most come from Afghanistan, Iraq and, more recently, Sri Lanka. Tamils fleeing Sri Lanka since their defeat in that country's long civil war have created a new wave of need.

     

    The 78 who are refusing to leave the Australian customs patrol ship Oceanic Viking in the West Java port of Merak have created an incident that dramatises both the plight of the Tamils and the Australian Government's dilemma.

     

    New Zealand should not take any of the 78 except at Canberra's request. There is a welcome and well-established Tamil immigrant community in this country and extra numbers could easily be absorbed, but orderly procedure is important.

     

    The Australian Foreign Minister has been in Sri Lanka this week trying to discourage Tamils from fleeing to Indonesia in the belief they can slip across to Australia by boat.

     

    Meanwhile, Indonesia has set a deadline of Friday for the Oceanic Viking to depart. Churches and trade unions are calling for the 78 to be allowed into Australia so their need for asylum can be properly assessed.

     

    But the Rudd Government's reluctance can be understood. It is one thing to assess an asylum-seeker who arrives on a commercial aircraft and send him away back on the next plane if his claim fails; it is a different thing entirely to bring the people in on Australian ships or aircraft and preserve the option not to let them stay.

     

    New Zealand should make known its willingness to help, as it did in the Tampa incident, but not too loudly. There is no credit in displays of compassion from a position of comfort.

     

    Asylum- seekers and the agents who prey on them must not imagine that a bid for illegal entry to Australia will result, at worst, in admission to New Zealand. The lucky few admitted from the Tampa did not interfere with the Howard Government's clear message. The same care would be needed again.

  • Death threats made to female newspaper editors

    “If you write anymore, we will kill you and slice you into pieces.”

     

    These were the words of “hand written death threats”, received by two female editors of The Sunday Leader, a leading broadsheet in Sri Lanka.

     

    The threats were sent to the editors, Frederica Jansz and Munza Mushtaq, after the paper published a story relating to the infamous Channel 4 execution video, reporting that the video was authentic.

     

    The letters, received on October 22, were written in red ink, and were reported by Jansz to be “almost identical to what Lasantha (Wickrematunge) got three weeks before he was murdered”.

     

    The former Sunday Leader editor received the threats just before he was assassinated.

     

    A professional graphologist P.H. Manatunge, confirmed that the writings sent to Wickrematunge were similar to the ones received recently and may have been sent by the same person.

     

    The threats followed an article written in the government run Media Centre for National Security website, attacking Frederica Jansz for comments made in an interview with Al-Jazeera.

     

    The article went so far as to even carry terminology such as “prostituting” and “prostitute.”

     

    “This newspaper has consistently in the entire 15 years of its existence come under attack. We have been burnt, bombed, sealed, harassed and threatened, culminating in January this year with the brutal killing of Lasantha Wickrematunge,” reported the paper.

     

    “Not satisfied with that assassination, The Sunday Leader has continued to come under attack.”

     

    The threats were received after the paper published a front page news article reporting the findings of a United States forensic analyst company.

     

    The American company had said in a preliminary report that there had been no tampering of the controversial Channel 4 video clip, in either the audio or video portions of the footage.

     

    The video showed men in Sri Lankan Army uniform executing naked, blindfolded Tamil civilians, with their hands tied behind their backs.

     

    “The police must treat these death threats written in red ink with the utmost seriousness, especially as they were sent to two journalists whose press group has repeatedly been the target of physical violence,” Reporters Without Borders said.

     

    “We urge the police to track down and arrest those who wrote these letters.”

     

    “It is also vital that the authorities order the security forces to put a stop to their unwarranted summonses and arrests of journalists, and to register the complaints submitted by journalists when they are physically attacked," carried on the non-governmental organisation which advocates press freedom.

     

    Since President Mahinda Rajapakse came into power in 2006 at least 14 media workers have been killed and over 30 media workers have been seriously assaulted in the last 2 years.

     

    The President has ordered an investigation into the threats, “but like all the inquiries he has ordered in the past, nothing will come of this one too,” reported the paper.

     

    “Over the past three years, numerous journalists have been detained in Sri Lanka while others have fled the country,” reported Amnesty International.

     

    “Investigations have not resulted in prosecutions.”

     

    “Our concern is that these most recent threats, like so many others, and the deaths of 11 journalists since President Mahinda Rajapaksa came to power in 2006, will remain unexplained and those behind them will remain unprosecuted,” said Bob Dietz of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists.

     

    “The air of impunity surrounding violence against the media is having a chilling effect on journalists.”

  • ‘Can't live in Sri Lanka’ says 9 year old asylum seeker

    "Sri Lanka refugees, we have lived in forest for one month. Please, sir, please take us to a country. It's OK if it is not Australia. It's better if any other country trades us. We can't live in Sri Lanka."

     

    These were the desperate words of 9 year old Brindha, as she pleaded on Australian television.

     

    She is one of the 255 men, women and children who have been stranded in waters off the Sunda straits of Indonesia since last month.

     

    They were attempting to flee from Sri Lanka and make their way towards Australia, where they could claim asylum, before they were intercepted by Indonesian authorities.

