On January 16, Maj. Gen Solvberg, the head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, issued a press statement thanking the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE for inviting them to serve them.

 

The head of the Nordic Monitors, whose functions were terminated by the unilateral abrogation of the Cease Fire Agreement by the Sri Lanka Government, said "Future heroes in Sri Lanka will be those who recognize the complexity of the situation, and prove able to manage this complexity in a way that reduces rather than increases human pain, fear and hopelessness – those capable of respecting people with different perceptions, and bringing them together."

 

Full text of the press release follows:

 

Today, January 16 2008, marks the final day of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) period in Sri Lanka, that has lasted for almost six years.

 

The Agreement signed by the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in February 2002 outlined the mandate for the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, as a tool to watch the CFA implementation.

 

Thus, the abrogation of the CFA also implies the termination of the SLMM. In practical terms, this means that the Nordic monitors will leave Sri Lanka today and early tomorrow morning, leaving behind only a few personnel to wrap up administrative obligations related to the closing down of the mission.

 

During the first years of the CFA period, there was seemingly a general spirit of cooperation between the Parties. Violations were relatively few. But lack of progress on critical issues nurtured distrust between Parties, giving set backs in the peace process. Gradually the conflict level increased, involving more military activities, more violence affecting civilians, more signs of insecurity, and more displacement of people. Today, the ground situation displays a reality very far from what is outlined in the CFA.

 

The purpose of SLMM presence in Sri Lanka has all the way been to support the peace process. Defining how best to implement the potential of the SLMM mechanism, has however at times been a huge challenge. As the conflict level gradually increased, the mission re-evaluated its approach, pursuing strategies and working procedures relevant to the situation.

 

The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission has been appreciated and slammed, loved and hated, over these six years. Some have expressed their support, saying; “Without the SLMM we will be doomed”, or “Without the SLMM many more lives would have been lost”, or “We are scared for what will happen if SLMM leaves Sri Lanka”. Others have preferred to portray SLMM as powerless, inefficient and utterly biased.

 

The SLMM has been present in the North and the East of Sri Lanka, as well as in the capital, every single day for nearly six years. Through on the ground monitoring, we have learned to recognize and respect the complexity of the conflict. Based on this knowledge, the final report from the operation is this:

 

The SLMM is absolutely convinced that this complex conflict can not be solved by military means. The Head of Mission finds it to be his duty to draw this conclusion as the operation is about to be terminated. It is not a task for the SLMM, however, to advice the parties to the CFA, nor other actors, how to find viable solutions. This has to be left to the people of Sri Lanka themselves – supported by facilitating actors of their choice.

 

The Head of the SLMM uses this final opportunity to thank the GOSL and the LTTE for inviting SLMM to serve them, in their search for a negotiated solution to the conflict between them. It is with sadness that we leave this resourceful and beautiful country at this point of time.

 

It is hard to leave behind people all over the island that we have learned to know, and come to love and respect. We will miss out on the opportunity to further adapt and contribute in the present situation, - and we would like to believe that Sri Lanka misses out on something valuable too.

 

In the time to come, fortunately, many actors both inside and outside Sri Lanka, will continue to contribute to the search for a solution to the conflict. Hopefully, wise choices will be made at all levels by those who possess the power to make decisions.

Future heroes in Sri Lanka will be those who recognize the complexity of the situation, and prove able to manage this complexity in a way that reduces rather than increases human pain, fear and hopelessness – those capable of respecting people with different perceptions, and bringing them together. The SLMM will close its operation at 1900 hrs today.

 

To the people of Sri Lanka; Thank you and farewell

 

Colombo, 16 January 2008

Lars J Solvberg

Major General

Head of Mission

Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission

The Japanese peace envoy to Sri Lanka, Yasushi Akashi, has said that the breakdown of the ceasefire may make it necessary to review Tokyo's aid.

 

Mr Akashi said he was worried that the end of the ceasefire may lead to more violence and more civilian casualties.

 

Japan is Sri Lanka's largest foreign donor, giving about $9bn in grants, loans and aid since 1985, including around $400m in 2007. Sri Lankan finance ministry figures show that Japan gave nearly $200 million of that between January and September last year.

 

"The termination of the ceasefire agreement may prompt the pursuit of a military solution of the conflict, with dire humanitarian consequences," Mr Akashi said, speaking during a trip to Sri Lankan just prior to the end of the Cease Fire Agreement on January 16.

 

The 2002 Norwegian brokered agreement came to an end after the Sri Lankan government unilaterally withdrew from it.

 

"A devolution package on which the government of Sri Lanka had been exerting considerable efforts must be drafted as soon as possible and be offered to the relevant parties, including the Tamil Tigers."

 

The Japanese envoy - who has visited Sri Lanka 15 times in an effort to end the conflict - said that his government was "gravely concerned" over Colombo's decision formally to scrap the six-year ceasefire with the rebels.

 

He was speaking at the end of a three-day visit marked by fierce fighting in the north.

 

Mr Akashi said that the future of Japanese aid would be taken "on the basis of very close monitoring and observation of the situation" which he said would be the subject of "continuous review".

 

"What the government does, does not do, will be important considerations," he said.

 

During the visit Mr Akashi had met with the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the main left party, for an hour-long discussion.

 

"While Japan and other international donors give a lot of aid to Sri Lanka, Mr Akashi indicated that donors may call off aid, given the current ground situation," the JVP said.

 

Japan has so far not pledged any aid for this year, but it has also not halted any existing aid.

 

Japan provides nearly two-thirds of all international aid to the island - but has so far has not linked financial assistance to the fighting or to human rights despite mounting international concern over the country's rights record.

 

Tokyo and the island's other major donors had the previous Saturday voiced concern over Colombo's decision to scrap the truce, saying they feared it would lead to more bloodshed and stall peace efforts.

 

The financial backers, who include the United States, the European Union and Norway, also sought access to meet the Tigers in their territories in the north and urged Colombo to allow a UN presence to monitor rights abuses.

 

There was no immediate comment from the government. Sri Lanka has repeatedly rejected previous calls for a UN rights mission.

 

In Saturday's joint statement, the donor quartet urged warring parties to protect civilians and allow humanitarian agencies access to people in need.

