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  • Tamil aspirations are fine but Sinhala votes are crucial: Rajapakse

    Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse agrees that the Tamils do have genuine grievances but asserts

    President Mahinda Rajapakse (l) was elected in 2005 by the majority of Sinhala voters. Photo TamilNet

    that any settlement of the ethnic conflict will have to be built on a unitary state to win the backing of the Sinhalese majority which considers federalism an anathema.
     
    In the most extensive and candid interview he has given since taking power in November 2005, Rajapakse also said he hoped to hold elections by the end of 2007 in the eastern province, which the military has seized from the Tamil Tigers.
     
    'Federalism is a negative word in Sri Lanka because people think it (is) synonymous with dividing the country. Also, I prefer the phrase 'power sharing' to 'devolution',' the president said, finally vetoing the two basic demands of Tamil groups of all hues.
     
    'But it is not like making instant coffee. Ultimately, it would be a mistake for Western governments to allow their frustrations with the slow pace of (political) reform in Sri Lanka to be interpreted as empathy with a terrorist cause.
     
    'I cannot change history or my own political circumstances overnight... You must remember my political legacy and constraints. During my election I received few Tamil votes because of the LTTE-enforced boycott. I was elected primarily by a Sinhala constituency on an election manifesto which made it clear that an ultimate solution to the ethnic crisis could be evolved only on the basis of a unitary state.
     
    'In any peace settlement I have to carry the Sinhala voters with me. I cannot unilaterally impose a settlement - it has to be the outcome of a political process - an outcome that must be long-lasting and acceptable to the people.'
     
    The president spoke at his Colombo residence. A tall, muscular figure who exudes the earthy exuberance and macho good looks of a South Indian film star, he had just finished his morning workout at the gym followed by a swim. He wore a T-shirt and jeans and his hair was still wet.
     
    His comments came as the Sri Lankan military prepares to take on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the island's north, continuing a terrible war that has killed tens of thousands.
     
    Hitting out at the LTTE for treating the Norway-sponsored 2003 ceasefire agreement as 'a joke', he denied secretly funding the Tigers to ensure a Tamil boycott of the 2005 presidential election because of which Rajapakse narrowly defeated Ranil Wickremesinghe who would have otherwise got Tamil votes.
     
    'This is completely laughable as well as logically absurd. Is it possible in any country for a person who is not even in power to make a deal of this sort? And how does this allegation co-exist with the earlier description of me as a 'hawk' who seeks only a military victory? I can't be both things at the same time.
     
    'If I'm a hawk, I cannot be making secret deals (with the LTTE) for a political solution. If I'm for a negotiated settlement, then I cannot possibly be accused of seeking a military solution.
     
    'History shows that secret deals backfire. President (Ranasinghe) Premadasa made such a deal with (LTTE chief Velupillai) Prabhakaran and the LTTE assassinated him.
     
    'If you really believe that we gave him (Prabhakaran) 700 million (rupees) and got him to organise a boycott of Tamil votes at the presidential election, then we invite you, please, to take the initiative on our behalf and offer him even a much bigger sum of money in return for getting him to the negotiating table so that we may have peace in our country and save so many precious lives.'
     
    He went on: 'I am confident enough to tell you that I will hold elections in the (multi-racial) eastern province hopefully by the end of the year. We will demonstrate the viability of a Tamil-Sinhala-Muslim partnership.'
     
    The president said he did not believe there was any such thing as 'Tamil terrorism'. 'There are genuine 'Tamil grievances' and genuine 'Tamil aspirations'. And on the other side is LTTE terrorism which we fill fight.'
     
    He added: 'I recognise the legitimate historic grievances of our Tamil people. They are Sri Lankans: proud Sri Lankans. And any organised repression of the rights of any Sri Lankan is a blot on all Sri Lankans.'
     
    Rajapakse said he had no hidden agenda. But he urged Tamil groups to 'present a united agenda and concrete proposals for peace. Prabhakaran does not speak for all Tamils. The vast majority of Tamil people want peace above everything and to them Eelam is just an illusion'.
     
    Calling the LTTE leader 'the main obstacle to peace', he said: 'With or without Prabhakaran, genuine Tamil grievances, the compulsions of their ethnic honour and linguistic identity need to be respected and addressed or the problems will not be solved.'
     
    Asked about criticism that he was not doing enough to further a political solution to the ethnic strife, Rajapakse blamed 'instant experts' for 'giving their text book analyses and solutions for decades with the aim of influencing donors ... to pressure my country into imposing their theoretical solutions rather than letting us negotiate a settlement based on a Sri Lankan consensus and Sri Lankan realities.
     
    'I differ from my opponents who say peace at any price. I say peace, yes, but peace with honour and dignity. And the only question that is non-negotiable is a divided Sri Lanka.'
     
  • Witness to Thileepan’s fast
    ‘As we entered the premises of the Nallur Kandasamy temple we were confronted by a sea of people seated on the white sands under the blazing sun.’
     
    Thileepan, the young Tiger leader of Jaffna, took the podium on the 14th September at the Nallur Kandasamy temple to commence his fast- unto-death as a protest against India’s failure to fulfill her pledges, and to mobilise the frustrated sentiments of the Tamils into a national mass upsurgence.
     
    Thileepan’s non-violent struggle was unique and extraordinary for its commitment. Although an armed guerrilla fighter, he chose the spiritual mode of ‘ahimsa’ as enunciated by the great Indian leader Mahatma Gandhi to impress upon India the plight and predicament of the people of Tamil Eelam.
     
    The levels to which the Tamil people or more specifically, the LTTE cadres, are prepared to go for their freedom mirrors not only a deep passion for their liberation, but indicates the phenomenal degree of oppression they have been subjected to. It is only those who experience intolerable oppression of such a magnitude, of being threatened with extinction, that are capable of supreme forms of self sacrifice as we have seen from Thileepan’s episode.
     
    Thileepan, who had travelled to Delhi as part of LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirabakaran’s delegation before the signing of the Accord, was informed of the content of the dialogue that had taken place between the Indian Prime Minister and the LTTE leader.
     
    With the knowledge that there was an unwritten agreement between Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi and Mr. Pirabakaran and that it had not been implemented, he felt that his people and the struggle had been betrayed and decided on a fast-unto-death demanding the fulfillment of the pledges.
     
    When news of Thileepan’s fast-unto-death and the deteriorating political situation between the LTTE and the Indian Peace Keeping Force reached us, we decided to leave India for Jaffna.
     
    My joy at reaching the shores of Tamil Eelam after so many years was contained by the gloom that hung in the air. Thileepan was a few days into his fast till death and the population of the Peninsula was seriously concerned and wholeheartedly behind the non-violent campaign of a single individual seeking justice from the world’s largest democracy. Subsequently, our first priority after our arrival in the Peninsula was to visit Thileepan encamped at the historic Nallur Kandasamy temple, the cultural and spiritual centre of the Jaffna Tamils.
     
    Thileepan’s decision to single-handedly take on the credibility of the Indian state was not incongruous with his history of resistance to state oppression as a cadre in the LTTE. He had faced battle on several occasions in defence of Jaffna during Kittu’s time and suffered serious abdominal wounds in the process. He was well known for his astute understanding of the politics and mindset of his people and emerged as a radical political leader.
     
    The senior LTTE women cadres often speak of his staunch advocacy of inducting women into the national struggle and is remembered as one of the founding fathers in the promotion of women’s issues. With such a history it comes as no surprise that he endeared himself not only to the cadres but the people of Jaffna also.
     
    My husband, LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, met Thileepan during the pre-Accord talks when he shared a hotel room with him in Delhi and quickly grew very fond of this affable fellow. It was an extremely painful and emotional experience for Bala to meet him again in Jaffna, in totally adverse conditions, with Thileepan’s life slowly ebbing away.
     
    As we entered the premises of the Nallur Kandasamy temple we were confronted by a sea of people seated on the white sands under the blazing sun. The air was thick with collective emotion and solemnity. This fading young man on the platform obviously embodied the political sentiments and aspirations of his people.
     
    But it was more than that also. Thileepan’s fast had touched the spirit of the Tamil nation and mobilised the popular masses in unprecedented solidarity. One could sense how this extraordinary sacrifice of a fragile young man had suddenly assumed a formidable force as the collective strength of his people. Thileepan’s fast was a supreme act of transcendence of individuality for a collective cause. Literally, it was an act of self-crucifixion, a noble act by which this brave young man condemned himself to death so that others could live in freedom and dignity.
     
    With deep humility, Bala and I mounted the platform to speak to the reposed Thileepan. Already several days without food or water and with a dry cracked mouth, Thileepan could only whisper. Bala leaned closer to the weakened Thileepan and exchanged words with him. Naturally enough, Thileepan enquired about the political developments. We left soon afterwards, never to see him alive again.
     
    As Thileepan’s fast moved on in days, he was no longer able to address the public from the podium and spent much of his time lying quietly as his condition steadily deteriorated. As Thileepan grew visibly weaker in front of his people’s eyes, their anger and resentment towards India and the IPKF grew stronger. The sight of this popular young man being allowed to die in such an agonising manner generated disbelief at the depth of callousness of the Indian government and the Indian Peace Keeping Force.
     
    All that was required to save Thileepan’s waning life was for the Indian High Commissioner, Mr. Dixit, to humble himself and meet and reassure Thileepan that the Indian government would fulfil its pledges to the Tamils. In fact Delhi ignored Thileepan’s fast in the early stages as an isolated idiosyncrasy of an individual, but later became seriously concerned when the episode gathered momentum and turned into a national uprising with anti-Indian sentiments. Delhi’s concerns compelled Mr. Dixit to pay a visit to Jaffna to ‘study the situation’.
     