     

    The desperate Tamil civilians aboard the boat staged a hunger strike last week, as they attempted to persuade Australian authorities to allow them to seek asylum.

     

    The hunger strike lasted 52 hours before authorities eventually persuaded them to cease.

     

    A wooden board with the words "We are Sri Lankan civilians, Plz save our lives" scribbled onto it, is on display aboard the ship.

     

    Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has so far been unmoved and said that their individual cases should be processed by the United Nations.

     

    In reference to the hunger strike he commented that he would not be swayed by "any tactics deployed by any particular person".

     

    "There are still Tamil people in Sri Lanka who are dying every day. This is why most of these people here have fled from genocide in Sri Lanka and trying to find a future somewhere else... We're just people without a country to live in," said Alex, spokesman for the group.

     

    "But the situation in our country right now, I'm telling you, Tamils do not have an opportunity to survive in Sri Lanka," he said.

     

    The group of asylum seekers are still aboard their boat, which has docked the West Java port of Merak in Indonesia and are refusing to leave the vessel.

     

    According to the spokesman there are 195 men, 31 women, and 27 children on board, each of whom reported to have paid $15,000 USD in order to be smuggled out of Sri Lanka, amounting to nearly $ 4 million USD in total.

     

    The conditions of the boat have been described as far from adequate with there being just one toilet on the boat for all on board.

     

    One of the inhabitants, Varshini from Jaffna, is on board with Marthavan, her seven-year-old son, and Amirtha, her four-year-old daughter. She said her children believed they would see their father soon.

     

    She has yet to tell them that he was taken away by Government affiliated paramilitary forces, while they were sleeping 18 months ago.

     

    "There are still many more Sri Lankans who need help," said Alex, at a press conference organised by the asylum seekers last week.

     

     

    Alex and his fellow civilians are still refusing to leave the boat until they meet a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) official to explain the asylum procedure and give assurances about their future.

     

    "If you had no place to go, if you had no country of your own, what would you do and how long would you stay in a boat before you were promised to enter a country that will give you asylum? How long will you go? How desperate will you be?" said Alex.

     

    "We're not only suffering back home we're suffering here. We have no choice."

     

    "We have no country to go back to."

  • Refugees moved from one camp to another

    A small percentage of the Tamil refugees held in camps since May have allegedly been released amid growing international pressure on the Sri Lankan Government over its human rights record. But reports from the island suggested that the civilians were merely moved from one place of confinement to another.

     

    About 5,700 refugees left the huge camp at Menik Farm, in the country's north, on October 22 to be resettled, the Government said.

     

    Rehabilitation Minister Rishat Badurdheen told the press that 5,700 IDPs were allowed to return to their homes, claiming this was in keeping with a promise to release 80% of the inmates within a 180-day deadline.

     

    The minister also claimed that another 36,000 would be resettled "over the coming weeks" as he spoke to the BBC.

     

    Many of these civilians have been transferred to smaller transit camps or small shelters that have been set up in schools and other government owned buildings in other regions of the North and East, reports said.

     

    On the same day, the US State Department released a report of possible war crimes committed during the final months of the civil war, citing actions by government forces and the Tigers between January and May 2009.

     

    Senior Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapaksa, brother to President Mahinda Rajapakse, had led a press conference week earlier, where journalists were taken on tour and a ceremony was held to mark the release of 1,200 IDPs.

     

    The press were told that the people would be allowed to resettle back in their original homes in the Mannar district.

     

    The ceremony was held at Manthai West transit camp, where thousands of “released” IDPs were being held. These civilians had been taken to Manthai West from the camps in Chettikulam.

     

    But witnesses said the displaced boarded buses that merely took them back to the camps.

     

    Sunday Times photographer Ranjith Perera, who was amongst the journalists taken on the tour, reported that he witnessed the IDPs board a bus, said to be taking them to their homes, and then return back to the same Manthai West transit camp.

     

    “It was more of a photo opportunity for the journalists” reported the photographer.

     

     “Every aspect of the exercise was a fraud designed to deflect criticism at home and internationally over the detention of Tamil civilians,” said Sarath Kumara of the International Committee of the Fourth International.

     

    He called the event a “public relations charade”.

     

    When government officials were asked by the paper about the IDPs of Manthai West they were told that “the original houses of the IDPs had suffered heavy damage due to the heavy fighting... it was not possible to send them directly to their homes as their houses needed repairs”.

     

    There were also 144 Tamil students who were being held at Poonthooddam Child Protection and Rehabilitation Centre, a Vavuniya internment camp, being forcibly transferred to Ratmalana Hindu College in Colombo. Parents were told they could visit "once or twice a month".

     

    The Sunday Times reported of another case of IDPs, originally from Mullaitivu, who the government claimed to have resettled.

     

    It was uncovered that these Tamil civilians were being held in a transit internment camp in Thunukkai and were merely “allowed to visit their villages in Mullaitivu” and “(see) for themselves the damage caused to their houses”.

     

    Even Minister Douglas Devananda confirmed that IDPs from Mullaiththeevu and Kilinochchi districts in Vanni are now being held in the detention camps in Mirusuvil, Kodikaamam Naavaladi and Kaithadi in Jaffna.