 

Sri Lanka announced it would formally pull out of the six-year truce on January 16, saying the LTTE had used the ceasefire as a cover to rearm, recruit and attack troops.

 

The government now says that it is intent on defeating the Tigers militarily, while at the same time promising to finalise a long-delayed political devolution proposal within weeks.

 

However, the Tamil Tigers said last week that it was "shocked and disappointed" by the Sri Lankan government's decision and appealed to Norway, which brokered the truce, to remain engaged.

 

A joint statement signed by the Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom and India, at the UK-India annual Summit held in New Delhi Monday, said they agreed that there is no military solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka and urged the Sri Lankan government to put forward a credible devolution package as a key contribution to finding a political settlement acceptable to all communities within the framework of a united Sri Lanka.

 

The joint statement, discussing a range of international issues, also said that the UK reaffirmed its firm support for India’s candidature for a permanent membership in an expanded United Nations Security Council.

 

The joint statement further said that the both countries agreed on the importance of more representative and effective international institutions to address global challenges.

 

The UK delegation led by Prime Minister Gordon Brown and the Indian delegation led by Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, agreed that a reformed UN Security Council that better reflected the realities of the 21st century would enhance global cooperation and security.

 

The two sides also agreed to intensify practical cooperation in the fight against terrorism, both through bilateral channels and in multilateral forums.

 

Both the countries noted with satisfaction the growing partnership between India and the EU.

The 2000 year old Kural is often described by classical scholars, such as Professor George Hart of the Berkeley California, as one of the world's greatest works on ethics.

 

Widely attributed in terms of authorship to Thiru Valluvar, a weaver of cloth, who is said to have lived circa 30 BC, this is a secular work that cuts across religion, class and race. Its earliest translators were like Rev Pope, Christian missionaries to Tamil Nadu, who fell in love with the literature of the region.

 

It was they who made it available to the rest of India, including to Mahatma Gandhi who later said: “ I wanted to learn Tamil, only to enable me to study Valluvar’s Thirukkural through his mother tongue itself…. There is no one who has given such treasure of wisdom like him.” 

 

The German-born Nobel prize winner, Dr Albert Schweitzer described the Kural thus: “On the most varied questions concerning the conduct of man to himself and to the world, Thirukural's utterances are characterised by nobility and good sense. There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom ..”.

 

In Tamil the word Kural means “couplet” and also “voice”, whereas the prefix Thiru means “Sacred”. But equally in Tamil – a language which exudes courtesy - “Thiru” is the equivalent to the English “Mr”, an everyday honorific prefix.

 

The Kural is hence a set of 1330 couplets organised in chapters of ten, each chapter dedicated to a single concept. The concepts are wide ranging from “Possessing Love”, “Truthfulness”, “Rain” to “The Avoidance of Tyranny”. Each chapter explores different facets of the concept to which it is devoted, starting simply and becoming progressively more complex. There is often a link between chapters where concepts are related: so for example there are five consecutive chapters on friendship entitled “Friendship”, “Testing fitness for friendship”, “Old friendship”, “Harmful friendship” and “False friendship”. It is often said of the Kural that there is no aspect of life not covered by it.

 

The last 25 chapters are split into two parts, premarital and marital love, separately, yet because of their different style there is controversy whether these chapters were part of the original work. Nevertheless there is a line of thought that the inclusion of sensuality in works, which are otherwise philosophical is part of the tradition, the ancient Tamils being of the view that sexuality was conducive to spirituality: witness the sculptures that adorned the ancient temples.

 

The Kural follows a disciplined poetic structure. Signifying its comprehensive intent, the first couplet begins with the first letter of the Tamil alphabet, A and the last couplet ends with the letter N, completing the alphabet. Each couplet consists of seven cirs: a cir is a word or combination of words joined together (a compound word). And so the Kural begins, with a couplet praising “God Primordial”:

 

Akara muthal elluthellam aathi,

Bhagavan mutharae ulaghu

 

“A, as its first of letters, every speech maintains;

The "Primal Deity" is first through all the world's domains.” (Translation of G Pope)

 

And, perhaps unexpectedly, it concludes with the last of ten couplets on the benefits of sulking (in the chapter entitled “Wedded love”)

 

“Uuduthal Kamathitku inbam,

athatinbam kuudi mayanga perrin”

 

The joy of love lies in sulking, for that joy is realized
While embracing in union. (Translation of NVK Ashraf)

 

The structural organisation of the Kural also reveals much about the values and philosophy of Tamil society. The chapters of ten couplets are grouped into three themes or “books”, namely “Virtue”, “Wealth” and “Love”. 

 

The introduction to the book on virtue contains 4 chapters: “Praising God”, “The Importance of Rain”, “Greatness of Renunciates”, “Asserting Virtue”. These four concepts are a foundation to the whole work and not just the book on virtue – they are the core horizontal themes, across which the weaver weaves his multitude of vertical threads, each thread being a concept.

 

In the first of the four introductory chapters, Valluvar, acknowledges “God Primordial” and places his values in the context of the whole. So for example he says on learning and the limits of rationalism:

 

“What has learning profited a man, if it has not led him to worship the good feet of him who is pure knowledge itself”

 

He says of the concepts of “good” versus “evil”, that these opposites are illusionary and one may transcend these opposites by meditating on that which is immutable:

 

“Good and bad, delusion’s dual deeds, do not cling to those who delight in praising the immutable, worshipful one”

 

Note the non-sectarian references to “God” refered to as “infinity, the immutable one, the gracious one “ etc.

 

Having set in place the limitations of reason, good, evil and so on, the weaver, focuses on the importance of the ecology and man’s relation to it:

 

“It is the unfailing fall of rain that sustains the world

therefore, look upon rain as the nectar of life

 

Rain produces man’s wholesome food;

And rain itself forms part of his food besides”

 

Emphasising the cyclical destructive and creative powers of nature, he says:

“It is rain that ruins and rain again

that raises up those it has ruined”

 

On man’s reliance on nature, and the importance of nature relative to human functions such as charity and spirituality:

 

“Unless the heavens grant their gifts, neither the giver’s generosity

nor the ascetic’s detachment will grace this wide world”

 

Following on after the importance of the primal spirit and nature, are the qualities and importance of spiritual leaders or “renunciates”. This echoes the ancient Tamil belief that the world is sustained not just by the forces of the physical plane (i.e. the force of nature such as rain) but also by spiritual forces, an imbalance in either could lead to destruction of the world. As with the rest of the Kural, which is a secular work, the chapter makes no reference to organised or institutionalised religion, merely noting by way of definition of spirituality that:

 

“Pious men are called the priestly ones

for they are clothed in robes of compassion for all life”

 

The final introductory theme is the nature of virtue, outlined in broad brush strokes, across the ten couplets in this chapter. For example the alternative interpretations of virtue include:

 

“Virtue is living in such a way that one does not fall into these four:

envy, anger, greed and unsavoury speech” and

 

“Virtue is merely that which should be done in life

and vice merely that which should be avoided ..”