    On the 22nd September, the eighth day of Thileepan’s fast, Mr. Dixit arrived at the Pallaly airport where Mr. Pirabakaran and Bala met him. Bala told me later that Mr. Dixit was rude and resentful and condemned Thileepan’s fasting campaign as a provocative act by the LTTE aimed at instigating the Tamil masses against the Indian government.
     
    Mr. Pirabakaran showed remarkable patience and pleaded with the Indian diplomat to pay a visit to Nallur and talk to the dying young man to give up his fast by assuring him that India would fulfil its pledges. Displaying his typical arrogance and intransigence, Mr. Dixit rejected the LTTE leader’s plea, arguing that it was not within the mandate of his visit.
     
    Had Mr. Dixit correctly read the situation and genuinely cared for the sentiments of the Tamil people at this very crucial time, it is highly probable that the entire episode of India’s direct intervention in the ethnic conflict would have taken a different turn.
     
    But Thileepan’s willingness to sacrifice his life in such a way touched the spirit of the people and his unnecessary tragic death on 26th September planted deeply the seeds of disenchantment with the Indian Peace Keeping Force.
      
    Adele Balasingham is a sociologist, political activist and writer who has lived and worked in India and Sri Lanka with the LTTE for more than twenty years. This article is compiled, with kind permission, from extracts of ‘The Will to Freedom’, her internal study of the armed struggle of the Tamil Tiger movement. 2nd edition, Fairmax Publishing Ltd (UK), 2003. 
     
  • A deadly franchise
    The Marriott hotel in Jakarta was still burning when Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia's security minister, explained the implications of the day's attack: "Those who criticise about human rights being breached must understand that all the bombing victims are more important than any human rights issue."
    In a sentence, we got the best summary yet of the philosophy underlying Bush's so-called War on Terror. Terrorism doesn't just blow up buildings; it blasts every other issue off the political map. The spectre of terrorism - real and exaggerated - has become a shield of impunity, protecting governments around the world from scrutiny for their human rights abuses.
    Many have argued that the War on Terror is the US government's thinly veiled excuse for constructing a classic empire, in the model of Rome or Britain. Two years into the crusade, it's clear this is a mistake: the Bush gang doesn't have the stick-to-it-ness to successfully occupy one country, let alone a dozen. Bush and the gang do, however, have the hustle of good marketers, and they know how to contract out. What Bush has created in the WoT is less a "doctrine" for world domination than an easy-to-assemble toolkit for any mini-empire looking to get rid of the opposition and expand its power.
    The War on Terror was never a war in the traditional sense. It is, instead, a kind of brand, an idea that can be easily franchised by any government in the market for an all-purpose opposition cleanser. We already know that the WoT works on domestic groups that use terrorist tactics such as Hamas or the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (Farc). But that's only its most basic application. WoT can be used on any liberation or opposition movement. It can also be applied liberally on unwanted immigrants, pesky human rights activists and even on hard-to-get-out investigative journalists.
    The Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, was the first to adopt Bush's franchise, parroting the White House's pledges to "pull up these wild plants by the root, smash their infrastructure" as he sent bulldozers into the occupied territories to uproot olive trees and tanks to raze civilian homes. It soon included human rights observers who were bearing witness to the attacks, as well as aid workers and journalists.
    Another franchise soon opened in Spain with the prime minister, Jose Maria Aznar, extending his WoT from the Basque guerrilla group Eta to the Basque separatist movement as a whole, the vast majority of which is entirely peaceful. Aznar has resisted calls to negotiate with the Basque autonomous government and banned the political party Batasuna (even though, as the New York Times noted in June, "no direct link has been established between Batasuna and terrorist acts"). He has also shut down Basque human rights groups, magazines and the only entirely Basque-language newspaper. Last February, the Spanish police raided the Association of Basque Middle Schools, accusing it of having terrorist ties.
    This appears to be the true message of Bush's war franchise: why negotiate with your political opponents when you can annihilate them? In the era of WoT, concerns such as war crimes and human rights just don't register.
    Among those who have taken careful note of the new rules is Georgia's president, Eduard Shevardnadze.. Last October, while extraditing five Chechens to Russia (without due process) for its WoT, he stated that "international human rights commitments might become pale in comparison with the importance of the anti-terrorist campaign".
    Indonesia's president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, got the same memo. She came to power pledging to clean up Indonesia's notoriously corrupt and brutal military and bring peace to the fractious country. Instead she has called off talks with the Free Aceh Movement, and in May invaded the oil-rich province in the country's largest military offensive since the 1975 invasion of East Timor.
    Why did the Indonesian government think it could get away with the invasion after the international outrage that forced it out of East Timor? Easy: post-September 11, the government cast Aceh's movement for national liberation as "terrorist" - which means human rights concerns no longer apply. Rizal Mallarangeng, a senior adviser to Megawati, called it the "blessing of September 11".
    The Philippines president, Gloria Arroyo, appears to feel similarly blessed. Quick to cast her battle against Islamic separatists in the southern Moro region as part of the WoT, Arroyo - like Sharon, Aznar and Megawati - abandoned peace negotiations and waged brutal civil war instead, displacing 90,000 people last year.
    But she didn't stop there. Last August, speaking to soldiers at a military academy, Arroyo extended the war beyond terrorists and armed separatists to include "those who terrorise factories that provide jobs" - clear code for trade unions. Labour groups in Philippine free trade zones report that union organisers are facing increased threats, and strikes are being broken up with extreme police violence.
    In Colombia, the government's war against leftist guerrillas has long been used as cover to murder anyone with leftist ties, whether union activists or indigenous farmers. But things have got worse since President Alvaro Uribe took office in August 2002 on a WoT platform. Last year, 150 union activists were murdered. Like Sharon, Uribe quickly moved to get rid of the witnesses, expelling foreign observers and playing down the importance of human rights. Only after "terrorist networks are dismantled will we see full compliance with human rights," Uribe said in March.
    Sometimes WoT is not an excuse to wage war, but to keep one going. The Mexican president, Vincente Fox, came to power in 2000 pledging to settle the Zapatista conflict "in 15 minutes" and to tackle rampant human rights abuses committed by the military and police. Now, post-September 11, Fox has abandoned both projects. The government has made no moves to reinitiate the Zapatista peace process and last week Fox closed down the office of the under-secretary for human rights.
    This is the era ushered in by September 11: war and repression unleashed, not by a single empire, but by a global franchise. In Indonesia, Israel, Spain, Colombia, the Philippines and China, governments have latched on to Bush's deadly WoT and are using it to erase their opponents and tighten their grip on power.
    Last week, another war was in the news. In Argentina, the senate voted to repeal two laws that granted immunity to the sadistic criminals of the 1976-1983 dictatorship. At the time, the generals called their campaign of extermination a "war on terror," using a series of kidnappings and violent attacks by leftist groups as an excuse to seize power. But the vast majority of the 30,000 people who were "disappeared" weren't terrorists; they were union leaders, artists, teachers, psychiatrists. As with all wars on terror, terrorism wasn't the target; it was the excuse to wage the real war: on people who dared to dissent.
     
    This comment was published on Thursday August 28, 2007
  • Core Issue
    Lumping Sri Lanka's bloody war into the catchall category of 'intra-state conflict', various international policy makers emphatically tell us that the cause of the island's ethnic strife is underdevelopment and poverty. The Tamils are fighting, they maintain, because this 'minority' can't have access to resources. For decades - and from long before the armed struggle began - a succession of Tamil leaders argued that it was the entrenchment of Sinhala chauvinism in the post-colonial state that was making it impossible for us to live as equals. As the state repression and, especially, Sinhala violence against us worsened year by year, Tamil demands changed from power-sharing at the state's centre to regional autonomy and, three decades later, to outright independence. We argued our demands are political, not economic. It is true we were marginalized from the state and denied access to higher education. But that was long after the island was defined as a Sinhala birthright and we were cast as tolerated interlopers.
     
    This struggle is not about underdevelopment. The core problem in Sri Lanka is the entrenched 'tyranny of the majority' that the 'one-person, one vote' ethos of democracy easily conceals and perpetuates. The core Tamil demand, enshrined in the Thimpu principles, is about the equality amongst ethnic collectives, not just individuals. Any solution will require a radical restructuring of the constitution that the Sinhalese, exploiting their numerical superiority, established in the seventies. It is no accident that out of 225 seats in the Sinhala state's parliament, just over two dozen are allocated to the Northeast.
     
    However, it has became vogue, ever since the ferocity of the Tamil armed struggle internationalized the conflict, for Sinhala governments, parroting the rheto-ric of international actors, to wax lyrical of the need to 'Tamil grievances' - after defeating 'Tamil terrorism' that is. Grievances, like 'peace', mean different things to different people. For us a lasting solution entails we are recognized - by constitutional arrangement- as a people living in our traditional homeland in the island's Northeast. It is not merely one where the Sinhala dominated state produces its documents also in Tamil or tosses the odd developmental project our way from time to time.
     