     

    Separately, in Trincomalee fifteen IDPs were abducted from a transit camp located in the complex of Eachchilampathu Sri Shenpaga Maha Vidiyalayam in Seruvila division. They were all Tamil men, who were married and aged between 25 and 45.

     

    A group of unknown persons dressed in army camouflage uniform were said to have taken them and their whereabouts are currently uknown.

     

    This is a situation that is seen all over the North-East of Sri Lanka as these smaller indefinite ‘transit’ camps are established, observers said.

     

    And this is now an open secret.

     

    “The government has widely publicised recent releases from the camps yet Amnesty International has received reports that many are simply transfers to other camps where the displaced may be subjected to rescreening by local authorities,” reads a report by the international NGO.

     

    The organisation “confirmed the location of at least 10 such facilities in school buildings and hostels originally designated as displacement camps in the north” while stating that there were “frequent reports of other unofficial places of detention elsewhere in the country”.

     

    Places such as Poonthotham Teachers Training College have been identified as “irregular places of detention” and widely condemned.

     

    “The danger of serious human rights violations, including torture, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings increases substantially when detainees are held in locations that are not officially acknowledged places of detention and lack proper legal procedures and safeguards”, said Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International's Asia Director.

     

    Since the climax of the civil war in May, over 240,000 Tamil civilians remain forcibly held in internment camps by the Sri Lankan Government. Repeated promises by the government to send these IDPs home have been broken and pressure is mounting on Colombo to act quickly.

  • UN Chief - Sri Lanka "resisting" investigations

    The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, criticized the Sri Lankan Government on the issue of "accountability" and for refusing to co-operate “to our many requests for an international investigation of what we say is widespread acts of killing of civilians."

     

    She made the comments during a speech at a press conference in Brussels.

     

    “We have pointed out that they have in the past attempted to hold national investigations of very serious acts of killings that occurred of NGO and humanitarian workers and these investigations were dropped," said Pillay.

     

    “They do not have a very good record in holding serious investigations. Now, I am engaged in discussions with the Secretary General over what kind of mechanism would be acceptable. But as I said the bottom-line is that the government is resisting these suggestions," said the former South African judge.

     

     She also mentioned that “such a request has also been made by the (UN) Secretary General and we are working very closely with the Secretary General to hold the President of Sri Lanka to his promise which he made to the Secretary General that he will look into the issue of accountability and so we want to know what kind of mechanism is he setting up."

     

    The UN Commissioner also mentioned that the Sri Lankan Government, both publicly and to the UN Secretary General stated that they would not allow her to enter the country.

     

    Her call was reiterated by her colleague Rupert Colville a few days later.

     

    "We still believe that something like the Gaza fact-finding mission is certainly warranted given the widespread concerns about the conduct of the war in Sri Lanka," said Colvile, referring to recent fact finding mission into the Israel-Palestinian conflict on the Gaza Strip earlier this year.

     

    "It seems that more clarity is likely to emerge about who did what to whom and whether or not war crimes and crimes against humanity and other very serious war crimes were committed by one or both sides," said Colville, a spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

     

    "The issue of some 240,000 - 250,000 displaced people living in what are in effect internment camps continues to be of great concern... We hope the government takes serious actions to fulfill these commitments in the very near future" he added.

     

    The statement comes after publication of a US State Department report that contained reports of atrocities committed at the climax of the war earlier this year. Sri Lanka has so far categorically rejected all calls for investigations into war crimes.

  • Migrants on cargo ship heading for Canada

    Many of the 76 migrants seized from a ship off the Canadian coast have valid travel documents and legitimate reasons to apply for refugee status in Canada, according to a lawyer who has spoken to them.

     

    Human rights lawyer Lee Rankin told CBC News he has met about 30 of the men who journeyed to Canada from Sri Lanka, and he believes many have good reasons to seek refugee status.

     

    Rankin said many of the men planned to come to Canada and brought supporting documents with them, including birth certificates, national identity cards and in some cases passports.

     

    Rankin said that as members of the losing side in Sri Lanka's civil war, the Tamil men have a good case for refugee status.

     

    "If you look at the information about the country involved, the human rights record is poor, the treatment of prisoners is poor — extra-judicial killings, as well as very brutal treatment to people suspected of being on the losing side of the civil war," said Rankin.

     

    The migrants feared for their lives during a gruelling, lengthy voyage, said a lawyer who spoke with one of the men. The 76 Tamil asylum seekers had only minimal supplies and skeleton facilities during the journey, he said.

     

    "It was a very difficult, difficult experience and something that I think can probably best be described as parallel to a Titanic-type of an experience," said Gary Anandasangaree, a lawyer for the Canadian Tamil Congress.

     

    The migrants had little sense of time, only that the voyage lasted for weeks, Mr. Anandasangaree said. He said they encountered rough weather and "there were times" they feared for their lives.

     

    One migrant looked "exhausted" when he spoke to him late Tuesday at a detention centre in Maple Ridge, B.C. Mr. Anandasangaree interviewed the man on behalf of a Toronto lawyer who is representing him.

     

    "They took extraordinary risk during the voyage," he said. "It's quite eye-opening to look at what they went through to get here."