 

The body of the book of virtue, following on from the introduction is structured into the following themes: “the way of the householder”, “the way of the renunciate” and “destiny”.

 

The second of the three books, the book on wealth, has the following themes:

“Royalty”, “Ministers”, “Qualities of a country” and a general section on the qualities of people and miscellaneous other aspects of wealth. The Kural concludes as mentioned above with the book on love.

 

While “The way of the householder” is a description of the core personal values of Tamil culture, the book on wealth addresses themes of leadership and group structures.

 

Thus, on what it takes to be a “householder”, the Kural says:

 

“He alone may be called a householder who supports

students, elders and renunciates pursuing their good paths”

 

By way of example, in discussing the functions of a householder, the Kural has an entire chapter on hospitality, that most familiar of Tamil values:

 

“The whole purpose of earning wealth and maintaining a home

is to provide hospitality to guests”

 

“When a guest is in the home, it is improper to hoard one’s meal,

even if it happens to be the nectar of immortality”

 

“Charity’s merit cannot be measured by gifts given

It is measured by the measuring the receiver’s merits”

 

Thus the Kural is more than a book on ethics or philosophy. It is a description of a way of life. So much so that the Rev. G. Pope, one of the early Christian missionaries to Tamil Nadu who translated the Kural to English described the work as: “ an integral painting of a civilization which is harmonious in itself and which possesses a clearly recognizable unity.”

 

Suggested references

 

1. ‘Weaver’s Wisdom: Ancient Precepts for a perfect life’. English translation By Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami and the monastics of the Saiva Siddhanta Order (Kauai, Hawaii), Himalayan Academy Publications (http://www.himalayanacademy.com/resources/books/weaver/)

 

2. ‘The Sacred Kural of Tiruvaluva Nayanar’ by Dr. G. U. Pope, Laurier Books Ltd

 

3. International Thirukkural Conference 2005 (Washington)  http://www.thirukkural2005.org/ 

 

4. Thirrukural Browser http://www.cs.utk.edu/~siddhart/thirukkural/

 

5. Comparison of translations at http://www.geocities.com/nvashraf/kur-eng/closeindex.htm

 

6. Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thirukkural

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Sri Lankan government decided to abrogate the Ceasefire Agreement and President Mahinda Rajapaksa has stated that his strategy is to achieve `Peace through War in Sri Lanka`. This article aims to assess Sri Lankan government`s present strategy, the War of Attrition, against the LTTE in terms of achieving Peace and challenging the idea of Eelam which aims at secession.

 

Given the liberal democratic framework of governance as the basis of Sri Lankan government it is government`s political obligation either to consider secession or to provide evidence for why it is not an option. In this regard, the public declaration made by Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa which categorically denied 'An Eelam' as an option in Sri Lanka can be seen as a fulfilment of this political obligation to some extent.

 

Nonetheless, when declaring secession is not an option, the government has an additional political obligation to provide weighty evidence to prove government`s claim against secession. Both the claim and the evidence should be presented especially to the international community which in this case is instrumental in recognising or refuting Tamil Eelam as a new state.

 

In this respect, the Sri Lankan government has neglected its additional political obligation and this negligence is deemed to be problematic at least for two reasons. First, it implies government`s inability to assess international community`s decisive role, power and authority in recognising or refusing Tamil Eelam as a new State. Second, it implies government`s erroneous assessment that secession is an unlikely objective to be achieved in contemporary international legal context.

 

As Dr. Karsten Frey (Institute Barcelona d`Estudis Internacionals [IBEI]) observes, `successful secessions are always, [in broader terms] enforced by creating political facts but not by meeting legal requirements`.   His observation precisely mirrors two fundamental factors of secession: First, the absence of a consensus definition under international law on secession. Second, despite this absence, many forms of secessions have been emerged and recognised by the international community.

 

The growth of the United Nations membership, for example, elaborates this point. The increase of the membership from 151 in 1990 to 191 at present has been essentially due, broadly speaking, to secession. In other words, international community`s recognition and their attitude with regard to a new entity are important factors than to international law in recognising a new state.

 

Therefore, any declarations to be made and evidence to be produced against Tamil Eelam should essentially have the ability to shape international community`s recognition and their attitude against Eelam. For this reason, an ideal socio-political reality should mirror a sincere and honest context where co-existence exists and is possible in Sri Lanka.

 

In this international backdrop, the President Mahinda Rajapaksa made another declaration via Al Jazeera Television to emphasise the government`s aim, `Peace through War in Sri Lanka.` His declaration created a paradox at least due to two reasons.

 

First, the on going war of attrition against the LTTE which aimed at weakening them before talks will not make them weak because a war of attrition against terrorism is counterproductive. Second, it will make the socio-ethnic polarisation wider and deeper. Therefore, the situation will not allow government to portray a socio-political context where co-existence exists and this will degrade government`s claim against secession.

 

The objective of a war of attrition is to destroy an adversary`s `will` to fight by bringing destruction to his fighting or combat `capability`. Nevertheless, the process creates undesired effects (such as collateral damage and casualties, human rights violations, destruction of democracy, socio-ethnic polarization) as its by products and they are counterproductive especially, against terrorism.

 

The UK Joint Doctrine and Concept Centre (JDCC) that gives strategic guidance to the British military in May 2003 concluded, `An attritional campaign may have an increasingly negative effect in terms of achieving a strategic goal.`

 

After the 9/11 New York World Trade Centre attacks, the United States Government adopted an attritional approach, in Afghanistan and toppled the Taliban regime that hosted Al-Qaeda. Nevertheless, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in London found that the campaign made the Al-Qaeda a more virtual and protean organisation and, therefore, even harder to identify and neutralise.