    Today, the Presidency of Mahinda Rajapakse has dropped all pretences, unleashing an overtly Sinhala war of conquest in the Northeast.. Of late, he too has adopted the rhetoric of 'Tamil grievances.' But he deploys the figure of speech with an ineptness that stems from an inability to transcend the Sinhala chauvinism that took over the state with the 1956 'revolution' - as he puts it. Last week, President Rajapakse proudly declared "I was elected primarily by a Sinhala constituency on an election manifesto which made it clear that an ultimate solution to the ethnic crisis could be evolved only on the basis of a unitary state." He went on to muse: "I cannot change history or my own political circumstances overnight... You must remember my political legacy and constraints." That means under no circumstances will he recognise the Tamils as one of the founding people's of the island. The bloodletting unleashed by the state armed forces under Rajapakse is not, as some international human rights groups insist, merely a 'failure to protect civilians' or 'investigate violators' but a strategic exercise of state terror, an effort to impose the primacy of Sinhala sentiments. True, some Sinhalese are also suffering the regime's wrath - but mainly when they oppose his war efforts.
     
    Some international actors, intoning the mantra of underdevelopment and conflict, believe they can ameliorate Tamil frustrations with aid and a few tweaks of the 1972 constitution. To do that, they believe, the LTTE must be first destroyed. The evidence to the contrary is everywhere now. The Rajapakse regime is not interested in their peace plans. Baying for blood, it is not concerned by their moralising or lecturing. It is less concerned about their conditionalities. In short, to their consternation and now undisguised irritation, they are unable to get the Sinhala state to pay the slightest attention to their values or self-declared authority. But ideologically wedded to their theories of conflict, they refuse to acknowledge these disconnects. Instead, blaming the LTTE for the mess, they are redoubling their efforts in Rajapakse's war.
     
    But Sri Lanka's crisis began at independence. Its cause was glaringly apparent then. This majoritarian oppression is now fully institutionalised. The international community is manifestly able to dislodge or check these forces, but has convinced itself that aid will cure all. But as Rajapakse himself mockingly put it last week: solving the island's crisis "is not like making instant coffee."
     
     
     
     
  • Opposition seeks momentum against Rajapakse government
     
     Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga is rumored to be in discussions with the National Congress. Photo Daily Mirror
    Sri Lanka’s newly formed opposition alliance this week continued its mass protest campaign against the government of President Mahinda Rajapakase amid speculation former President Chandrika Kumaratunga was going to reenter the southern political arena with it.
     
    The National Congress, created from the tie up between the main opposition United National Party and a splinter from the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party, called the Mahajana Faction, held another regionally rally this week.
     
    The fourth in of a series of protest rallies labeled the ‘Peoples’ Wave’ organised by the new alliance, it was held in Nittambuwa near Horagolla, the ancestral home the Bandaranaikes, on Friday August 25.
     
    The Bandaranaike family had dominated the leadership of the SLFP since its founding. President Kumaratunga was the last with her mother and father (who founded the SLFP) having previously been leaders.
     
    President Rajapakse is thus the first leader of the party not from the family and his ascension has left seething tensions in the party between those loyal to the family and those seeking reform.
     
    According to local media reports several Bandaranaike loyalists teamed up with the SLFP Mahajana Wing (SLFP-M) at the Nittambuwa event. The SLFP-M is led by Mangala Samaraweera, a Kumaratunga loyalist who has split from the SLFP citing differences with Rajapakse.
     
    The location of the rally, chosen to show Samaraweera’s strength in the heart of SLFP, gains significance with the return of former president Kumaratunge to the island’s political scene.
     
    Kumaratunge, who sent a congratulatory note to Samaraweera after the signing of the SLFP-M’s agreement for a common alliance with the UNP, took a swipe at the Rajapakse government on her return.
     
    Speaking to journalists after her meeting with Civil Monitoring Commission (CMC) on Extra Judicial Killings and Abduction convener Mano Ganeshan and its senior member TNA MP Suresh Premachandran she said the government should not act like terrorists.
     
    “A government which is fighting a terrorist organization has to work tactfully and with a clear vision and should not act like a terrorist organization,” she said,
     
    “The government is a government. Terrorists are terrorists and therefore the government cannot behave like terrorists,” she explained.
     
    Speaking at the third rally held in Anuradhapura on August 17, Samaraweera, a former Foreign Minister, told the participants that international community should not punish innocent people with aid cuts instead should punish the Rajapakse brothers for violation of human rights and corruption.
     
    Gotabaya Rajapakse was appointed by the President as Sri Lanka’s Secretary of Defence and is in charge, along with Army commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka of prosecuting the war against the LTTTE.
     
    Basil Rajapakse has emerged as a powerful figure in the Rajapakse administration is accused of overseeing rampant corruption by the family.
     
    "Basil should not be allowed to return to the US and Gotabaya should be taken to task over the killing of innocent civilians. There is no point is cutting aid and making the rest of the country suffer for their misdoings," Samaraweera said.
     
    Addressing the crowd, leader of the opposition UNP, Ranil Wickramasinghe, accused the Rajapakse brothers of pushing the country into debt by taking loans at high interest rates
     
    He also blamed the media for unquestioningly toeing the government line.
     
    "There are three Buddhist editors in three Sinhala newspapers, but they observe pansil every morning now by reciting the names of the three brothers," he said.
     
    The first Peoples’ Wave rally was held in the Sri Lankan capital Colombo on Thursday July 26 and was attended by an estimated 100,000 people.
     
    The main slogan of that event was "The Great Betrayal of the Great Buddhist", which referred to the alleged secret deal between Rajapajkse and the LTTE in the eve of the presidential elections in 2005.
     
    Speaking at the Nittambuwa event Samaraweera invited the ultra-nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP) , Sri Lanka’s third largest party to join hands with him, to bring down the Rajapaksa regime.
     
    The JVP is reported to have rejected the call. The UNP government to President R. Premadasa, of which Wickremesinghe was a member, was responsible for crushing the JVP’s second and last armed inserrupction by mass killings of JVP supporters and innocent villages suspected of supporting the Marxist-nationalist part.
     
    The second National Congress rally was held in Uyanwatte esplanade in Matara, the Smaraweera’s electorate. According to local reports thousands of people attended the event which took place in the southern province on Friday August 10.
     
    The National Congress is organising series of rallies across the Sinhala districts to protest against the increase in cost of living under the Rajapakse administration. 
     
    The final rally in the series is scheduled to take place on September 8 in Hambanthota, the home district of the President Rajapaksa.
     
    In addition, the opposition party also announced plans to hold a special national convention in Kandy on September 9, the day after the last Peoples’ Wave protest rally in Hambanthota.
     
    With pressure on the Rajapkase government continues to grow, the ruling alliance almost lost its slender majority in parliament on Thursday August 2 when the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC), the largest upcountry Tamil party resigned ministerial posts its members held and announced that it was pulling out of the government.
     
    The ruling alliance which has 119 seats in the 225 seat parliament is dependent on nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna party and Buddhist monks led Jaathika Hela Urumaya.
     
    According to the Sunday Leader newspaper the CWC which has five members of Parliament decided to walk out of the ruling alliance after a meeting where Basil Rajapakse, presidential advisor and brother of president Mahinda Rajapakse, insulted CWC parliamentarian and Deputy Minister Muththu Sivalingam as 'Para Demala’.
     
    The word 'para' is a derogatory word in Sinhala. 'Para Demala’ is a much used racial slur against Tamils.
     
    However, on Wednesday August 8, the CWC law makers met Highways and Road Development minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle and pledged to continue supporting the government.
     
    Fernandopulle speaking after the meeting stated that the conflict was settled amicably and the portfolios of the resigned Ministers would be retained in the coming weeks.
     
    Affirming its allegiance to the government, the CWC parliamentarians voted with the government on Thursday August 9 when the proposal to extend the emergency regulations by another month was taken up for voting.
     
    CWC and the JVP voted with the government in support of the motion whilst the Tamil National Alliance and the Western People’s Front voted against it. 107 MPs voted in support of the proposal while 15 opposed.
     
    The opposition UNP abstained and stayed out of the chamber during the voting.
  • Rs 100,000 donated to kid disabled by Sri Lankan bombers

    LTTE political wing, gave a Tamil Eelam Certificate of deposit for Rs.100,000 to Antony at a ceremony

    The Liberation Tigers have donated Rs. 100,000 (about US$900) as a trust fund for a six year old boy whose right leg was blown off when a Sri Lankan Air Force (SLAF) jets bombed his village in Padahuthurai in  Mannar district in January 2007.

    At least 14 civilians, including seven children, were killed and over 30 injured when SLAF jets blasted 25  houses in Padahuthurai on January 2.

    Six year old Antony  lost his right leg including the thigh and barely survived.
    Six year old Antony  lost his right leg including the thigh and barely survived. His father, A. Jegan, lost his right leg from knee while his mother and one and a half year old sibling received serious injuries. Jegan's four year old child was killed.

    Mr. S. Thangan, Deputy Head of LTTE political wing, gave a Tamil Eelam Certificate of deposit for Rs.100,000 to Antony at a ceremony held at the family’s new home in Naachchikkudaa, Poonakari.

    The LTTE leader, Mr. Velupillai Piraphakaran, authorized release of the funds to help the youngster, TamilNet reported. The money has been deposited in Muzhangkaavil branch of Bank of Tamil Eelam.

    The Bishop of Mannar Diocese, Rt Rev Rayappu Joseph, who visited Padahuthurai hamlet, which was completely destroyed by the jets, condemned the attack a crime against humanity," urged the International Community to send  independent observers to NorthEast.