     

    Lawyers hired to represent some of the detained men are criticizing Canada's slow response to the refugee drama, saying they cannot even speak with their clients and that it is taking far too long for them to get hearings.

     

    "If this happened in a criminal [law] context, people would be up in arms," said Hadayt Nazami, a Toronto lawyer who is representing one migrant.

     

    Lawyer Doug Cannon said he hasn't been able to speak to his client even though the man was taken into custody Saturday night. Under Canadian immigration law, people detained at the border must get a hearing within 48 hours, or within a reasonable time.

     

    "I'm frustrated," Mr. Cannon said, adding he has contacted Canada Border Services Agency and the Immigration and Refugee Board to demand that his client get a detention hearing today. "I can't even get through to him."

     

    Mr. Cannon said he suspects that the officials are overwhelmed by the volume of migrants who arrived en masse but argued that's no excuse for the holdup. If delays persist, he said, a lawyer could make a valid argument to have a client released.

     

    Rankin dismissed reports the men paid an Indonesian human smuggling ring as much as $45,000 for passage to Canada, saying the men he met told him they paid 45,000 Sri Lankan rupees, worth about $410 Cdn at current exchange rates.

     

    About 30 of them say they have family or friends already in Canada, and Rankin said 60 Tamil-Canadian families in the Vancouver and Toronto areas have volunteered to take the others.

     

    The ship departed from India early last month, according to international shipping records. While it sailed as the Ocean Lady, it was registered as the Princess Easwary, press reports said.

     

    After a stop in Mumbai on Aug. 31, the Princess Easwary sailed from the northwest Indian port of Mundra on Sept. 8. That was its last recorded port of call until it entered Canadian waters.

     

    While the records indicate the ship's last port of call was India, it may have made unreported stops elsewhere in South or Southeast Asia to pick up its human cargo before heading for Canada.

     

    The company listed as the ship's owner does not appear to exist. Ray Ocean Transport Corp., registered in the Seychelles, owns the vessel and it is operated by Sunship Maritime Services, records show.

     

    But the National Post has been unable to locate any company officials. Both companies share an address in Cebu, Philippines, but the telephones appear to be out of service and emails sent to Sunship were returned as undeliverable. The Princess Easwary is the only ship operated by the companies.

     

    Several other businesses, including another shipping company and a Canadian immigration consultant, have used the same office. The Woodbridge, Ont.-based consultant said a prospective business partner had operated from that address but it had never been an official branch of his firm.

  • No Answers

    For several recent years, the international community’s approach to ‘Sri Lanka’ has been shaped, to a great extent, by the opinions and prescriptions of a select group of – largely British - analysts and policy makers. In their rarely self-questioned conviction, the reasons for war in Sri Lanka - and what consequently needed to be done for ‘peace’ - were blindingly simple: the root cause of war was the demand for Tamil Eelam and the ‘fanatical’ LTTE’s armed struggle for this goal. Ergo, all that was need for ‘peace’ was Sri Lanka’s ‘democratic’ government to militarily ‘weaken’ the LTTE thus bringing it to the negotiating table and making it give up Eelam. In short, the island’s problem was ‘violent conflict’ (i.e. the LTTE) and not the character of the Sri Lankan state (and certainly not ‘genocide’ as the Tamils outlandishly claim).

     

    This analysis has been utterly discredited by the conduct of the Sri Lankan state (as well as the most of the Sinhala polity) in both the murderous closing stages of the war and, especially, thereafter. But whilst the deliberate massacre of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians and the squalid incarceration of hundreds of thousands has compelled several international actors to look anew – and askance – at the Indian Ocean ethnocracy, the London-based policy nexus which theorised, argued for, and solicited international consensus around Sri Lanka’s military onslaught is still insisting the strategy was essentially right, that ‘peace’ can yet emerge. These handmaidens of Sri Lanka’s bloodbath will be proven disastrously wrong again. But not before the Tamils endure much more suffering and further bloodletting.

     

    To begin with, the ‘Sinhala first’ logic that has informed state policy and the limits of politics since independence has been manifest in both the Colombo regime’s conduct and the general support for these policies amongst most of the Sinhala polity and population. It is underlined not only in sustained state brutality towards the Tamils, but, equally, in Colombo’s interactions with the international community. The historical persistence of state chauvinism is underlined in Human Rights Watch’s observation this week that, of the commissions set by numerous Sri Lankan governments to investigate abuses, “none have produced significant results, either in providing new information or leading to prosecutions.” . Several international actors are thus coming to realise that the problem in Sri Lanka is, as the Tamils have long been arguing, rooted in the character of the Sinhala-dominated state. Consequently, what is required for lasting ‘peace’ is that the state be compelled to adhere – well beyond mere rhetoric and lipservice as in the past – to the norms of liberal governance.

     

    But, in contrast, the policy nexus that helped implicate the international community in Sri Lanka’s mass slaughter is still blundering on in ‘conflict resolution’ mode. In their logic, their grand strategy is actually working: the LTTE is destroyed, ergo peace is at hand; what is required now is some governance reform and a little poverty alleviation. (The overlap between this logic and that of Sinhala militarism and ultra-nationalism is not inconsequential.) The hunt is thus now on to find ‘moderates’ of various ethnic hues. What is required, foremost, is to find Tamils who will unconditionally reject ‘genocide’ and ‘Tamil Eelam’ and engage in dialogue with the Sinhala regime (these are the prerequistes for Tamils to be deemed ‘moderates). What is less important here is Colombo actually treats Tamils as equal to Sinhalese.