 

The impact of an attritional campaign on public opinion also is counterproductive. A White House panel in October 2003 reported, `Muslim hostility towards the USA has reached shocking levels, and is growing steadily.`

 

Furthermore, a survey released by Euro RSCG Worldwide in September 2003 showed, `Two years after the 9/11 attacks, most Americans felt no safer from terrorist threats, more distrustful of many longstanding allies, and increasingly anxious about the future.`

 

In addition, the Strategy deepens socio-ethnic polarization and spreads hatred. The `operation eviction` which carried out against ethnic Tamil lodgers in Colombo is a fine example. It indicates government`s polarized mind-set especially Defence Ministry`s polarized mind-set which led them to categorise Tamils lodged in Colombo as terrorist suspects. It can be seen as a culmination point of a LTTE strategy which aimed at polarizing the Sri Lankan society into two main ethnic groups: namely Sinhalese and Tamils.

 

The present socio-political context which emerged as a result of on going attritional war against the LTTE is creating a sense of fear, a sense among members of Tamils that their cultural, political, socio-economic situation and fundamental rights are getting deteriorated by the actions of Sinhalese government (as well as affiliated Forces) and within the existing union with the South (as they believe), and a sense of rejection, a sense of being discriminated by Majoritarianism which creates a belief that Tamils have no equal position with Sinhalese majority.

 

In regard to this, two recent statements made by two Southern politicians (one of them are a government Minister and the other politician is a Parliamentarian and both of them are strong allies of the government) can be seen as symbolic representations of the sense of rejection and fear that are in creating. One of them stated, `Only Sinhalese live in Sri Lanka` and the other stated, `Tamils do not belong to Sri Lanka and they should fight in Tamil Nadu.`

 

The undeniable consequence of all these statements is strong sense of confidence among Tamils that they can perform better on their own and that secession is not too risky, and a sense of acceptance, a sense that the Tamil Eelam is the only option which could restore their ethnic integrity.

 

The attitude of international community with regard to the worsening conflict situation as well as human rights violations in Sri Lanka is not positive. All theses negative effects (such as collateral damage and casualties, human rights violations, destruction of democracy, socio-ethnic polarization) are inevitable by products or undesired effects of the war of attrition against LTTE. The problem lies underneath the attritional strategy and, therefore, there is no temporary solution except abandoning the attritional approach against the LTTE.

 

Therefore, any strategy which aims at a permanent solution to the North-East problem should immediately bring the country back to normalisation at least as it was between 2002 and 2004. Then it should aims at creating a socio-political context where co-existence is possible through a period of reconciliation. Then only the Sri Lankan government can make claimss and provide evidence against any form of secession to the international community since there is no need for secession.

 

However, we need lots of patience, courage and wisdom and our fundamental focus should be stand against secession. In order to achieve this aim, perhaps we lack Abraham Lincoln`s cool ability to separate ruthlessly the issue (in his case) of slavery from that of secession. He stated,

 

`I would save the Union...My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save the Union by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the coloured race, I do because I believe it helps to save the union.` [Abraham Lincoln,Works, 5:338-39] 

As the 2002 ceasefire agreement came to an end, having been unilaterally abrogated by Sri Lanka’s militaristic government, and in the midst of the ongoing targeting of civilians in the Vanni, the conflict spread south, claiming over 40 casualties in two days in the central district of Moneragala, east of the capital Colombo.

 

On the day the ceasefire agreement ended, a roadside bomb ripped through a bus killing 27 people and wounding dozens in the town of Buttala. A second claymore targeting an armoured personnel carrier injured 3 soldiers.

 

In yet another incident, two farmers were killed by a group of armed men in the Buttala area on the same morning. The following day, ten armed home-guards were gunned down in two separate incidents.

 

Thirteen women and school children were among the victims of the bus bomb, which went off at around 7.30 a.m. Hospital officials said they were treating seven children for minor injuries while a 14-year-old girl who suffered a head wound was flown to Colombo and was in intensive care. They said no children were killed, reporter Reuters.

 

One bus passenger described hearing a firefight after the bus blast.

 

"I was on my way to take my 1-1/2-month-old baby to the doctor. I heard a loud noise and I thought it was a bomb, so I went under the seat of the bus with my baby and we heard firing for about five minutes," 27-year-old housewife T.M Lalani told Reuters from Buttala hospital.

 

"Everybody was screaming and I saw people on the ground in a bloodbath," she added. "My leg got injured from pieces of glass. Luckily my baby has not got any injuries."

 

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Defence said a large number of schoolchildren were on the bus at the time of the blast.

 

The Defence Ministry posted photographs of blood-soaked corpses of some victims on its Web site. Local television broadcast footage of the bus, showing bloodstains on the floor and personal belongings strewn inside and out.

 

The blast came amid reports the Sri Lankan military leadership was trying to convince the government to shut down schools in the South for extended periods, ahead of major offensives, including bombardments likely to cause heavy civilian casualties, into the Vanni.

 

Sri Lanka's bourse fell 2.1 percent on the news to six-month lows, though traders said investors had been expecting violence.

 

"We expect the market to come further down after today's end of the ceasefire agreement as more incidents are expected," said Harsha Fernando, CEO at SC Securities in Colombo.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The second blast targeted an army armoured personnel carrier 20 km south of the first attack, wounding three soldiers, the military said.

 

Men in uniform had been seen in the area for days preceding the attacks the Sunday Times reported. On January 15 a villager saw three people in uniform crossing the road. He thought they were Sri Lankan military personnel, and reported the sighting to Buttala Police, who questioned the villager and searched for the men with no success.

 

On the morning of the blasts a group of men, assumed to be military personnel as they were in uniform, had waved civilians away from their position. “One of the men in Army uniform signalled with his hand not to come closer and to go away. They gave the impression that they were on some ambush,” the Sunday Times reported.

 

After the blast which targeted the bus, the men had opened fire on the bus passengers.

 

“On Wednesday afternoon Army commandos entered the jungles … to conduct a full search. Hours later, the search operation was to trigger off reports that they had exchanged fire with the fleeing guerrillas. There was no such incident,” reported the Sunday Times.

 

“One of the commandos had stepped on a trap gun accidentally. He was injured and rushed to hospital. The guerrillas had fled and the search in that area was called off.”