    There was no condemnation by the international community. The UN expressed ‘concern’. Sri Lankan airstrikes and artillery bombardments are routinely directed at Tamil civilian areas in Vanni and, before they was captured by the military, in Batticaloa and Trincomalee.

  • Military administration imposed in eastern Sri Lanka
    The Sri Lankan military bulldozed LTTE cemetaries in Batticaloa after capturing the area.

    The Sri Lankan military has quickly demonstrated its intentions regarding the capture of the island’s eastern province from the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
     
    Far from “liberating” the people of the East, the security forces are establishing a military occupation over the entire area in preparation for stamping out any opposition to the government and its continuing communal war.
     
    Following the army’s conquest of the LTTE’s last major eastern stronghold, President Mahinda Rajapakse ordered a victory celebration on July 19 at which he declared that a “new dawn” was opening up for the East of the country. The ceremony, which evoked little popular enthusiasm, was an unabashed glorification of the renewed civil war that has already resulted in thousands of deaths and turned 200,000 into refugees.
     
    Just days later, Major General Parakrama Pannipitiya, the military commander of the eastern province, issued a circular under the rather deceptive title of “directives for rural development work”. In reality, the document is a blueprint for the imposition of a military-dominated administration through the province, right down to the village level.
     
    The circular declared: “Rural development of areas liberated by the forces after the humanitarian operations where there is a civil population must be done under the supervision of the police stationed in the area, as well as the armed forces”. (These “humanitarian operations” were in fact offensive operations in flagrant breach of the 2002 ceasefire agreement between the two sides.)
     
    Village-level committees are to be chosen, not by a free vote, but by the police and army. “It will be mandatory,” the circular explained, “to include in these committees a member of the armed forces/STF [police paramilitary units], a police officer, and Grama Niladhari [village official] serving in the respective village”.
     
    The president of the villages committee is to be either a member of the police or the military. Meetings to discuss “rural development” are to be held fortnightly, but the committees will have no independent budget or means for implementing projects.
     
    All proposals will have to be submitted to higher levels—divisional or provincial secretaries. Reports of the meetings will be sent to the headquarters of the eastern military commander.
     
    If the real purpose of the committees were to develop backward rural areas in the East of the island, the involvement of the security forces would be unnecessary.
     
    The Rajapakse government, however, has no more intention than its predecessors to end the decades of neglect that have produced widespread poverty and lack of basic services.
     
    Far from addressing the needs of villagers, these committees are instruments of the security forces for spying, intimidation and repression.
     
    In the North and East, the security forces work in close collaboration with Tamil paramilitaries such as the Karuna group in suppressing dissent.
     
    Hundreds of people have been “disappeared” or murdered over the past year—in all likelihood by death squads operated either directly or indirectly by the military. It would not be at all surprising if members of these paramilitaries were appointed to the newly established village committees.
     
    The military has also placed severe restrictions on the activities of various non government organisations (NGOs)—local and international—one of the few sources of assistance in many areas. According to the circular, village committees may identify projects but NGOs will require approval from the district secretarial offices before any involvement.
     
    “Please note that in future NGOs should not be permitted to do as they please in these areas as before. In order to fulfill this work effectively, the relevant District Secretary, the Provincial Secretary and the Commanding Officers of different Army units in these areas, STF and SPs [police superintendents] have to be well coordinated,” the circular stated.
     
    The military and its Sinhala chauvinist supporters have been bitterly critical of NGOs, denouncing them as supporters of “LTTE terrorism” for exposing some of the army’s worst atrocities.
     
    Last August the military was implicated in the cold-blooded murder of 17 aid workers from the French-based Action Contre la Faim (ACF). The bodies were found lined up outside the ACF office, shot in the back of the head after the army reentered the town of Muttur.
     
    Jeevan Thyagarajah, executive director of the Human Rights Consortium, an umbrella organisation of the NGOs, questioned the intervention by the military in development work.
     
    “Is there going to be a civil administration in the east or a military administration? People are already suspicious about government plans,” Thyagarajah told the BBC on July 22.
     
    The military has bypassed normal civilian channels. The Sunday Times noted in its “Situation Report” on July 29 that the circular has been sent directly to the police heads in the eastern districts of Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara, the commandant of the STF in the province, army brigade commanders and district secretaries. The Daily Mirror reported that the eastern military commander called a meeting of NGOs and government officers in late July to explain its new directives.
     
    Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapakse told the Island on July 14 that “the task of the armed forces [was] to keep the areas and strategic strongholds ... which were captured from the LTTE terrorists, safe from infiltration”.
     
    Some 50 new police stations and posts are to be set up throughout the East. In May, the government established a new high security zone in the Sampur and Muttur area to coincide with a new Special Economic Zone.
     
    The establishment of a military administration in the East is a sharp warning to working people throughout the island. Determined to prosecute its unpopular war and to put the economic burden on the masses, the Rajapakse government is increasingly reliant on the military and anti-democratic measures. It will not hesitate in placing other areas of the country under military rule in order to shore up its shaky rule.
     
    This article was published by the World Socialist Web site on 10 August 2007
  • The wretched of the earth
    Refugees displaced during the government’s military campaign in the East continue to live in poor conditions as a result of the scorched earth policy adopted during the fighting. The refugee camps they live in are over populated, with poor sanitary conditions.
    In 1929, in a message to the Negroes of America, Gandhi was to say, 'There is no dishonour in being slaves. There is only dishonour in being slave owners.' It was this message that later earned him a permanent place in the heart of black America. Indeed it was the power of this message so easily applied to the horror I beheld, that came to my mind, as I walked into an IDP camp in the east, two weeks ago.
     
    The Gandhian words of 78 years past, mediated to the suffering and strife of these disinherited people. So low, yet set up so high, as they attempted to wrest from life some grain of dignity.
     
    Babies born in dirty tents
     
    It is the despair in the eyes of the mothers as they clutched their new born babies - babies born under a dirty tent, on a mattress of sand, flies and mud - that would surely lift our eyes to the biblical hope of a world where men will beat their swords into ploughshares and their arrows into pruning hooks.
     
    In the realities of Killivetti, a number of women gather near a tent with their young children. Some squatting, others standing. They are collecting their weekly rations of 140 gms of sugar, and 1.4 kg of rice. For those with children under one year, milk is included in the relief assistance.
     
    For those under 18, clothing and even slippers are provided. Nothing is provided to those over 18 years of age.
     
    A wizened old lady is looking distraught. She quickly approaches us when she knows we are journalists from Colombo. "My grandson was taken in by the army last Sunday (July 22)," the 72 year old Somasunderam Muttupillai moans. "His name is P. Chandrakumar. He is 35 years old, he has a wife and children."
     
    For the old woman living under a torn tent in the transit centre, deprived of her familiar surroundings, this is more than she can bear.
     
    Those in the camp are mainly paddy cultivators says one of the male members of the 900 families presently in the camp. However, there are several divisions within 50 metres. For example, the Ichchalampattu division and the Muttur division where the people are mostly fishermen.
     
    Forcibly brought
     
    He explains that in April 2006 they fled to Batticaloa from Sampur due to the fighting. Then they were brought to this transit centre.
     
    We were brought here by force and through cunning, the man says angrily. Forty buses arrived with boards stating Sampur. Therefore we thought we were being taken back to our villages and our homes. But we were brought here to this transit centre instead, he laments.
     
    "We can't go out. We are like prisoners. We like to at least go to Batticaloa but we can't. We are forced to stay here," he adds.
     
    The children in the camp have had their education interrupted due to constant movement. Now they are attending the Killivetti Maha Vidyalaya close by.
     
    Says one young woman, "We went to Batticaloa empty handed. We came here empty handed."
     
    Later, the rest of the journalists and I proceed on our way in our air conditioned vehicle even as the irony and pathos of our mission hits me hard.
     
    We reach the Alamkulam IDP camp in Vaharai where 480 families and 1615 people mark time endlessly waiting for their lives to be restored. Herded to this camp about five months after the eastern battle commenced, the IDPs hail from areas such as Vahaneri, Akurana and Kulattumadu.
     
    Poor sanitary conditions
     
    Approximately 3000 displaced persons live in three camps in the area.
     
    A temporary school has been arranged for those in the camps in and around the vicinity. NGO activity is a little more prevalent in this camp. At least a mobile medical service visits them once a week. The Regional Medical Officer (RMO) Dr. Vivekandarajah paints a sorry picture of the situation in the camps. He says due to poor sanitary conditions and weak water supply diarrhoea is most prevalent among the IDPs. As with IDPs across the globe it is malnutrition that poses the biggest threat. The closest hospital is in Valachchenai. For an ailing IDP, sick in body, mind and soul, that's a lifetime away.
     
    Having spent the night in Polonnaruwa, the next morning on July 27, we drive along the A15 road passing Kayankerni bridge towards Vaharai and Verugal.
     
    Jungles scorched to the ground
     
    We see jungles scorched to the ground by the military as it gets ready to hold on to land it has captured. This method of clearing the jungle area to prevent hideouts, we saw in endless succession - black stretches of land where before tall grasses swayed gently in the breeze sheltering under forest cover.
     
    A forlorn tree sprouting a green leaf or two stands like a sentinel on the blackened stretch of land. Under the tree a soldier desperate to hide from the scorching sun above and weighed down by ammunition, stands guard.
     
    Poetic irony
     
    There is a poetic irony to the scene. The very hand that has been compelled by regime policy to destroy the tree in the name of war, now seeks its comfort in the name of humanity.
     
    The flora and fauna, the habitats destroyed by this method of clearing the east, was heart wrenching to see.
     
