Diaspora

Taxonomy Color
red
  • Fostering Hatred

    The end to armed hostilities in Sri Lanka that followed the conventional defeat of the Liberation Tigers in May and the movement's declaration last month that it has suspended its armed struggle has led some observers to talk about a 'post-conflict' era. It is in this context that the language of 'reconciliation' has entered the discourse, for example. To begin with, Sri Lanka's conflict is anything but over; on the contrary, it has clearly entered another period of gestation. Unless the international community acts decisively to end Sinhala oppression of the Tamil people and ensures a robust political solution that guarantees the equality of the two nations, there will be neither 'reconciliation' nor peace. Instead, the violent tyranny of the state will lead inevitably to violent resistance anew.

     

    Whilst overt hostilities have now ceased, the enmities long-driven by the state's racial oppression of the Tamils are only further intensifying. While Sinhala leaders, drunk with victory, deny there is a political problem to be solved, a chauvinist triumphalism has engulfed the Sinhala people. The polarization between Sinhalese and Tamils that became especially acute over the past few years is being rendered irreversible.

     

    This is no 'ancient hatreds' argument, but the contrary. Whilst the Tamils and Sinhalese are long-established nations on the island, Sri Lanka's conflict and crisis is the direct outcome of politics, specifically a chauvinist nation-building project undertaken by Sinhala leaders since independence based on a supposed divinely ordered superiority of the Sinhala over the Tamils and others. This superiority is embedded in the country's constitution, its flag, the composition of its state bureaucracy and military, and above all in the annihilitory trajectory of the policies enacted and violence carried out by the Sinhala-dominated state since 1948. And that was before the Tamil armed struggle erupted in 1983.

     

    For decades, Sri Lanka's crisis and conflict has been defined as the consequence of Tamil depends for independence. On the contrary, as a cursory survey of pre-1976 history demonstrates, it is the reverse: the demand for Tamil Eelam flowed directly out of state policies and violence towards the Tamils - policies and violence that are inexorably escalating.

     

    The Tamil charge of genocide is no outlandish rhetoric, but a recognition of an existential threat from the Sinhala-dominated state. First there was the state-backed mob violence of the riots and pogroms between 1956 and 1983. In each year since 1983, our people have been slaughtered by the thousand by the armed forces. Throughout the war, under the logic of 'fighting terrorism', hundreds of thousands of Tamils have been starved and denied medicine en masse. Thousands of Tamils have been disappeared, summarily executed, tortured and raped by the state's forces. This is still ongoing in today's 'post-conflict' times.

     

    Then there is the unabashed racism institutionalized in state policies, including distribution of health, education and welfare provision. Whilst the Tamils have been marginlised, excluded and impoverished, the state has fostered the Sinhala and Buddhism. This chauvinism was exemplified by how international aid has consistently been denied to the Tamil northeast - especially after the devastating 2004 tsunami. It is amply illustrated today in how Tamil fisherman are prevented by the military from going to sea whilst Sinhalese trawlers fish with abandon off the Tamil coast.

     

    The point is this: today's Sri Lanka constitutes the perfect conditions for fostering a future armed conflict. Quite apart from the legacy of the past sixty years, the actions and policies of the Sinhala state are inflicting all manner of deprivation and humiliation on Tamils all over the island. Moreover, these actions and policies are enthusiastically backed by the Sinhala people. Especially amid a conviction Tamil defiance has been militarily crushed, the racism manifests itself in daily interactions between Tamils and Sinhalese and between Tamils and state officials across the island. In short the grievances that drive a future war are to be found especially in the present, not just the past.

     

    International aspirations for a united, peaceful Sri Lanka are doomed without decisive action to make it possible. Reconciliation can only be possible from a position of parity. England and Scotland warred for centuries, yet today they are reconciled. It is hardly remarked but fundamental that the unity of the United Kingdom turns on the recognition of the equal worth of four distinct nations and their homelands, and not only on the formal equality of all individuals as citizens. Neither can be dispensed with.