 

The next day, Thursday ten persons who accompanied home guards on a cordon and search operation into the jungle area of Moneragala district were gunned down by armed men in two separate incidents.

 

In the second incident, three people, including a home guard, were wounded in Thanamalwila in the Uva Province. The victims were youths who joined the homeguards in search of an armed group, as part of a Sri Lankan government initiative to arm civilians and form a Civil Armed Force in Uva.

 

A week earlier, four charred dead bodies were located by Sri Lanka Army (SLA) in Ranminikanda jungle, bordering Kataragama in Buttala police division of Moneragala district.

Tuesday, January 15 - A villager saw three persons in uniform crossing the road. This was at Welipara Junction, located on the road from Buttala and the gemming town of Okkampitiya. The village is more towards the Okkampitiya end. He thought they were Army personnel. An hour later, the villager met the Grama Sevaka of the area when he was passing by and told him about it. The villager said he was half a kilometre away from the junction when he spotted the three persons.

 

The Grama Sevaka had told the Officer-in-Charge of the Buttala Police. The OIC and 12 police officers had arrived at the scene later. They questioned the villager, took him to Welpara junction and asked him to show the direction in which the suspected Army officers walked. The Police party then trekked the path for a little distance and returned. There were no signs of the "Army" men.

 

Wednesday, January 16 - Around 6.45 a.m. Manel Wijesinghe, a minor employee attached to the Okkampitiya Hospital, was going to work in a bicycle. At the Welipara junction she saw what she thought were a group of Army men. Some were standing whilst others had crouched behind trees. She alighted from her bicycle and tried to walk towards them. One of the men in Army uniform signalled with his hand not to come closer and to go away. They gave the impression that they were on some ambush.

 

According to the minor employee, one of the men in Army uniform had a communication set strapped to his back. It had a long antenna. (This makes clear that the group of men were in radio contact with a base or individuals some distance away). They were all carrying assault rifles. When she reported to work, Manel Wijesinghe told her colleagues at the hospital that the Army was planning to do something at the Welipara junction. She said they would soon round up some terrorists and the news would be out thereafter.

 

At 7.25 a.m. A bus with some ten passengers passes the Welipara junction. Immediately thereafter, some villagers walking past Welipara junction see the same group and believe they were Army men waiting for an ambush. The armed men signal with their hands asking the villagers to walk fast from that area.

 

At 7.35 a.m. a packed bus approaches the Welipara junction. A claymore mine explodes. Tiger guerrillas who had by then taken up position in a hillock nearby open fire at the passengers who dismount the bus and try to run. Thereafter, the guerrillas descend the hill to fire at more passengers. One of them entered the bus through the front door and shot dead those inside. It transpires that the claymore mine had only injured ten passengers. A total of 27 passengers were killed and 51 were wounded.

 

At 11.00 a.m., the guerrillas who fled into the neighbouring jungle had entered a Chena cultivation. Farmers were busy tilling the field. They shoot five of them dead. At 9.55 a.m., the news of the incident had reached an Army Special Forces training camp at Galge. It is located on the road between Kataragama and Buttala.

 

An officer musters three soldiers and decides to rush to a neighbouring camp in a Unicorn armoured vehicle to warn troops there of the incident. A powerful claymore mine hits the vehicle injuring three soldiers. They were rushed to the Hambantota Hospital.

 

Investigators suspect that this claymore mine was meant for another bus carrying passengers. The lethality of this claymore mine could be seen from how the pellets in it penetrated from one armour plated side of the Unicorn and exited through the other armour plated side. Quite clearly, this means, armour plating passenger buses would be of no avail unless the sheeting used is thicker. In such an event, the buses would be so heavy it would not only consume more fuel but also move slowly.

 

On Wednesday afternoon Army commandos entered the jungles near Welipara junction near Okkampitiya to conduct a full search. Hours later, the search operation was to trigger off reports that they had exchanged fire with the fleeing guerrillas. There was no such incident. One of the commandos had stepped on a trap gun accidentally. He was injured and rushed to hospital. The guerrillas had fled and the search in that area was called off.

 

However, that was not the end of guerrilla activity in the area.

 

The next day, Thursday (January 17) guerrillas entered two villages, Kalaweligama and Hambegamuwa. They are located in the Tanamalwila Police area in the Moneragala district. They shot dead two Grama Sevakas and eight civilians.

 

In just two days, the guerrillas had taken 42 lives, that too in the Deep South.

 

Yesterday (January 19), the Government was examining the feasibility of appointing a DIG (Operations) for the Moneragala District. Strongly tipped for this post is K.M. Sarathchandra, DIG who was formerly in the Special Task Force (STF) of the Police. He is now DIG (NWP -West).

 

The hunt for the guerrillas by Security Forces and the Police, whose strengths were increased since guerrilla related incidents in the Yala National Park continues. Guerrillas attacked the Army Detachment at Talgasmankada (inside the park) on October 15. Seven soldiers were killed and six were wounded in the attack. The next day (October 16), an Army commando lost his leg when he stepped on a pressure mine. Two range officers of the Department of Wild Life Conservation were also injured in this incident.

The international community reacted to the bombing of a bus in the central district of Moneragala, with the US condemning the blasts and the United Nations calling for dialogue as the only way to stop further violence.

 

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon “strongly condemned” the attacks targeting buses in Sri Lanka, killing and injuring dozens – including children – and coinciding with the formal end of a truce between the Government and the Liberation Tigers.

 

“The only way to stop further violence in Sri Lanka is through dialogue,” Mr. Ban said in a statement issued by his spokesperson.

 

He also urged the parties concerned “to undertake genuine efforts to achieve a peaceful negotiated solution.”

 

Earlier this month, Mr. Ban had expressed his concern with the Government’s decision to end the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement that halted a decades-long conflict with the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

 

The announcement also sparked concern from High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour, who called on both parties to abide by their obligations under international law to protect civilians.

 

“An intensification of hostilities will likely have a devastating effect on the human rights of many Sri Lankans from all communities,” Ms. Arbour said in a statement.

 

Meanwhile, the Embassy of the United States of America in Colombo, in a press release, said it “strongly” condemned the attack on a civilian bus.