    But more devastation and despair were to meet us along the way juxtaposed with hope as we also saw sandwiched between the destruction, clusters of newly built houses. Little enclaves of hope and security - the work of several NGOs.
     
    Tsunami houses destroyed
     
    And then we saw it as we entered Panichchankerni. A row of houses built for the victims of the tsunami. Easily recognisable as tsunami houses, the villages had barely been resident in the houses for 10 days before all hell broke loose. They were bombed from above. We drove past houses peppered with the multi-barrel guns; a mortar embedded in the bark of a tree.
     
    We later passed Panichchankerni bridge over Upaar lagoon and approached the Vaharai hospital.
     
    The Senior Nursing Officer Jayeswaran and the visiting physician Dr. Daniel both explained that it was malnutrition and hepatitis which were most prevalent while there were many who came in complaining of vomiting blood.
     
    The area including the hospital was under the control of the LTTE before March 15 this year. Now, a few yards away, a large army camp and check point prevailed.
     
    Sections of the hospital had been damaged by the tsunami while a maternity ward had been aerially bombarded causing a large section to collapse, allegedly killing some 10 patients.
     
    Aerial bombardment
     
    There was ample evidence of aerial bombardment all around. Close to the ward was what appeared to be an abandoned bunker. Hospital staff vehemently deny it is an LTTE bunker. Civilians took refuge in the hospital premises during the height of the military offensive says a member of the hospital staff who did not wish to be named. The bunker was dug for their safety during bombardment.
     
    Opposite the hospital a Catholic church stands as if in eternal memory of the suffering and strife of its people. The church had been damaged by the tsunami. Sure as they are that the bunker is not an LTTE one, they are also firm the church was not damaged in the bombings but only by the tsunami.
     
    On the way towards Valachchenai and Batticaloa we see newly built tsunami reconstruction houses bombarded with shells. The roofs had caved in, the walls dotted with fire. Imagine for a moment the plight of those mothers, those school children who had entered their new homes with hope after losing everything to the tsunami only to lose it all once again.
     
    As I said last week in the first installment of this eyewitness account of the east, little wonder the people of the east speaking to us from badly maintained IDP camps have lost faith in humanity.
     
    Karuna dominates
     
    I also saw the office of the Karuna boys standing by the wayside. A few metres away was an army camp. Side by side for the moment, it was obvious despite the stout and even asinine denials of certain members of President Rajapakse's cabinet, that the government was working with Karuna Amman and his men.
     
    Meanwhile P. Karunakaran, claiming to be head of education and based at the Batticaloa office of the TMVP at Govindhan Road tells us that some 165,000 refugees have fled the LTTE in the north and have come to the east. He says the TMVP together with the NGOs are now helping to resettle these people.
     
    Amidst government plans to develop the east, Karunakaran says they do not want big projects. 'We want to be with the people and win them over. We want to be like the south. We will rule here and help the people through elections,' he says.
     
    Dressed in a white tunic, looking a little like the southern politician and speaking Sinhala with only a slight accent, Karunakaran talks of winning the children over.
     
    We want to go to the schools and do projects with the children to nurture plants, to release doves, he says.
     
    How, I ask him, can you plant a tree with one hand while you hold a gun in the other?
     
    We won't go to the schools with guns, he tells me, rather facetiously I think.
     
    However outside the room where Karunakaran is speaking to us, young chaps stalk the surroundings, armed with guns. Karuna and his men it seems, have no intention of giving up their most vital tool to power.
     
    Karunakaran however praises President Rajapakse as a man of vision. A journalist in the group cannot help but ask how Karuna, if he claims to work for the welfare of the eastern people, could get together with a government that is seen to have inflicted so much pain and suffering on the people of the east through its aerial bombardment and its scorched earth policies.
     
    There is a muttering under the breath and no real answer ensues from Karunakaran.
     
    Justifies breaking away
     
    However he is eager to remind us that the east always suffered under the Wanni leadership which never gave a place to the eastern people. It is because of the burden Karuna had for his people that he broke away, says Karunakaran defiantly.
     
    Be that as it may, we beheld untold suffering in the camps both in Trincomalee and Batticaloa.
     
    In all the camps we visited the water supply was poor and suspect despite a tank installed. Some lived in tents ravished by the weather even as others lived in shacks made of wooden planks. Many of the makeshift roofs did not keep the rain from beating down into the shack where grandmother to grandchild lived partitioning the tiny space with saris.
     
    One enterprising man had set up a shop in one of the camps while many said their husbands who had been fishermen couldn't continue their livelihood anymore due to the restrictions.
     
    Divisional Secretary Muttur, M.C.M. Sheriff said 17,000 families in 42 grama sevaka divisions had been displaced. After the war all department schools had remained shut for one and a half months and only in the latter part of September 2006 that people started to return to their homes in driblets.
     
    State of neglect
     
    Why, we were to ask him was it that despite the large amount of tsunami aid, survivors still languished in camps which were now not only run down and in a state of neglect but ill serviced with bad water supply.
     
    Sheriff confirmed that 1249 houses had been allocated to be built and upto now only 343 were under construction. Only 193 had so far been handed over.
     
    Sheriff confirmed that 11 divisions come under the high security zones in Muttur east or Sampur as gazetted by President Rajapakse. About 4000 families have been displaced he says. Most are in the Batticaloa District - in IDP camps, with friends and relatives.
     
    Sheriff said he has not received any direction from the authorities on what to do with these people displaced by the HSZ. He however said that out of the 4000 families the government had established a transit camp in Pattithidel and Killivetti housing 324 families with 1050 members, and 548 families with 1798 members, respectively.
     
    Some families still remain in Batticaloa where they fled to safety while others have winged it to India Sheriff said.
     
    The GA has identified 105 acres of land in Ralkuli, Muttur west, and the Land Reform Commission has handed over to the Divisional Secretariat this jungle area to be cleared to build houses and relocate 500 displaced families, Sheriff added.
     
    This remains to be said. As the pictures will demonstrate more than a thousand words, the people of the east are suffering. If they have been liberated from the Tigers as the government says they are now imprisoned by poverty and strife. They are not allowed to leave their IDP camps which are surrounded by armed personnel.
     
    The government may hail the scorching of the east as victory under its belt for political mileage but for the innocent civilians of the east it is hell on earth.
     
    This article was originally published on - August 12, 2007
  • Ruling Sri Lanka is a family affair
    The Rajapakse family business is virtually everyone's business on this island.
     
    That's because the family's line of work is running the country -- and fighting a civil war, to boot. Between them, the four Rajapakse brothers occupy the most powerful jobs in Sri Lanka's democratically elected government, including the biggest plum of all: the presidency.
     
     click to enlargeIndeed, by appointing his siblings to key posts, President Mahinda Rajapakse has ensured that 70% of the national budget is under the control of his family, critics say. It's an eye-popping figure but, according to observers, a credible one.
     
    Mahinda Rajapakse also heads the Defense and Finance ministries, two of the government's largest portfolios. Last year, defense alone accounted for 19% of national spending, pushed to so high a level because of the lapse back into open battle between the Sri Lankan army and Tamil Tiger rebels, after the collapse of a fragile cease-fire.
     
    The architect of the government's campaign against the Tigers is the hawkish defense secretary and decorated military officer Gotabhaya Rajapakse. Basil is the president's senior advisor, described by some as the power behind the throne.
     
    The fourth Rajapakse brother, Chamal -- the only one besides Mahinda to be elected to office, as a member of Parliament -- is in charge of the Ports and Aviation Ministry.
     
    Under Sri Lanka's Constitution, and throughout 24 years of brutal conflict with the rebels, it has not been uncommon for presidents to retain the Defense Ministry for themselves.
     
    But by vesting so much authority from other areas of government in himself and his brothers, the current president, who was elected two years ago, has indulged in blatant nepotism and overstepped the bounds of propriety, his detractors say.
     
    "Maybe he could have all those ministries and departments that deal with the war, but not something like finance," said opposition politician Lakshman Kiriella. "Under the constitution, he can hold all the ministries. It's not illegal. But it's immoral."
     
    The Rajapakses do not reject complaints that they control most of the state's purse strings, choosing to ignore them. Requests for comment from the president's office and from the prime minister's office went unanswered.
     
    For months, critics have tried to make political hay out of the near-monopoly the brothers hold on government. Two former presidential Cabinet members crossed over to the opposition this year, partly out of frustration that the Cabinet, though composed of more than 50 people, wielded little real power compared with the Rajapakses.
     
    But Sri Lanka's hapless opposition has been unable to mount a serious challenge. The president's aggressive military push against the separatist Tamil Tigers has also made him a popular figure among his nationalist allies in Parliament and among some sections of the ethnic-majority Sinhalese public.
     
    And so far, although bureaucratic corruption ranks as one of the top grievances of ordinary Sri Lankans, no accusations have surfaced that the Rajapakse brothers have used their public authority for private gain.
     
    But some analysts are worried that the concentration of power sets a bad precedent for democratic governance on the island, which won independence from Britain in 1948.
     
    "Given the dominance of the president, and his dependence on his brothers, it could be said that 100% of the budget is dependent on them, as they can block anything," said Jehan Perera, executive director of the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka. "This is not healthy."
     
    He said that civil society and businesspeople were "very much alienated by these happenings, and they constantly speak out. But that's about all they can do."
     
    Members of the opposition are trying to overcome internal squabbles and mobilize public opinion against the Rajapakses' lock on government. An anti-government rally last month drew tens of thousands of protesters in Colombo, the capital.
     