     

    At the root of this analysis is another form of chauvinism, one that has a colonial legacy and serves to both infantilize Third World peoples and trivialise their politics. Or put it another way, Tamil demands for ‘self-determination’ are deemed laughable, because as a people we are simply not considered capable of grasping the gravity or complexity of such concepts. The Tamils’ demand for self-rule is thus seen qualitatively different from, say, that of the Quebecois’. Such condescension is not new – indeed it is exemplified in British colonial conduct in the run up to the island’s independence and thereafter.

     

    What is important, however, is that the horrors of contemporary Sri Lanka are not only laying bare the real drivers of protracted ethnic conflict there, but also revealing the dubious analytical and moral foundations of international backing for the Sinhala state. Meanwhile, though it has not yet been noticed, but for all of its bloodletting and cold-blooded cruelty, Colombo has still not been able to compel the Tamils to abide by Sinhala supremacy. The coming period will thus be one of rising Sinhala triumphalism, intransigence and oppression, on the one hand, and deepening Tamil suffering and defiance, on the other. No international strategy is thus more disconnected from reality now than one of seeking dialogue amongst ‘moderates’.

  • Tamils herded into disease-ridden camps seek any escape

    WHEN Muthu Kumaran returned to Sri Lanka in February 2007, he had hoped, even expected, that his Tamil people were about to win independence.

     

    An Australian citizen and civil engineer, he wanted to be there when a Tamil state was established, freed from majority Sinhalese rule, and he wanted to lend his expertise in water management, too.

     

    Instead, the father of two from Sydney's west would endure the brutal reality of the Sri Lankan government's final push to wipe out the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the militant Tamil Tigers.

     

    Kumaran was not only swept up in the renewed hostilities of a 25-year civil war, he was also detained in one of the notorious internment camps that are still home to nearly 300,000 Tamils.

     

    He returned to Australia in the first week of August this year, having managed to buy his way out of the largest military-run camp in Sri Lanka, at Manik Farm.

     

    And with so many Tamils still detained in their homeland, and the Rudd government wrestling with how best to cope with those who have escaped and are seeking asylum in Australia, Kumaran has decided to speak out about his experience and the plight of his people.

     

    "People need to know, the international community needs to know, what it is happening in Sri Lanka," Kumaran tells Focus.

     

    "The US, Britain, Australia, they talk about democracy and human rights. Well, they cannot keep their eyes closed to these things."

     

    Fearing retribution here in Australia as well as for his extended family in Sri Lanka, Kumaran - not his real name - has requested his identity not be revealed.

     

    Having first left Sri Lanka 35 years ago, Kumaran had planned on staying for an extended period when he returned in early 2007, perhaps to retire there eventually.

     

    Basing himself in the northern city Kilinochchi, the de facto Tamil capital, he initially worked alongside non-government organisations Oxfam, Solidar, Forut and ZOA on water sanitation issues, as well as helping set up livelihood projects: teaching women how to dry banana leaves and make baskets for sale and setting up street stalls. He also taught English in schools.

     

    However, in January last year the Sri Lankan government withdrew from a ceasefire arrangement with the LTTE and the military began moving north into Tigers-held terrain in a bid to wipe them out.

     

    By December Kilinochchi was being targeted in bombing raids and Kumaran had to flee with more than 100,000 residents.

     

    The Sri Lankan government directed Tamils to evacuate to a designated safe zone at Visuwamadu about 10km away.

     

    For the next 5 1/2 months Kumaran remained on the road, herded south through seven safe zones alongside hundreds of thousands of other banished Tamils known as internally displaced persons, or IDPs.

     

    At each stop, an impromptu camp would be established in the belting heat, tents erected, bunkers, ground wells and toilets dug out, hospitals set up.

     

    Then a few days later the bombs would resume and this mass of humanity would move again, the numbers swelling all the time.

     

    "The roads would be chock-a-block. Lorries, tractors, bullock carts, pick-ups, motorbikes, push-cycles, people walking, everyone carrying bags. There were young children, pregnant ladies, babies, people on stretchers, you've never seen anything like it," he says.

     

    Kumaran also says they regularly came under fire along the way from bombs dropped by the Sri Lankan air force, rockets from naval ships, long-distance shelling and rifle rounds from the jungle bordering the roadside.

     

    He says he saw people killed and many injured. He ferried the bodies, dead and alive, to the nearest hospital or cemetery in a four-wheel drive.

     

    "Twice my pick-up got hit, but luckily not me. I think maybe I saw a dozen people killed, maybe another 20 injured, right in front of me," he says.

     

    By the time he left Mullivaikal in the second week of May, Kumaran was on foot, as were almost all the 300,000 Tamils, his possessions reduced to just a plastic shopping bag containing clothes and his Australian passport.

     

    Thirty-six hours later they came to a military screening point at Vavuniya, where everyone was frisked for weapons and directed to school grounds.