  • Can Sri Lanka fulfill agreed reforms with IMF?

    The International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved a $2.6 billion loan for Sri Lanka to help the country through the global financial crisis and rebuild following a 25-year civil war.

     

    Sri Lanka will immediately be able to tap the first disbursement of $322 million under the 20-month programme but the rest will be phased in, subject to quarterly reviews.

     

    Following are some questions and answers on key conditions and whether the government will be able meet them.

     

    WHAT IS THE HARDEST CONDITION FOR SRI LANKA TO MEET?

     

    Maintaining a 7 percent budget deficit in 2009. Latest Ministry of Finance data showed the deficit has already hit 4 percent in the first four months of this year and economists expected the full-year figure to reach at least 9 percent.

     

    They say the government will be forced to revise its populist policies to more economically rational ones if it wants to receive the entire $2.6 billion loan.

     

    The 5 percent fiscal deficit target in 2011 will also be a difficult task for President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who faces a parliamentary and presidential election before then.

     

    Analysts say the Rajapaksa administration, which has already promised to cut military expenditure after the war, could introduce new indirect taxes to increase revenue.

     

    But that might be unpopular with the electorate. So Rajapaksa could take advantage of his current high popularity and call for elections early and, assuming he wins, implement the less popular policies afterwards.

     

    WHAT WILL IMF DO IF SRI LANKA FAILS TO MEET THE CONDITIONS?

    Initially, the IMF is likely to be flexible, taking into consideration Sri Lanka's post-war situation. However, continued failures to meet conditions will compel the lender to stop disbursement of the loans, which would be negative for domestic markets. The IMF discontinued a previous loan programme due to Sri Lanka's failure in adhering to its conditions in 2001.

     

    WHAT IMPACTS WILL THE CONDITIONS HAVE ON THE ECONOMY?

     

    Inflation is expected to pick up. The government has agreed with the IMF to halt subsidies to loss-making state enterprises Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC). That is likely to lead to higher inflation via increased energy prices, raising pressure for policy rates to rise.

     

    WILL THE EXCHANGE RATE POLICY BE AN ISSUE?

     

    No. One of the conditions state that the central bank must allow flexibility in the foreign exchange rate and limit intervention to smooth volatility in the market. But the IMF has also said the flexibility should help maintain exporters' competitiveness, suggesting it is in line with the current central bank policy of intervening only when the rupee is depreciating.

     

    Central bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal told Reuters on Monday that the rupee is trading at a reasonable rate and it will continue to maintain a stable exchange rate.

     

    Traders also expect the rupee remain steady.

  • Rajapaksa pardons Army deserters during Buddhist rite

    Sri Lanka's President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, Mahinda Rajapaksa, on the occasion of Esala Perahera, the Sri Lankan Buddhist festival that commemorates the scared tooth of Buddha, has granted an special amnesty for 1,933 Sri Lanka Army (SLA) deserters including SLA officers released from several prisons, Sri Lankan police authorities said on Tuesday, July 28 .

    270 SLA soldiers and 14 officers were released from Welikada. 3 officers and 30 soldiers from Boosa and 27 soldiers from Galle were released under the Perahera amnesty granted to them.

     

    Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan military offered another amnesty to the tens of thousands deserters.

     

    Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara said troops who were absent without leave could report back to their units and be officially discharged without penalty.

     

    "They must bring all their documents and return whatever is due to the army and then they will be granted an honourable discharge," Nanayakkara told AFP.

     

    In 2001, the army had about 51,000 deserters on its books. According to a Sri Lankan Ministry of Justice and Law Reforms official, there are over  65,000 deserters at large.

     

    The latest amnesty offers comes 2 months after government forces ended the island's bloody civil war. Despite the end of the fighting, the military wants to recruit new troops to fill vacancies and to be deployed in areas of the north and east captured from the Tamil Tigers.

  • Sri Lanka deaths probe demanded

    The New York-based group Human Rights Watch on Tuesday pressed for an international probe into the killings in Sri Lanka of 17 local employees of a French charity three years ago.