    But unless the ruling coalition is hit by more defections, or popular discontent swells, change is unlikely. For the time being, the business of governing Sri Lanka is liable to remain all in the family.
  • Cash-strapped Sri Lanka seeks loans
    Opposition leader Ranil Wickramasinghe holds currency notes to protest economic policies

    The cash crunch faced by Sri Lanka continued to worsen this month with rating agencies considering down grading the credit rating for the state following recent escalation in the island’s ethnic conflict, a sharp drop in tourism and turmoil in the global credit markets.
     
    Fitch Ratings, which rates Sri lanka as BB- (or three levels below investment grade), announced that the escalation of violence between the military and LTTE and the mounting losses in US sub prime markets, which is forcing investors to shun low-grade debt could lead to a ratings downgrade for Sri Lanka.
     
    “We continue to regard the negative outlook on Sri Lanka's ratings as appropriate,” said Paul Rawkins, London-based senior director of Fitch's sovereign team to an email enquiry by Bloomberg.
     
    “The security situation remains a cause for concern and the macroeconomic policy environment is not encouraging, particularly in the light of current global financial market turmoil,” he added.
     
    On August 2, Sri Lanka hired JPMorgan Chase, Barclays Capital and HSBC to help manage bond sales aimed at raising as much as $500 million overseas.
     
    The launching of offensives by the Sri Lankan forces seeking to drive the LTTE from the eastern province led to an escalation of fighting and has left the cease fire agreement signed in 2002 between the two sides existing only on paper.
     
    With Sri Lankan Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse, brother of President Mahinda Rajapakse, reaffirming that the Sri Lankan forces intend to capture the LTTE stronghold of Vanni in northern Sri Lanka next, analysts expect more fighting in the coming months.
     
    The combination of prospects of more war and recent global turmoil in credit markets have it made harder for Sri Lanka, which has the highest borrowing costs in Asia, to raise funds overseas, reports said.
     
    Bond Issue
     
    The Economist, commenting on the Colombo’s proposed $500 million bond issue argued that whilst it constituted a temporary palliative, its long term consequences were serious.
     
    “There is no doubt that an additional borrowing of US$ 500 million would add heavily to the country’s debt burden,” the magazine said.
     
    At the end of 2006 the foreign debt had accumulated to Rs. 956,620 million (approximately US$ 8696 million) and at the end of May this year it had risen to Rs. 1,210,900 million - about 11 per cent higher than 12 months before, it said.
     
    “Therefore the additional debt alone would raise the debt burden to Rs. 1,265,000 million. In addition the country has a higher domestic debt as well. At the end of May this year the domestic debt had risen to Rs. 1,560.8 billion,” it said. Public debt had risen to nearly the amount of last year’s GDP.
     
    Last year Sri Lanka’s debt servicing absorbed about 28 per cent of government expenditure.
     
    In the past owing to the most foreign borrowing being from multilateral agencies at concessionary rates the cost of foreign borrowing was manageable - even at the end of 2006 foreign debt payments absorbed only 12.7 per cent of our export earnings.
     
    However, this percentage has been increasing in recent years and the bond issue would raise that as the interest rates are higher than the country has paid in the past when it borrowed little from commercial sources.
     
    The period for repayment is also much shorter than the borrowings from multilateral agencies.
     
    The government has resorted to commercial borrowing as the government can’t meet the conditions of good fiscal management required by these agencies, The Economist charged.
     
    There are also doubts on what the loans would be used for.
     
    The government claims it would use it for infrastructure development. However, the Economist argued that infrastructure development at commercial rates of borrowing is not prudent, as such investments pay off over a long period of time.
     
    Besides, it is alleged that the infrastructure for which the money is to be spent already have been funded.
     
    Therefore, the magazine said, it is contended that the money is in fact for war expenditure.
     
    The bottomline of the bond issue is that the government is passing on a debt burden for the future, the magazine concluded. These questions imply that the borrowing is ill-advised.
     
    Complicating the bond issue further, Sri Lanka’s main opposition United National Party has declared that it would not honour the agreement and suspend payments if and when it comes to power.
     
    Furthermore, the UNP is considering an unusual course of action, of writing to HSBC, JP Morgan Chase and Barclays, the three joint lead managers of the bond issue, questioning their ‘collusion’ in the corrupt activities of the Rajapakse government.
     
    Opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, addressing a public rally at Matara this month said the government was seeking commercial loans for infrastructure projects that are said to be funded by China (Norochcholai power and Hambantota harbour), southern highway (Japan), Colombo harbour (ADB).
     
    He said for 22 projects the government has requested US$500 million in foreign aid, reported the Sunday Times newspaper in Sri Lanka.
     
    “Then why is the government seeking US$ 500 million in a bond issue when some of these projects have already got foreign aid?” he asked.
     
    Mean while Sri Lanka's rupee weakened further to an eighth consecutive life closing low as importers bought dollars to settle trade bills.
     
    Some analysts expect the rupee to weaken to as much as 118-120 per dollar by the end of the year. Others are expecting 114 per dollar. The rupee has depreciated over 4 percent so far this year, after weakening by around 5 percent in 2006.
     
    The rupee is steadily depreciating mainly due to trade-related moves in an economy that runs a hefty trade deficit because of costly fuel imports and the impact of inflation.
     
    The Colombo All Share index fallen around 20 percent since life highs in mid-February amid escalating war between the state and LTTE and high interest rates, which have prompted some investors to turn to fixed deposits and bonds.
     
    The bourse is down around 11 percent so far this year, with renewed war between the state and LTTE hurting sentiment.
     
    Further worsening the island’s economy, the Sri Lanka tourist board announced that tourist arrivals fell 20.3 percent in July from a year earlier.
     
    The renewed war between the government forces and the LTTE reduced arrivals by 23.7 percent in the first seven months of the year and many hotels struggling with low occupancy are discounting rooms in a bid to lure clients.
     
    Tourist arrivals in July totalled 44,142 compared to 55,354 a year earlier. Arrivals in June were down 30 percent.
     
    "The arrivals have come down because of the country's security situation but the (performance) has improved," said S. Kalaiselvam, director general of the Sri Lanka Tourist Board.
     
    "July is an off-season, so arrivals of more than 40,000 tourists is a considerable achievement amid the current situation."
     
    A number of foreign embassies have advised nationals to avoid traveling to Sri Lanka citing the escalation in fighting.
     
  • UN cowed by Sri Lanka’s fury

    Sir John Holmes was flown to Jaffna by the Sri Lankan military for an official visit. Photo Daily Mirror


    Responding angrily to United Nation’s Secretary General Ban Ki-moon expressions of support for a senior UN official who described Sri Lanka as “the most dangerous place for aid workers,” the Colombo government launched a tirade on Ki-Moon, following up its earlier scathing attack against UN humanitarian coordinator John Holmes as a "terrorist" who took a bribe from the Tamil Tigers.
     
    Senior Sri Lankan minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle launched a scathing attack against Ki-moon, saying that he did not give a ‘damn’ about whatever the UN Secretary General had to say, The Nation newspaper reported on August 12.
     
    Fernandopulle was responding to Ki-Moon’s criticism that Fernandopulle’s comments last week calling UN humanitarian coordinator John Holmes a "terrorist" who took a bribe from the LTTE were "unacceptable and unwarranted."
     
    Meanwhile, Sir Holmes has has written to Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse explaining himself and appearing to back off from his earlier criticism of the Colombo government’s human rights record.
     
    President Rajapakse has not commented on the controversy.
     
    Fernandopulle, who is also the Chief Government Whip, told The Nation, “I don’t give a damn about what this UN boss has to tell me or Sri Lanka. He can say whatever he wants, but I will still go by what I said and that is, John Homes is a terrorist who takes bribes from the LTTE.”
     
    Fernandopulle also said that he had a busy schedule, and had better things to do than waste his time listening to what the UN boss and the likes had to say.
     
    “I do not care what the UN Secretary General says. We cannot allow any foreigner to come to our country and work against us,” he said.
     
    “I am a busy man and I have bigger problems to worry about than a statement made by the UN Secretary,” he added.
     
    Fernandopulle’s tirade was the latest in a week long volley of accusations from the Sri Lankan government against the United Nations.
     
    It also ended the matter, with the UN quietly dropping its protests and Sir Holmes writing to Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse seeking to mend fences.
     
    The whole saga started when Sir Holmes, at the end of his visit to Sri Lanka in early August, gave an interview to Reuters in which he said that the country had one of the worst records in the world for humanitarian aid worker safety.
     
    Sir Holmes told Reuters: "there is a concern ... about the safety of humanitarian workers themselves and the record here is one of the worst in the world from that point of view."
     
    “We've seen almost 30 humanitarian workers killed over the last 18 months or so," he added, calling on the government to probe civil war abuses and consider an international rights monitoring mission.”
     
    The Consortium for Humanitarian Agencies, an umbrella group of 104 aid agencies operating in Sri Lanka, actually puts the number at 34, a figure the government rejects.
     
    Holmes said he had positive and frank discussions with government officials, and had been reassured that abuses would be looked into. He called on the government and the Tigers to ensure aid workers have access to the needy, and called for respect of international humanitarian law.
     
    However, the Sri Lankan government reacted furiously to Holmes’s comments. Key government figures accused Holmes of bias and of deliberately seeking to tarnish the government's reputation.
     
    Speaking in the parliament, Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake said Sir Holmes’ comments called into question the ability of the UN to be impartial.
     