     

    There, the sprawling crowd was ordered to divide into two groups: those who were associated with the LTTE and those who were not.

     

    "We were told if we were LTTE, to declare it and there would be an amnesty. But they said, 'We know you, if we find out you have lied, you will be severely punished,"' Kumaran recalls.

     

    He joined the non-Tigers. They were then ordered on to buses and driven six hours to an area called Chettikulam, and a large swath of cleared jungle off the Vavuniya-Mannar Road. He had come to the Manik Farm internment camp.

     

    Kumaran describes the camp as a series of blocks, separated from each other by a road and strip of jungle. The facility was ringed by razor wire and guarded by armed troops.

     

    He estimates about 2500 people were held on each block, housed in 160 tents, with 16 people to each 4mx4m tent. Each block also had a community kitchen, a medical facility and four toilets each for men and women.

     

    Conditions were primitive at best, Kumaran says.

     

    There were no plates or utensils, so meals of dhal curry and rice were eaten off plastic bags that were reused each day. Water was limited to two 1000-litre tanks a block. Disease was everywhere.

     

    "I volunteered to be a translator for the Sinhalese doctors at the hospital. There was a lot of typhoid, chicken pox, fever, diarrhoea, malnutrition. People had large rashes because of the lack of bathing facilities, too," Kumaran says.

     

    "Our block, four people died while I was there, and another elderly gentleman hanged himself."

     

    In all, he would be there for eight days. In that time he wrote to the Australian High Commissioner and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Colombo about his detention, letters a camp official agreed to send.

     

    But before he heard back, Kumaran says he discovered via "the bush telegraph" he could buy his freedom.

     

    He is reticent to reveal details of his escape or how much he paid, but he says he approached a local worker on his block who smuggled him out late at night two days later, hiding him in the back of a van.

     

    He presumes the camp guards knew what was happening. "The guards stopped us, but they didn't question (the driver) very much and they let us go," he says.

     

    They were driven to another location, where they waited until the money was transferred into the required bank account.

     

    But it would be another six weeks before he flew out of Colombo.

     

    He lost 25kg during his ordeal, so much that airport officials were concerned he did not resemble his passport photo and it was arranged for Australian embassy officials to meet him in Bangkok to double-check his identity.

     

    But Kumaran says there was no pleasure, or even relief, in setting foot in Sydney in early August. Instead he felt an overwhelming sense of guilt.

     

    "As soon as I was in the air leaving Colombo, it was a bad feeling. My heart is still there," he says, tears welling in his eyes.

     

    "So many people made sacrifices, and yet still people are behind barbed wire, queuing to use the toilet and for food. They are not free. And I am here."

     

    Perversely, however, Kumaran believes the turmoil of past year, including the defeat of LTTE, may bring an independent Tamil state closer to reality.

     

    The Sri Lankan government's treatment of the IDPs demonstrates that the Sinhalese and Tamils cannot live peacefully side by side, he says.

     

    "It will happen. I am confident still," Kumaran says. "Maybe they have done us a favour. They have created a bigger problem by what they have done and it will force the world to act. And they have only strengthened Tamil nationalism. They have not killed it."

  • News in Brief

    UK Lanka deportations 'under review'

     

    A British court has called upon the authorities to consider accusations of human rights violations in Sri Lanka while reviewing deportation of failed asylum seekers to the island. High Court Judge Pelling, QC, has made the remarks after the British Home Office informed the court that the country’s policy is under review after the end of the conflict in Sri Lanka. The judge made the remark at Manchester High Court while delivering a judgment of an appeal by a Sri Lankan Tamil national, only known as Mr. B, against his continuous detention since 26 May 2006 by UK Border Agency (UKBA). Judge Pellling said: “First, at least one reason for the review must be not so much the end of hostilities itself but a concern about possible human rights abuses against the minority in the aftermath.” A spokesman for recently formed Tamil Legal Advocacy Project (TLAP) hailed the Home Office decision despite coming under heavy pressure from UK right wing groups to deport illegal migrants. (BBC Sinhala)

     

    Detained in Welikada for 15 years

    A team from a Human Rights Organization called Peoples Forum for Independence that visited the Welikada prison made a startling disclosure that they found a Tamil youth who was arrested at the age of fourteen has been under detention for fifteen years under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). Now the youth is 29 years old. He is among several Tamil political prisoners who have been detained under the PTA and Emergency Regulations (ER) without any inquiry and without recourse in courts, said an official of the organization to the Colombo media. The HR team visited Welikada prison eek and talked to several Tamil political prisons including senior journalist Mr. Tissanayagam who was sentenced to jail for twenty years. The team came to know the particular Tamil youth during that visit. (TamilNet)

     

    Tamils arrested at Katunayake

    Thirty-one Tamil youths were taken into custody by the State Intelligence Unit of the Sri Lanka Police at Katunayake International Airport in four separate incidents. The arrested youths are now detained in the Katunayake Police and are being interrogated. In the first incident on October 15, eleven Tamil youths took a flight to Singapore, but were refused permission to enter and returned to Colombo, where they were taken into custody. In the second incident that took place on Friday, October 16, eighteen Tamil students were arrested by the State Intelligence Unit personnel when they arrived in Katunayake International Airport to take a flight to London, despite having valid student visas issued by the UK embassy. Separately Thuraisamy Sureshkumar, 32, of Araly North of Jaffna district was arrested on October 10, and Thangarajah Nishanthan, 21, of Karuveppankulam, Vavuniya district, was arrested on October 20, as they were waiting at the Katunayake International Airport to go abroad for employment. They both had valid travel documents. (TamilNet)