     

    HRW marked the anniversary of the execution-style murders of the Action Against Hunger (ACF) workers in Sri Lanka's northeastern town of Muttur with a scathing attack on the country's leaders.

     

    The group accused the government of grossly mishandling the investigation into the deaths of local employees of the Action Against Hunger group.

     

    "Since the ACF massacre, the (President Mahinda) Rajapakse government has put on an elaborate song and dance to bedazzle the international community into believing justice is being done," said HRW director James Ross.

     

    "It's time the UN and concerned governments say 'the show is over' and put into place a serious international inquiry."

     

    "Instead of doing all it can to get justice for this horrific crime, the Sri Lankan government is further traumatising the victims' families by trying to shift the blame to others."

     

    ACF itself has demanded an international investigation after a government probe failed to identify any suspects.

     

    The call came last month after a Sri Lankan investigation cleared the military of killing the 17 employees of the charity, but ordered more compensation for the families of the victims.

     

    HRW said that an international inquiry was needed into the murders. Sixteen of the victims were ethnic Tamils.

     

    Thirteen men and four women who worked on water sanitation and farm projects for ACF were found shot dead in an area where government troops and the Liberation Tigers were fighting.

     

    Nordic peace monitors at the time blamed the killings – the worst attack on aid workers since the bombing of the UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003 – on government forces.

     

    The government has denied any role.

     

    The commission blamed the killings on either the Tamil Tigers or auxiliary police known as home guards. Its full report to President Mahinda Rajapaksa remains unpublished.

     

    But HRW says that this report was based primarily on "limited witness testimony" from people who said that the armed forces were not in the vicinity at the time.

     

    Excerpts from the commission's final report posted on the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defense website sharply criticize the role of local organizations in the ACF inquiry.

     

    These organizations provided legal support for witnesses and made a number of written submissions on the case, HRW noted in a press release.

     

    The commission stated that the "main function" of seven named nongovernmental organizations was to "attempt to discredit every possible institution and authority of this country before the Commission, and attempt to hold one party responsible for the gruesome crime.... They appeared not to ascertain the truth but to engage in a fault finding exercise of the security forces of Sri Lanka."

     

    The commission said the groups adopted "a suspiciously narrow outlook" and engaged in a "preconceived plan or conspiracy to discredit the Commission ... for the consumption of some of the international organizations."

     

    Human Rights Watch said that such accusations, made in the current context of continuing threats and physical assaults against media and civil society groups labeled "traitorous" or otherwise anti-government, place individuals and organizations at serious risk.

     

    Colombo appointed 11 foreign diplomats and dignitaries to supervise the probe, but they pulled out in April 2008 saying the investigation did not meet minimum international standards.

     

    "On the third anniversary of the murder of 17 aid workers, the Sri Lankan government is no closer to uncovering the truth or prosecuting those responsible," said Ross.

     

    "Instead, the government is using the atrocity to threaten local rights groups, intimidate the victims' families, and score political points against the French government."

  • Emotional rehabilitation should precede IMF, GSP politics

    If structural changes are what the West aims in the island of Sri Lanka through IMF and GSP+ loans, those cannot be achieved without first emotionally rehabilitating the Eelam Tamils.

     

    Emotional rehabilitation, which is fundamental to all other rehabilitation is possible only when the West openly acknowledges Eelam Tamils as a nation and their cause as a national liberation struggle, says TamilNet political commentator in Colombo.

     

    “Tamils are deeply hurt by IMF and Indian assistance to Colombo failing to take note of this fact, the commentator said, adding that the GSP+ should not make the same mistake.

     

    By abstaining the IMF voting the West has indirectly helped the approval of the loan to Colombo.

     

    Now there are proposals that the EU should consider GSP+ assistance too.

     

    The call for investigation of war crimes may serve political purposes of the West but this will not address the fundamental expectations of Eelam Tamils, the commentator said.

     

    His further comments follow:

     

    The West has to consider the long history of betrayal and the explicit ways in which the Sinhala state has embarked upon the structural genocide of Eelam Tamils.