    "The government of Sri Lanka, in no uncertain terms, rejects John Holmes' assertion that Sri Lanka is not safe for humanitarian workers," Mr Wickremanayake said.
     
    "The government cannot but feel that Sir John has contributed to those who seek to discredit the government and tarnish its international image."
     
    Defense ministry official Keheliya Rambukwella reacting to Holmes;s comments told reporters a formal complaint was lodged with U.N. officials.
     
    “We have written to our permanent representative in New York to take the matter up,” said Rambukwella. He further said Sri Lanka would ask for the UN undersecretary to retract his comments.
     
    However the strongest criticism against the senior UN official came from minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle who called him a "terrorist" and accused him of taking a bribe from the Liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
     
    Fernandopulle, told a media briefing he believed Holmes had deliberately tried to harm Sri Lanka's reputation.
     
    "I would say Holmes is completely a terrorist, a terrorist who supports terrorism. We consider people who support terrorists also terrorists," Fernandopulle told the briefing.
     
    "So Holmes, who supports the LTTE (Tamil Tigers), is also a terrorist. This person tries to tarnish the image of Sri Lanka internationally,"
     
    "I think the LTTE has bribed Holmes." he added without giving any proof to back his accusations.
     
    UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon reacted to Fernandopulle’s accusations and said comments by the Sri Lankan minister calling his humanitarian coordinator a "terrorist" were "unacceptable and unwarranted,".
     
    "We believe them (the comments) to be unwarranted and unacceptable and the secretary-general fully supports the work of his emergency relief coordinator, John Holmes." Said UN spokeswoman Michele Montas speaking to reporters.
     
    She also said Sir Holmes, a Briton, has written to Sri Lanka's minister for disaster management and human rights, Mahinda Samarasinghe, saying it was "regrettable that a few words used in an interview have attracted disproportionate attention and have threatened to overshadow his sincere desire to have the most constructive relationship possible with the government."
     
    In his letter, Holmes said that he was not ‘suggesting’ either to Reuters or in his discussions with the government that the government was not concerned about human right issues and not trying to protect humanitarian workers “but simply referring factually to the terrible incidents that have taken place and the need to step up even further all our efforts to prevent such things in future. That was my consistent message throughout.”
     
    “It is all the more regrettable that one phrase I used in an interview with Reuters, in response to a question, has attracted quite disproportionate attention in some parts of the media and threatens to distort or overshadow the rest of the visit and the discussions, and my absolutely sincere desire to have the most constructive relationship possible with the government. I was certainly not deliberately trying to strike a different or more negative note in this interview, as some have suggested.”
     
    “On the contrary my desire throughout the visit was to be consistent in public with what 1 was raising in private, and 1 had indeed raised my concern about the safety of humanitarian workers with virtually everyone I met, as you know, and also mentioned it at the press conference with you.”
     
    Sir Holmes also called for a meeting with President Rajapaksa and Minister Samarasinghe during their visit to New York next month.
  • Rajapakse and human rights
    In 1990, Mahinda Rajapaksa was arrested at Colombo airport trying to smuggle dossiers on the "disappeared" out of Sri Lanka to the United Nations in Geneva. Rajapaksa, then an rising politician from the country's south, worked to organize the mothers of the "disappeared" during an insurrection of 1988-90, when more than 16,000 people went missing.
     
    Today, Rajapaksa is Sri Lanka's sixth president, leading a government accused of egregious human rights abuses. Since fighting between government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam resumed in full vigor in mid-2006, civilians have become the primary target - not just in direct clashes but in the insidious "dirty war" fought by both sides.
     
    Human Rights Watch researchers spent months investigating allegations of abuses, publishing a report this month that uses eyewitness accounts to show how security forces have subjected civilians to "disappearances," indiscriminate attacks, forced displacement and restrictions on humanitarian aid. Critics of the government - as Rajapaksa was in the 1980s - have been threatened and demonized as national traitors and terrorist sympathizers.
     
    The situation has deteriorated dramatically in the past couple of years. A cease-fire agreement in February 2002 had put a halt to serious fighting. While the Tamil Tigers continued to recruit child soldiers and assassinate moderate Tamils, the situation was relatively calm for a country that had been at war since 1983. The government still committed abuses, but it was able to claim the moral high ground against an opponent that pioneered the use of suicide bombings.
     
    The government has lost that high ground. Since it resumed serious military operations against the rebels last year, 315,000 people have had to flee their homes due to fighting. The government has forced some to return home in unsafe conditions against their will. Since January 2006, more than 1,100 "disappearance" cases have been reported. Almost all of the disappeared are Tamil men between the ages of 18-50, and in a majority of cases witnesses allege complicity of security forces.
     
    The government continues to cooperate with the Karuna group, a breakaway faction of the Tamil Tigers headed by the LTTE's former eastern commander leader. Like the Tamil Tigers, the Karuna group is notorious for abducting and forcibly recruiting boys and young men, sometimes as government forces stand by and watch.
     
    Despite numerous promises from President Rajapaksa and others to investigate, the government has done nothing to shut down Karuna's child recruitment.
     
    Even aid workers face threats. One year ago, gunmen killed 17 local workers from the Paris-based Action Against Hunger. Despite evidence linking soldiers to the murders, the government has failed to hold anyone to account. The same goes for two Red Cross workers murdered in June.
     
    Since the renewed outbreak of fighting, humanitarian groups have faced severe restrictions on access to the embattled northeast and the government is cutting the number of work visas it grants to international nongovernmental organizations.
     
    The government has arrested journalists, Tamils and Sinhalese, under recently reintroduced Emergency Regulations, which allow the authorities to hold a person for up to 12 months without charge.
     
    Eleven media workers have been killed since August 2005. The government has arrested no one for those crimes.
     
    Successive Sri Lankan governments have become famous for pledging to investigate abuses, setting up commissions, and then failing to hold abusers accountable.
     
    In response to this downward spiral, foreign governments haven't done much. Sri Lanka has little strategic or economic importance to most countries. Foreign governments mostly limited their criticism to "private messages" and minor aid cuts.
     
    The Sri Lankan Army has warm ties to the US military. Britain has close historical relations with its former colony and is a major aid provider. Sri Lanka receives 40 percent of its foreign assistance from Japan. India is the big neighbor with the greatest influence. Indians have not forgotten their failed military intervention in 1987 or the Tamil Tigers' assassination of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Sri Lanka relies heavily on India for naval intelligence to counter arms procurement by the rebels.
     
    While in private these governments have raised concerns about human rights abuses with President Rajapaksa, they have not exerted concerted pressure to make abuses stop.
     
    These allies should work to set up a UN human rights monitoring mission tasked with protection, monitoring, capacity-building, and public reporting of abuses by all sides. Such a mission would - unlike the government or Tamil Tigers - be committed to protecting the rights of all Sri Lankans - Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim - from extrajudicial killings, abductions, intimidation and indiscriminate military attacks.
     
    As important, President Rajapaksa should remember his days as a human rights activist and confront the rampant abuses taking place on his watch.
     
    Charu Lata Hogg is a South Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch and co-author of the report "Return to War: Human Rights Under Siege."
  • Dangers to life as the rule of law collapses
    In recent months spokesmen for the Sri Lankan government have become quite aggressive towards the country’s critics.
     
    The Attorney General severely attacked the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) regarding its two reports; the president and other spokesmen have attacked the report by Human Rights Watch and now Action Contra La Faim is being attacked and accused of being responsible for the deaths of their 17 aid workers last August, about which no successful investigation has been carried out and no one has been prosecuted.
     
    The government fearing that international reports on violations of human rights may lead to the sending of UN human rights monitors or other forms of intervention, rather believes that silencing critics is the way to avoid the situation.
     
    Thus, aggressive rhetoric has become a characteristic of spokesmen for the government.
     
    However, what no amount of aggressive rhetoric can erase is the people’s frustration throughout the country with a state that has failed to perform its basic functions. One of these basic functions is to provide security for the people and this requires that the investigations into crime and gross abuses of human rights are carried out promptly and efficiently.
     
    This is not simply possible, not only for politically loaded incidents, but even for ordinary crimes.
     
    Sri Lanka’s system of criminal justice is at its lowest depths and this has been widely acknowledged. In 2001, on the acknowledgement of this fact the 17th Amendment to the Constitution was adopted. By now even the operation of this limited measure to restore the rule of law and to make the dysfunctional apparatus of the state function, has been given up.
     
    None of these government spokesmen talk about the state of Sri Lanka’s constitution.
     
    What had begun as the erosion of democracy in Sri Lanka through constitutional means by President J.R. Jayawardene has now reached a point of ruling without reference to the constitution at all. The 17th Amendment was buried and all attempts to exhume it have been brushed aside.
     
    In a country such as Sri Lanka now, what is it that the government finds fault with in the criticism relating to human rights?
     
    The real situation is worse than anything any critic might portray. Every citizen in the country has within themselves a far bleaker image of the situation than what any external critic might aptly portray.
     
    One criticism that is being vilified is the statement by Sir John Holmes, United Nations Emergency Relief Coordinator and Under Secretary General of Humanitarian Affairs, to the effect that for aid workers, Sri Lanka is one of the most dangerous places in the world. This is no exaggeration since Sri Lanka is one of the most dangerous places to live for anyone.
     
    The criterion of whether a place is safe to live or otherwise is the prevalence of the rule of law; a place where the rule of law has collapsed is not a safe place to live.
     