     

    War areas to be explored for new avenues of US, Sri Lanka economy

    Assistant United States Trade Representative for South and Central Asia, Michael Delaney, who led the U.S. delegation in the seventh council meeting of the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA), a bilateral agreement reached between the USA and Sri Lanka in July 2002, has said that both the countries have now identified new areas of cooperation, adding that the purpose of the meeting was to "foster economic development and generate jobs, particularly in the war-affected areas." Sri Lankan Minister for Export Development and International Trade, G. L. Peiris, led the Sri Lankan delegation. “The seventh round of TIFA talks takes place at a historic juncture in the Sri Lankan economy. It is heartening to note that the TIFA process has already begun to expand beyond its traditional boundaries,” said Peiris, according to a press statement issued by the U.S. Embassy in Colombo. Total two-way trade between Sri Lanka and the United States totaled $2.3 billion in 2008, with U.S. imports of $2 billion and U.S. exports of $283 million, according to the press statement. "The leading U.S. exports to Sri Lanka were aircraft, cereals, industrial machinery, electrical machinery and plastics. U.S. imports from Sri Lanka are primarily apparel, rubber, precious stones and industrial machinery. In 2008, U.S. imports from Sir Lanka qualifying for GSP preferences were valued at $153 million," the press statement said. (TamilNet)

     

     

    'India offered to help Lanka if IMF denied fund'

    India had offered to shore up Sri Lanka with a loan of $2.6 billion to meet a balance of payments crisis if the IMF had not given the amount on political grounds, the Sri Lankan Home Minister, Dr Sarath Amunugama, told Parliament on Tuesday, October 20. He said that Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had even told the International Monetary Fund on one occasion, that India would supply that amount if it did not approve the standby credit facility for Sri Lanka. “The Indian Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee had telephoned the Indian representatives of the IMF and instructed them to support Sri Lanka’s case,” the Sri Lankan Home Minister said. In his speech, the Indian representative had said that if human rights violations were a criterion for denying the standby facility, many of the member countries of the IMF would not qualify. The Sri Lankan government would never forget the assistance and backing of India and Pakistan during difficult times, Dr Amunugama told parliament. (Expressbuzz.com)

  • Children in Sri Lanka’s Concentration Camps

    More than 250 000 humans are kept in concentration camps for “screening” by the Government of Sri Lanka, allegedly to discover “terrorists”. The question arises why children are kept there, even babies. These Concentration camps are called “welfare camps” by the Sri Lankan Government.

     

    I refer to the latest report by Human Rights Watch from October 10, 2009: http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/10/09/sri-lanka-tensions-mount-camp-con…. It is in agreement with other international human rights organisations’ reports. In addition, I refer to the EU Commission’s report with an evaluation of Sri Lanka on 19 October 2009: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2009/october/tradoc_145141.pdf

     

    The following information is documented by human rights’ organisations in the field in August/September 2009. Names of the children have been left out here. The list makes it possible to follow up the fate of each child over time and makes denials by the Government of killings through neglect of children impossible. The list can be ordered from me. The world has an eye on every child listed. The list gives unfortunately only a part of the total number of children in all concentration camps.

     

     

    1. Total number of children on the list: 1200

    2. Names of the concentration camps and the number of children:

    1. Vavuniya Anantha Kumarasami Camp: 118

    2. Vavuniya Arunachchala Camp: 65

    3. Vavuniya Kathirkamar Camp: 8

    4. Vavuniya Sheriliana: 50

    5. Vavuniya Ulukkulam Camp: 959

    3. Age of the children: Youngest: 1month. Oldest: 18 years.

    4. Number under 5 years: 308

    5. Girls: 536 Boys: 664

    6. Orphans: 1082

     

    The following is an eye witness report with special regard to children from a prisoner in a concentration camp. The prisoners managed to get free in August 2009. The whole report was published in October 2009 (http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2009/10/Living_in_Menik_Farm.pdf), but the section on children was slightly revised for this message by the former prisoner who rightly prefers to be anonymous.

     

    "I was interned in the ---- camp of Menik Farm----. During those four months in the camp, it is the condition of the children at the camp that I found most depressing. I was too timid to go around collecting statistics though it would have been easy to collect statistics because of the proximity of the people crowded within a small area. However, I observed carefully and was overwhelmed by the wasting away of the children.

     

    "Newborn babies are sent to the camp conditions, which are unsuitable for adults, just few days after being born. Toddlers play in the filthy area right in front of the toilets. I have never seen flies and mosquitoes in such numbers in my life. While eating, one hand is fully occupied with chasing the flies; a practice that children will not adopt thus consuming food contaminated by flies that come straight from the toilets very nearby. Children of well off families who appeared well cared for on arrival at the camp were visibly wasting away during the stay in the camp. The contributory factors were poor diet, the hostile weather, and continuous illness.