     

    The long legacy of international failure, spanning over half a century, in not recognising the genocidal oppression in the island and the nationalist dimensions of the struggle of Eelam Tamils have immensely contributed to the present mess.

     

    When nothing is resolved but only gone deep into a military subjugation, the attitude of the West and India in pretending that the war is over, national question of Eelam Tamils doesn’t exist anymore and now the way out is to promote the ‘victors’, will only resume war at some stage.

     

    International recognition of the nationhood of Eelam Tamils and guaranteeing its self-determination is the only way possible in the context of the island to save a nation from genocide and for any stability in the island aspired by the powers.

     

    Such a recognition and guarantee emotionally rehabilitating the war-torn Tamils could only lead them into a healthy political process, if that is what the powers want.

     

    The diaspora has a responsibility in reminding that it is positively addressing the Tamil national question and not cosmetic calls for human rights that is integral to the interests of the West in the island.

  • Sri Lanka blocks suspension of Fiji from Commonwealth

    Sri Lanka has claimed it played a key role in preventing the suspension of Fiji from the Commonwealth forum at the Extraordinary Meeting of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG), held in London, to discuss the recent political developments in Fiji.

     

    Sri Lanka opposed the contention that Fiji should be expelled from Commonwealth of Nations and prevailed upon the CMAG with some other nations to reach a consensus decision to give the country enough time to revert back to a fully fledged democracy at a meeting in London, according to a Sri Lankan news website.

    “Sri Lanka took a position expressing the declared policy of President Mahinda Rajapaksa that no sanctions or expulsions should be imposed on any nation as such conditions would create immense difficulties to the innocent people”, said Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama told a reporter after the CMAG meeting held at the Marlbourough House in London.

    The Foreign Ministry said Bogollagama emphasised that suspension of Fiji, as suggested by some member states, would not be beneficial to its people and would not be helpful in pressuring the military government.

     

    “Referring to Sri Lanka’s policy as outlined by the President in the international fora that Sri Lanka is against imposition of economic or other sanctions on countries as such conditions would create immense difficulties to the innocent people.”

     

    The statement said that Bogollagama reiterated that it is the duty of the Commonwealth to continue its dialogue with the interim government of Fiji and pursue democratic reforms in that country. 

  • Indian government assists disintegration of Tamil homeland

    Government of India has announced 66 million Sri Lankan Rupees scheme to 'develop' communication between the eastern coastal cities, Trincomalee and Batticaloa, in such a way that the two traditional Tamil cities will be effectively linked to the Sinhala districts than with each other, reported TamilNet.

     

    While even the shortest coastal road link between the cities are neglected of development for decades now, the Indian plan is to help Colombo running rail-buses between the cities through the colonial cum Sinhala state railway track that goes in a circular way through the Sinhala districts outside of Eastern Province.

     

    The Eastern Province Railbus Project was formally inaugurated in Batticaloa by the High Commissioner of India, Shri Alok Prasad, the Sri Lankan Minister of Transport, with the Dullas Alahapperuma, and Basil Rajapaksa, Senior Advisor to the President. Also present on the occasion were the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, Ministers Ameer Ali and V. Muralitharan, the Mayor of Batticaloa, Sivageetha Prabhaharan and Eastern Province Minister MLAM Hizbullah.

     

    “The project aims to provide a quick and affordable avenue of transport between Batticaloa and Trincomalee by converting conventional buses to run on existing rail tracks,” said the press release.

     

    “The Government of India has accordingly provided ten buses (at a cost of SLR 44 million) to Sri Lanka Railways and also made available an additional SLR 22 million to pay for the cost of conversion of these buses into 5 railbus units in the Sri Lanka Railways workshops in Ratmalana,” it said.

     

    “The project is a manifestation of Government of India’s commitment to the development of the Eastern Province and its desire to contribute to the efforts of the Government of Sri Lanka in building up infrastructure in the Province, so as to assure an early return to normalcy and stability in the lives of the people,” the press release noted.