    What the government of Sri Lanka should try to do is what any government is expected to do, which is to investigate crimes irrespective of who the culprits of such crimes might be.
     
    However, this has not been proved possible except in a few rare instances in Sri Lanka since 1971.
     
    The killings by security forces and the police during the decades beginning from 1971 go into the tens of thousands. However, if these were to be investigated it would cause a serious political crisis.
     
    Whether any government that would try to investigate the human rights violations by the military and the police could survive is perhaps one of the most crucial political questions that need the attention of anyone who is seriously concerned with the improvement of human rights in Sri Lanka.
     
    The strategy needed by concerned persons within Sri Lanka itself and others in the international community who are concerned with the human rights situation in the country, is to address the complete failure of both the justice and political systems.
     
    The problem about justice in cases like that of the 17 aid workers is that such investigations risk serious repercussions. A government that is unwilling to face up to such repercussions will neither be willing or capable to deal with such a situation.
     
    A solution to the human rights problems in Sri Lanka requires a strategy that absorbs the totality of the crisis that the country is immersed in.
     
    It is this reality that the aggressive spokesmen for the government a
  • APRC ‘dead in the water’
    Sri Lanka’s hardline Buddhist monks are opposed to any form of settlement with the Tamils, and the political party of monks walked out of the all party constitutional conference. Photo Daily News
    The troubled multi-party committee appointed by Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse to derive a southern consensus on the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka collapsed last week with his ruling party calling for an indefinite adjournment and two more parties, including the main opposition party, walking out.
     
    The stated purpose of the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) is to reach a southern consensus on what power-sharing arrangement to offer the Tamils.
     
    It has, however, been criticized as a ploy by the hardline Rajapakse government to avoid returning to negotiations with the Tamil Tigers.
     
    Earlier this month, the APRC announced that a final draft of a proposed solution to the protracted conflict would be submitted to President Rajapakse on August 15.
     
    The APRC convened a series of meetings in early August with aim of meeting the deadline. But as with past deadlines, it passed without result.
     
    The opposition United National Party (UNP) promptly set a target of August 20 to finalise the draft report and linked its continued participation in future APRC proceedings to the committee meeting the new target. 
     
    However the ruling Sri Lankan Freedom Party (SLFP) representative Minister Vishwa Warnapala and a ruling coalition party Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) representative Nalin De Silva attending the APRC meeting on August 19 called for the indefinite adjournment of proceedings.
     
    They informed APRC Chairman Tissa Vitharana that the proceedings had to be adjourned in keeping with a ‘request’ made by the President and no further meetings of the APRC should be held until Rajapakse met with all party leaders in the APRC who are members of the ruling coalition.
     
    With no agreement on a draft proposal, on August 20 the Working Committee of the UNP decided to withdraw from the APRC citing the latest adjournment.
     
    A spokesman for the UNP said with the decision to adjourn the APRC indefinitely the “process is dead in the water.”
     
    The UNP had been vindicated as "they have been proved correct that the entire APRC process was an eye wash," he said.
     
    The UNP further announced that it will not participate in any further deliberations until the parties in the ruling coalition come up with a common stand regarding the resolution of the national question.
     
    As the UNP withdrew from the APRC proceedings, Jaathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), the hard line monks party led by a firebrand cabinet minister, also distanced itself from the APRC.
     
    The JHU is opposed to the very notion of power-sharing with the Tamils.
     
     According sources close the APRC proceedings, the sudden decision to move for an adjournment came following representations made by the JHU to the President.
     
    Earlier, the APRC had taken the position that the unit of devolution should be the province and the nature of the state should be "united" as opposed to unitary.
     
    However the ruling collation parties including SLFP, MEP and the JHU had opposed this position, insisting the word unitary must be retained, thereby entrenching the impossibility of sharing power.
     
    According to the Sunday Leader newspaper , the government is now planning to delay finalising the APRC proposals until the conclusion of the budget vote in November.
     
    This is following a threat by the right wing Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP), Sri Lanka’s third largest party, to defeat the budget if the APRC proposals did not include a unitary state devoid of any federal features.
     
    Last week the JHU complained to the media that the APRC proposals being discussed would have dire consequences on the country and is a step to impose a federal system even exceeding the parameters of the Indian and US constitutions.
     
    “According to these proposals, the constitution cannot be amended without a two-thirds majority in Parliament in addition to obtaining the consent of the Provinces to be set up,” the party’s APRC representative Udaya Gammanpila said.
     
    “Today, the government has a problem in amending the present constitution because of such a clause included by President J.R. Jayewardene who introduced it.”
     
    “In the US, the centre has the power for revenue collection. Then, the government distributes collected revenues among its 50 states. This has helped the US government to prevent secessions,” he said.
     
    “Sinhala, Mulsim, Tamils of Sri Lankan origin and Tamils of Indian origin have been mentioned as ethnic groups. Then the Malays and Burghers will never get representation in the country’s top posts according to these proposals,” he further grumbled.
     
    The JHU founder and current Environment Minister, Champika Ranawaka, launched a verbal tirade against the APRC Chairman Tissa Vitarana accusing him of conspiring against the Rajapakse government to undermine the military victories in the Eastern province.
     
    Ranawaka told journalists that even the SLFP and the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), which were parties of the ruling coalition had not agreed to this set of proposals, along with the Muslim parties, which some reservations about these proposals.
     
    “The APRC is an expert panel representing political parties in the House. It was appointed by the All Party Conference assigned with the task of seeking consensual approach to resolve the national question. It has no post called chairman. Prof. Vitarana has been assigned only to chair its meetings as the most senior Cabinet Minister in it.”
     
    “He has no right to issue statements as the chairman,” Mr. Ranawaka added.
     
    “Today, we have gained a military victory in the East [against the LTTE]. Plans are in place to push northwards,” Mr. Ranawaka said.
     
    “According to information, LTTE leader Prabhakaran has instructed his field commanders to recapture the Vadamarachchi area before November. He has emphasized his desire to die in his home town rather than in Wanni.”
     
    “There is a [therefore] a conspiracy to reverse the military victories. We wonder whether Prof. Vitarana is playing a part in this conspiracy,” Mr. Ranawaka asked.
     
    In another move to undermine the APRC, according to local reports, the president has appointed another committee comprising of southern political parties under the chairmanship of Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake.
     
    The aim of the new committee, according to the report, is to ‘iron out the differences’ between the parties on the on the controversial matters such as nature of the state and the limit of devolution.
     
    In March 2007, Vitarana, announced that the consensual APRC proposal, which was hoped to be ready by February, had been delayed because of the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party's (SLFP) delay in submitting its proposals.
     
    On March 22, the Minister said he wants the "exercise to be completed over the next 60 days," again moving the deadline to end of May.
     
    The JVP, which is third largest political party represented in parliament with 39 parliamentarians, has boycotted the APRC since early December saying it is not interested in formulating a political package based on federal concept.
     
  • Looking for a way out of perilous Jaffna
    The security situation for civilians, especially youth in Jaffna has deteriorated to such a level that families have begun to flee the peninsula to seek refuge in Colombo and make an attempt to send their sons overseas.
     
    The international ceasefire monitoring team (SLMM) in its latest assessment report focuses on concerns of the high prices on essential items, a general halt in the economy, increased difficulties to enter the city of Jaffna, an increase of military round-ups and house searches, emigration of skilled labour and fishing restrictions.
     
    A Wellawatte lodge manager said of the inmates, more than half were from Jaffna seeking security for themselves or their children, mostly young boys.
     
    Driven out of their homes by a 3 decade-long civil war, extrajudicial killings, abductions, a high cost of living and little hope for a normal life, these families have trickled into Colombo on boats and via planes, after the closure of the A9 highway.
     
    “We charge between Rs. 300 and Rs. 1,700 per day. However, meals are not provided and cooking is banned inside the rooms due to the lack of facilities.
     
    At present there are about 120 individuals occupying the 50 rooms we have,” the manager of the ‘Ideal’ lodge in Wellawatte said.
     
    “We give a daily update to the Wellewatte police about new arrivals and those who leave our lodge. Some people come and stay for a few days to get passports or ID cards. Others are staying for months or even years,” he added.
     
    A 23-year-old youth has been stranded in this lodge for more than one and a half years, attempting to go to Sweden. He had come to Colombo, abandoning his advanced level studies as the situation in Jaffna deteriorated.
     
    “My visa applications to Sweden were rejected twice. Now I am trying to go to the West Asia through an agency. I can’t go back to Jaffna under the current circumstances although my parents and younger brother are still there. Each family must have at least one member working abroad to send money. The cost of living there is unbearable, with a kilo of rice priced at Rs. 200, while chicken costs Rs. 1,500,” he said.
     
    In the mean time, he has been arrested on suspicion and released three times. He was compelled to leave his job because of this and is now finding it difficult to find employment.
     
    “I want to continue with my studies. However much the applications are rejected I will stay and keep on trying because there is no other alternative,” he said.
     
    64-year-old Rasamma is waiting for the Police clearance for her son. She says the whole process will take about two months. She has been living in the lodge for about 9 months, trying to join her other son in Canada.
     
    This new delay was caused by the surprise eviction of 385 Tamil lodgers from Colombo on July 7. Rasamma and her son were also evicted and promptly allowed to return. However, she has to get the police clearance reports again.
     
    “I had all the documents ready at that time. Now we have to wait again. My house was situated between two army camps and I was caught in between the cross fires. I feel at peace at the lodge. I don’t want to go back,” she said.
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