 

Expressing condolences to the victims and their families, the US statement said “the targeting of civilians serves to foster fear and cause further suffering among the Sri Lankan people”.

 

“Only a political solution to the country’s conflict offers a way out of the current cycle of escalating violence,” the statement said.

 

 

A day after Colombo praised the Indian Navy for its role in "breaking the LTTE's backbone", India on Wednesday acknowledged, for the first time in recent years, its active role in countering the Tamil Tigers.

 

Sri Lanka Navy Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda had told the Colombo Post on Tuesday that Tiger supply vessels and floating warehouses containing 10,000 tons of war-like material had been destroyed thanks to Indian help.

 

His Indian counterpart, Admiral Sureesh Mehta spoke in sync and said, "We support by checking our activities on their coast and their activities on ours. In this way, we help ourselves by helping them."

 

''Co-operation with India has been extremely successful in countering the LTTE. Every year, the Indian Navy with the Indian Coast Guard and the Sri Lankan Navy holds four bilateral discussions. We are conducting coordinated patrols with the Indian Navy as well,'' Navy Chief Wasantha Karannagoda said.

 

''The Navy has destroyed almost all LTTE vessels that could have assisted the Tigers in attacking the armed forces,'' he said adding, ''Within one year we have destroyed eight floating warehouses, which had carried more than 10,000 tons of war-like material including artillery, mortar, dismantled parts of three aircraft, bullet proof vehicles, underwater delivery vehicles, scuba diving sets, and radar, among other things."

 

He also added that the SLN had acquired ships and boats, apart from building indigenous vessels to counter the LTTE threats.

 

SLN Vice-Admiral Karannagoda also said that earlier the LTTE warehouses were stationed off the island, around 2800kms away in the high seas and whenever need arose they came up to about 300kms from the coast and transferred the arms cargo on to trawlers that brought them to land. He said the Navy has been successful in putting an end to this type of arms transfer.

 

India, which stepped up naval patrolling in Palk Strait and Gulf of Mannaar by deploying more warships under 'Operation Tasha', has now come out in the open to acknowledge its role in the successes of the Sri Lanka Navy.

 

Chief of Indian Naval Staff Adm Sureesh Mehta spoke about the coordinated patrolling between the two navies.

 

"We support by checking our activities on their coast and their activities on ours. In this way, we help ourselves by helping them," he said.

 

He also added that the Indian Navy was keeping a tight vigil on the coast and "closely watching the situation in the neighbouring country."

 

According to Indian media reports, Sri Lanka recently provided a long list of "urgent military requirements" to India, ranging from air defence weapons, artillery guns, Nishant UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) to more radars and even laser designators for PGMs (precision-guided munitions).

 

Domestic political compulsions arising out of inflammable Tamil sensitivities have ensured that the Indian Government remains hesitant in stepping up the offensive military capabilities of Sri Lanka.

 

New Delhi has not only been hesitant, but has also been clearly tight-lipped about its support to Sri Lanka. Reportedly India continues to supply its neighbouring island with a wide array of military equipment, including new low-flying detection radars.

 

The process began with the transfer of a Sukanya-class offshore patrol vessel in 2002, with the primary aim of countering Pakistan and China's inroads into the wartorn island as merchants of death.

 

Sri Lanka's recovery from the devastating tsunami of December 2004 has been uneven.

 

Rehabilitation work has notched up significant successes in the Sinhalese-dominated and more peaceful south, but it has suffered greatly in the war-torn northeast, which has a preponderance of the minority Tamils and Muslims.

 

And it was the northeast, which took the brunt of the killer waves on Boxing Day, which destroyed about 1,21,000 houses and killed over 30,000 in the island.

 

Sri Lanka’s Cabinet spokesperson Anura Priyadharshana Yapa said that 99,497 permanent houses had been built and that work on 19,791 units was in progress. Rebuilding has been 100 per cent in the south, especially Humbantota district, which is the home of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

 

In fact, in Humbantota, nearly 3,200 excess houses were built, and these are now occupied by those not affected by the tsunami.

 

"The northern province still requires completion of more than 9,000 houses and the eastern province more than 12,000 houses," Jeevan Thiagarajah of the Confederation of Humanitarian Agencies told IANS.

 

"Not even 12 per cent of fully damaged houses in the north have been rebuilt, and only 26 percent in the east," says NGO Action Aid in its report titled 'Voice from the Field'. This is so even though 60 per cent of the damage wrought by the tsunami was in the east, especially Amparai district in the southeast.

 

"Access to some construction sites is restricted and transportation of material difficult or impossible," said a two-year assessment report of the International Federation of the Red Cross. World Vision had to abandon a plan to build 200 houses in Ichchilampattu in Trincomalee district because of military operations.

 

Government had also put restrictions on the movement of strategic goods like fuel and building material to the areas controlled by the Tamil Tigers, thinking that these would be misappropriated by the rebels. This affected rebuilding greatly.

 

The ILO reported that in the south 90 per cent of the affected people had returned to work, but in Jaffna district, isolated from the rest of the island, only 55 per cent had. The rest were relying on income from other sources.

 

As regards the restoration of livelihood, the all-island figures are impressive. About 2,00,000 persons had lost their jobs due to the tsunami.

 

But according to Thiagarajah, 95 per cent of the men, and 84 per cent of the women, have started earning again. The Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry had given 1,96,913 grants, and assisted 8,447 micro, small and medium enterprises between 2005 and 2006.

 

Again, while this is impressive, the schemes have been operative only or mainly in the south, and to some extent in the southeast.

 

The north has been more of less ignored, thanks to the war, which threatens to continue through 2008.

 

Money has never been a problem. Sri Lanka has received $1.7 billion of the $3.1 billion pledged by the international community for post-tsunami work. More money can be got if the Sri Lankan government is serious about the development of the tsunami-affected areas.

 

But, as in other cases of foreign assistance, the government has tended to drag its feet on submitting suitable proposals.

 

In fact, indications are that post-tsunami work is winding up.

The main opposition United National Party (UNP) last week accused the Sri Lankan government of the killing of Tamil parliamentarian Thiyagarajah Maheswaran on New Year’s day.

 

“The security of Mr. Maheswaran was withdrawn two weeks ago by the government despite repeated appeals that his life was in danger," UNP general secretary Tissa Attanayake said.