     

    Meanwhile, the South African government could cooperate with India in resolving the humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka, Deputy Minister for International Relations and Cooperation Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim has said.

     

    Ebrahim was the chief guest at a fund-raising dinner organised by the Tamil Federation of Gauteng in Johannesburg on August 1 to send humanitarian aid to tens of thousands of Tamils currently housed in camps on the island.

     

    The Minister said Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa had been advised by the South African government that there was "a window of opportunity" to have a political solution to the international question of Sri Lanka.

  • ‘End of conflict brings children no respite from human rights abuses’

    Despite the end of hostilities, children in Sri Lanka continue to be at risk of forced recruitment, arbitrary detention and other human rights abuses, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (Coalition) said on Tuesday, 28 July.

                             

    In a new briefing to the Security Council Working Group (Working Group) on Children and Armed Conflict, the Coalition urged the Sri Lankan authorities to act immediately to protect conflict-affected children.

     

    Children are among dozens of people who have been detained by security forces in internally

    displaced person (IDP) camps in Vavuniya, apparently for their alleged links to the Liberation

    Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

     

    In one case in June 2009, a group of four or five girls and boys from a camp in Menik Farm were reportedly detained and questioned by members of the Sri Lankan military. One of the girls admitted that she had been with the LTTE for two days.

     

    The children were subsequently taken away and there has been no news of them since.

     

    “The families of children taken by the security forces from detention camps have no idea where they are – if they are in detention, have been taken to rehabilitation centres or have disappeared ” said the Director of the Coali tion, Victoria Forbes Adam.

     

    Given the background of large-scale disappearances in Sri Lanka, there are grave fears that some of the reported incidents of children and adults being removed from IDP camps may represent enforced disappearances.

     

    “There are simple steps that can be taken to enhance the security of children in IDP camps including allowing unhindered access to independent human rights monitors and maintaining a centralized register of all persons in the camps. Families should also be informed of where their children have been taken and their access to them should be facilitated ” said Victoria Forbes Adam.

     

    The Coalition has received reports of continued abductions for ransom and forced recruitment of children by pro-government armed groups.

     

    Unverified reports indicate that young boys in rehabilitation centres in Vavuniya have been forced to join pro-government armed groups including the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP)and Tamil People’s Liberation Front (TMVP).

     

    They are now reportedly collecting ‘protection money’ from merchants and traders in Vavuniya town.

     

    There are also sporadic reports of child recruitment in Batticaloa district by the TMVP and cadres loyal to the former TMVP leader, V. Muralitharan, known as Karuna.

     

    “Armed groups are clearly operating with the support of the security forces who are allowing them access to IDP camps and centres for surrendees and using them to identify individuals formerly associated with the LTTE. The Sri Lankan authorities must act immediately to prevent armed groups from entering facilities where children are housed and must investigate reports of ongoing abductions and recruitment by them ” said Victoria Forbes Adam.

     

    An entrenched culture of impunity in Sri Lanka facilitates ongoing abuses against children.

     

    In 2007 the government initiated an investigation into elements of the armed forces suspected of complicity in the forced recruitment of children by the TMVP. Twenty-three months later it has yet to be completed.

     

    In the meantime, Karuna, the former head of the TMVP, has been made a government minister. Karuna also stands accused of recruiting thousands of child soldiers when he was an LTTE commander prior to his split with the group in 2004. No known action has been taken against any member of the security forces or of any armed group suspected of child abductions or forced recruitment.

     

    Intense recruitment of children by the LTTE during the final phase of the conflict has created serious challenges for the release and reintegration of underage recruits.

     

    While the government has set up a framework to provide support for children leaving armed groups through the establishment of accommodation and rehabilitation centres, the efforts fall short of internationally recognized best practice.

     

    Under the framework, there are concerns that former child soldiers may be held in custody for up to one year without clear grounds.

     

    Further, there are concerns about the inadequate access of these children to their families; the incomplete separation of children from adults; and the security of children in the centres.