     

    "Majority of the children including infants did not have milk (powder) except an occasional packet handed out by some charity. Once a father of a seven month old baby came begging for some sugar to put in the plain tea (black tea) to be given to his seven month old baby because the mother did not have enough breast milk and the baby was hungry. Plain tea had become the regular diet for this baby.

     

    "The diet was most definitely inadequate for the children despite some nutritional supplement that were distributed. There was no milk, meat or vegetable in their diet. Sometimes soya bean was given but they were of rotten quality and children would hardly eat them.

     

    "Illness among children was pandemic and it wasted them. Small injuries became infected and caused problems. Vomiting, fever or diarrhea seemed a natural condition in most children. Measures of malnutrition maybe a standard way of measuring worst affected children but it does not capture the general condition of children wasting away. When a child runs a fever most parents worry a lot fearing Hepatitis-A infection.

     

    "The queues are very long at the OPD clinics inside the camp and the doctors work at break neck speed. I have seen a doctor writing a prescription to a 12 year old boy without finding out what is wrong with the boy. The medicines that are dispensed are arranged in a table and the total list of medicines consists of around 30 different medicines. The medicine dispensers too work with breakneck speed in dispensing them. Once an educated mother told me that she visited the doctor for treatment for her baby as well as for herself. The medicine dispensers mixed up the medicines and gave the baby what should have been given to the mother. Since the mother had some awareness of the medications she spotted it. Most mothers in the camp who do not have such awareness would have given the adult medicine to the baby. God only knows how many babies, children and even adults died due such medical negligence. Who is there in the camp to watch, monitor and investigate? Deaths are just that, deaths and no investigations are done as to the cause of it.

     

    "Patients often queue up for doctors for hours even before the doctors arrive from outside. No one in the OPD clinic will know when the doctors are likely to arrive. One just waits around taking one’s chances. For all this the level of sickness among inmates is far higher than among the population at large and it is obvious.

     

    "Take the eight tent group where I was staying. Five of the tents out of the eight had children under 10. One child died; one became seriously ill and taken away to Vavuniya hospital and all the other children had frequent fever, vomiting and diarrhoea. The children were wasting away and it was visibly obvious. Some of the children had persistent skin disease despite several visits to the doctors and treatment. Four of the children contracted HepatitisA and the parents were told by the doctors to just take good care of them and give lots of fruits because the hospitals had no medicine. Fruits were very expensive in the camp. There is a native treatment for HepatitisA involving a plant named “Keelkainelli” in Tamil. Even to get this plant was a struggle because it meant someone has to bring it from outside and handover to the inmates at the meeting spot as described later.

     

    "People young and old suddenly dying after a few days of fever is a common occurrence. All of us were left puzzled as to the cause and no one gave any explanation. All of us without exception have suffered diarrhoea at least once and most of us many times.

     

    "I used to keep telling myself during the stay in the camp how lucky I was that I do not have any young children under my care. The unhygienic living, especially the play area and the continuous illness is an ordeal for the young mothers. Even thinking about the condition of newborns and their mothers who are sent back to the camp conditions soon after birth is an ordeal. Perhaps the most telling scenes of the camp conditions and the health service can be found by visiting the OPD clinics and observing young mothers with very sick babies waiting for long time in queues with tears trickling down their face.

     

    "Children went to makeshift schools staffed by teachers who were also interned in the camp. Many teachers have lamented how they can teach while living under such conditions. The school is made up of sheds with uneven floor covered with tarpaulin. The children cannot even place their books on the uneven floor to write. They have to keep the soft cover books on their knees to write.

     

    "Most of the young children have to carry very heavy buckets of water to assist their parents who are also struggling to care for the children often as a single parent. The little bodies bent like a question mark under the weight surely would have done permanent damage.

     

    "If we can tolerate the incarceration of the entire population of young children from a community which is clearly leading to long term damage to their development, how does this measure up in any of the international humanitarian/human rights laws? Can the long term damage done to them be measured and judged?"

  • Libya Sri Lanka share experiences

    Sri Lanka has stepped up efforts to strengthen bi-lateral relations with Libya, with a visit to the Libyan capital by Sri Lankan Minister of Agricultural Development, Maithripala Sirisena.

     

    The discussions centred around increasing co-operation especially in the areas of economy, trade and investment, said a press release after the visit on October 18.

     

    The meeting followed soon after a Sri Lankan firm won the right to build 2,500 houses in the African country over a two year time period.

     

    The Sri Lanka State Engineering Corporation was granted the mega housing construction project in Libya worth US$495 million.

     

    This recent economic cooperation is seen as furthering Sri Lanka’s policy of attempting to move away from Western businesses and towards Asia and Africa.

     

    In April this year Libya pledged US$500 million as a financial co-operation package for development projects in Sri Lanka. These are intended to take place across the country in many different industries.

     

    Other countries that have recently extended financial help to Sri Lanka included Burma, which donated US$50,000 to the Sri Lankan government and Iran, which not only granted $450million for a hydropower project, but also provided for Sri Lanka’s entire crude oil requirement via a seven month credit facility. 

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