 

"Mr. Maheswaran himself made a statement in parliament saying that the government must take responsibility if something were to happen to him," Attanayakke added.

 

Earlier, in an interview for popular Minnal program aired on Shakti TV on December 30, Maheswaran himself had expressed fears for his life and said the government should take responsibility if anything happened to him.

 

“My life is increasingly at risk after the reduction of my security from 18 personnel to only one. Even state intelligence has established that there are threats to me. Therefore, the government should take full responsibility,” said Maheswaran.

 

However senior Minister Nimal Siripala De Silva rubbished UNP accusations and said it was unfair to blame the government for the killing of Mr. Maheswaran.

 

“Even on earlier occasions politicians have been killed in this manner, this is nothing new. These accusations are leveled to tarnish the image of the government. The government condemns the assassination of Mr. Maheswaran and a thorough investigation has already been ordered,” Mr. De Silva said.

 

The suspect identified as Vasanthan, was admitted to the National Hospital in a critical condition and kept under heavy police and army protection, hospital sources said.

 

Maheswaran’s security officer L. Dharmasiri, who was also injured in the incident, speaking from his hospital bed alleged that Mr. Maheswaran was shot dead by one of his former security officers.

 

“I saw him firing at Sir. I shouted and fired back at him. He ran away firing at me and I too fell over. However I was able to identify him at the hospital,” Mr. Dharmasiri said. 

 

Maheswaran was also highly critical about paramilitary EPDP in his interview with Minnal programme and claimed that he would reveal details on how the terror campaign in Jaffna was being managed from Colombo by the Government of Sri Lanka through the EPDP.

 

The paramilitary-cum-political party, EPDP, is led by Douglas Devananda, a cabinet minister in the present Sri Lanka government.

Maheswaran told Minnal program that he would come up with in-depth details of the terror campaign when the parliament resumes its sittings on January 08.

Recently, on 21 December, a UNP candidate, Muthukumar Sivapalan, was shot and killed in Jaffna, allegedly by the EPDP.

Maheswaran who was killed on New Years day is the third Tamil legislator to be assassinated since President Mahinda Rajapakse came to power 2 years ago.

 

Two years ago, a senior Tamil politician and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Member of Parliament, Joseph Pararajasingham, was shot and killed at St. Mary's co-cathedral church in Batticaloa city, while attending Christmas prayers on the night of Christmas eve.

An year ago, another TNA MP, a lawyer turned politician and former mayor of Jaffna, Nadarajah Raviraj, was assassinated in Colombo on November 10, 2006.

 

In both cases, pro-government Tamil parliamentarians were blamed.

A Tamil parliamentarian from the main opposition United National Party (UNP), was assassinated by gunmen at the Ponnambala Vaaneasvarar temple at Kochchikkadai in Colombo on New Year’s day.

 

Colombo district parliamentarian Thiyagarajah Maheswaran, 41, was shot by gunmen while he was paying homage at the popular Siva temple in Colombo around 9.30 a.m. and succumbed to his injuries at the National Hospital in Colombo an hour later.

 

The shooting, which also claimed the life of the MP’s bodyguard, came a few hours after Mr. Maheswaran announced on a popular television show that he would reveal details on how abductions and killings in Jaffna are managed by the Sri Lankan establishment through the EPDP paramilitary group.

 

The UNP blamed the hardline government of President Mahinda Rajapakse for paving the way for the killing by stripping the MP of most of his official guards.

 

Twelve devotees were wounded when gunmen shot at Mr. Maheswaran. According to media reports one assassin was wounded when a bodyguard returned fire and is also receiving treatment at the National Hospital.

 

On December 19 the government had reduced the Ministerial Security Division guards provided to the MP from 18 to two, after he heavily criticized the government and voted against the budget.

 

Later Mr. Maheswaran wrote to defence secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse, who is also the younger brother of President Mahinda Rajapakse, urging his security details to be restored as he faced danger. However no action was taken.

 

Hundreds of mourners took part in Maheswaran’s funeral which took place in Colombo on Thursday, 3 January. UNP parliamentarians took over the casket containing his remains from his family around 2:30 p.m. at his residence in Wellawatte and the cortege, and the funeral procession went along Galle Road and several areas in Colombo to reach Kanaththai cremation grounds in Borella.

 

Parliamentarians representing various political parties, members of Movement Against War, Free Media Movement, Working Journalists’ Association, Tamil Journalists' Association and religious leaders representing Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim and Christian faiths besides hundreds of mourners walked the six kilometer trek from Wellawatte reaching Borella around 5:30 p.m.

Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims participated in the procession and some of them shouted slogans accusing Rajapakse regime and Douglas Devananda, the leader of the EPDP and a cabinet minister for the killing.

Members of the Movement Against War with black cloth covering their mouths and UNP parliamentarians wearing black bands around their necks shouted slogans slamming Sri Lanka government while members of other organizations carried portraits of Maheswaran walked along in the cortege up to the cremation grounds.

The cortege passed through Wellawatte, Bampalappitiya and Kirilappane areas where shops and other business establishments were closed paying respect to the slain leader.

White flags were put up in Fort, Pettah (Peaddai) and Five Lamps junction areas where a general shut down was observed from Thursday morning.

Leader of the opposition and head of UNP, Ranil Wickremasinghe, Minister Fowzi, Western Province Peoples’ Front leader and parliamentarian Mano Ganesan, Tamil National Alliance parliamentarian for Jaffna district Sri Kantha, Muslim Congress Leader Rauf Hakeem, Sunanda Dheshapiriya, spokesman of the Free Media Movement and many prominent persons paid tribute to Maheswaran before his remains were cremated.

Kadatkaraichenai in Trincomalee was a thriving Tamil village less than a year ago. The Sri Lanka military onslaught on 2006 forcefully displaced the Tamils from it and the surrounding areas.

 

Hundreds of Tamils were killed and injured by deliberate military artillery shelling in 2006 – even as the international community looked on impassively.

 

Once the area was emptied of Tamils by such ethnic cleansing, the Sri Lanka Government declared the area as a military High Security Zone and prevented the original Tamil residents of the area from returning to their homes in their villages.

 

However, over the past week, 25 Sinhalese families were settled in Kadatkaraichenai, the so called High Security Zone.

 

This development has all the hallmark of earlier Sinhala settlements in the east where by a Tamil village is emptied through military violence and then small number of Sinhala settlements is first created with minimal facilities.

 

This settlement then gradually expands unnoticed to include large numbers of settlers, Buddhist temple and a protecting military encampment.

 

In the eighties and nineties Tamil people were chased out by large scale massacres carried out by the Sri Lankan military. The massacre of Tamils in the Thiriyai a village in Trincomalee in 1985 and the subsequent conversion of the area in Sinhala settlement exemplifies this tactic of Sri Lanka Government.

 

On 8 June 1985, Sri Lanka military came in vehicles to Thiriyai and told the people to leave the area before they begin shooting. After the people left, 1100 houses were burnt down. Following this incident, displaced people stayed in schools.

 

Again on 8.August 1985, the Sri Lankan military attacked the displaced in the schools killing ten civilians. Again on the 14 August six civilians were pulled out of a bus in Thiriyai and hacked to death.

 

Tamils gradually moved out of the area by the constant threat of violence by the military. The area thus emptied of Tamils was then gradually settled with Sinhalese.

 

With greater international scrutiny and aversion to ethnic cleansing,

 

No longer able to carry out such blatant landgrabs, given greater international involvement in Sri Lanka, the Sinhala government is carrying out the ethnic cleansing under the pretext of ‘fighting terrorism’ – even as the world looks on.

 

Hundreds of people attended a ceremony Sunday at Puthukkudyrippu in Vanni to pay their respects to Colonel Charles, Head of Liberation Tigers’ Military Intelligence, who was killed Saturday evening in a random mine attack by Sri Lanka commandos in Mannaar district.

 

Col. Charles had been in charge of internal intelligence within the ranks of LTTE ground forces and led an external operations corps as well as a regular combat force that has been deployed in Mannaar district, was killed together with three LTTE lieutenants in the ambush while they were riding in a van between Iluppaikkadavai and Pa'l'lamadu at 3:10 pm.

 

MICol Charles (Shanmuganathan Ravishankar, Jaffna) was on a mission inspecting his regular forces in Mannaar, informed sources said.

 

The lieutenants killed in the ambush were identified as Sukanthan (Sivapalan Sreetharan) from Jeyapuram, Lt. Veeramaravan (Pararajasingham Suthan) from Mallaavi and Lt. Kalaa (Sinnaththamby Kangatharan) from Vaddakkachchi.

 

Col. Charles, who joined the LTTE as a full-time member in December 1985 was taken into its Intelligence Wing following his military performance in Jaffna district and later in Vanni during the LTTE - India war.

 

He served in a key position in LTTE Intelligence Wing between 1991 and 2004, also as the head of LTTE Intelligence in Batticaloa-Ampaa'rai district between 1997 and 2000. He has commanded a number of key military operations, LTTE officials said.

 

Col. Charles was appointed as the Head of newly established Military Intelligence wing in 2004 by the LTTE leader V. Pirapaharan.

 

Col. Soosai, Special Commander of the Sea Tigers paid tribute to Col Charles at the event held in the Heroes Cemetary Hall in Puthukkudiyiruppu. The event was presided by C. Ilamparithi, Puthukkudyiruppu region Political Head of LTTE.

 

Col.Soosai , during the eulogy said “It is difficult to accept losses but without losses we cannot achieve liberation”

 

Extracts from his speech follow:

 

"Col.Charles was known only to a few but the enemy knew his identity.

 

“When the enemy occupied Jaffna peninsula and was roaming around freely, it was difficult for our cadres to find accommodation and meals. It was during that difficult time Col.Charles functioning under the leadership of Captain Morris who was in charge of Point Pedro area, faced the military offensives of Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF).

 

“He was later sent to Manalaru where he coordinated a number of attacks. A short while later he returned to Jaffna peninsula and continued his activities together with LTTE Intelligence Head Poddu Ammaan.

 

“In 1990 Col.Charles who was in charge of Vadamaraadchii area up to that time of withdrawal of IPKF was identified by Poddu Ammaan, as the ideal candidate to prepare a base in the South to stage attacks from there.

 

“Stationing himself in the South Col. Charles staged a series of successful attacks.

 

“He successfully led a number of daring attacks but once he sensed that he was being wanted by the enemy he quickly changed his place of operation to Batticaloa from where he continued to launch many more successful attacks against the enemy.

 

"In 2001, the Katunayake Airport attack which was flawlessly executed making sure none of the civilian passengers including foreigners were not hurt, this great hero Charles who led the attack proved to the world how effectively he trained the Black Tigers under the guidance of Poddu Ammaan and also showed to the world community the great power of and discipline of our fighters.

 

“But for our people he was a faceless commander.

 

“During early stages of his involvement in our movement, Charles functioned under me. At that time while executing his own responsibilities he created a team of Black Sea Tigers to function incognito for attacks to be staged not only in the North and East but also on certain targets in the South.

 

“Today, this great hero is not with us. However, the fighters trained by him will carry his dreams and continue the military attacks.

 

"He was not only an expert in staging military offensives but he also had a talent of freely mixing with each and every one. He developed a very cordial relationship with our national leader.

 

"He did not restrict his unique type of attacks to the south but making use of the cadres of the newly created Liberation Tigers Military Intelligence (MI) he led attacks in Mukamaalai smashing the Forward Defence lines (FDL).

 

“It is difficult to accept losses, but without losses we cannot achieve liberation.

 

“Let us carry forward the dreams of Col.Charles and continue our freedom fight greater vigour," Special Commander of the Sea Tigers said.

 

The remains of Col. Charles were later taken in procession at 12:00 noon from his home in Ki’linochchi in a decorated vehicle to Puthukkudirrippu, and residents along the way offered flowers paying their last respects to Col. Charles.

 

Col. Pirapa, one of the colonels of LTTE Military Intelligence, lit the Common Flame, while the wife of Col. Charles garlanded her husband’s remains.

 

Col. Soosai, Col. Athavan, Special Commander and the head of the LTTE Military Initial Training Schools, Thamilkumaran, the Head of LTTE Finance Wing, and Dr. Sivapalan garlanded Col. Charles’ remains.

 

Paranthaman, who had been Col. Charles’ school teacher, spoke at the event highlighting Charles' outstanding qualities as a leader.