     

    “The end of the 25 -year long conflict represents a unique opportunity to release and reintegrate all former child soldiers and to assist thousands of other conflict-affected children in Sri Lanka. It will take concerted and coordinated efforts by the Sri Lankan authorities and the international community to ensure that this opportunity is not squandered.”

  • TNA candidates receive death threats, Ruling party men confiscate voting cards

    The Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) said Wednesday, July 29 that it received complaints that three candidates of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) contesting the election to the Vavuniyaa urban Council have been issued with death threats.

    The candidates are V.Paranjothy, N.Mathiharan and P.Sellathurai, according to a press release by the CMEV. The candidates of the TNA have been contesting the Vavuniyaa polls under the banner of Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchchi (ITAK) in “HOUSE” symbol.

     

    Meanwhile, TNA Jaffna district parliamentarian Suresh Premachandran alleged that the ruling party contestants in Jaffna Municipal Council (JMC) election had forcibly confiscated more than 1500 voting cards from residents in Kozhumpuththurai, Ariyaalai and Eachchamoaddai area in Jaffna, in a press meet held in his Jaffna office Saturday, August 1.

     

    TNA parliamentarians Gejendrakumar Ponnambalam and Solomon Cyril along with ITAK chief candidate Mudiyappu Remedias attended the press meet.

     

    “Ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) persons who go house by house compare the voting cards with the voters list and forcibly take away cards saying that they will be used to vote for the ITAK ‘House’ symbol if left with the residents,” Suresh Premachandran said.

    “40% of the 1,00,400 registered voters in JMC area have been displaced and it is their votes that are going to be rigged and the JMC election on 8 August will be certainly one filled with malpractices and rigging,” he added.

    “We will make public the names of persons going around confiscating voting cards in the press meet that is to be held in Jaffna when our parliamentary leader Sampanthan comes to Jaffna next week,” he informed.

    “We are also aware of arrangements being made to bring down people from the islets of Jaffna in buses for the purpose of impersonation,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Douglas Devananda, Minister and General Secretary of Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) denied anything to do with the persons confiscating the voting cards, in a press release Saturday, August 1.

     

    Jaffna University Students’ Union (JUSU), in a recent press release, has appealed the people to vote for TK House symbol saying that only those who care for the Vanni displaced persons and their wellbeing should be returned as their representatives.

  • The politics of internment

    Throughout the years of the island’s ethnic conflict, successive governments of Sri Lanka maintained that the war was against the LTTE and not the Tamil people. As such, with the end of the war in May, the world expected to see Colombo launch a process of reconciliation that would once and for all resolve the grievances and aspirations of all communities, and particularly the Tamil community. Then Sri Lanka could rebuild inter-community relations and settle into a path of democratic governance and economic prosperity. But such an opportunity and hopes are now being dashed by what is increasingly looking like the narrow interests and unprincipled politics of the administration of Mahinda Rajapakse. And what forces us to believe this is the continued internment of a quarter million Tamil civilians, who had suffered under the jackboot of the LTTE and narrowly escaped the war, while having lost many kith and kin.

     

    This gruelling condition is as much a political crisis as it is a humanitarian one. The fundamental question facing the roughly 280,000 interned Tamil civilians today is one regarding their citizenship and their relationship to the Sri Lankan state. Rights of citizenship should ensure freedom of movement, expression and association – the absence of which in essence is, automatically, a suspension of democracy. If the LTTE disrupted the state’s functioning by holding a population hostage within a territory it controlled by force of arms, the Rajapakse government is undermining the legitimacy of the state through these internment camps, which have suspended the rights of its citizens.

     

    The issue is foremost a question about the freedom of movement of these Tamil civilians. The Rajapakse government, along with many of the aid agencies and media, have largely missed this point. For different reasons, they view what is taking place as essentially a humanitarian crisis, that the problem is a set of logistical issues around humanitarian services, of providing food, shelter, sanitation, etc. The other approach of engagement, meanwhile, has been around the eventual resettlement of these citizens to their original homes. Since the end of the war, for instance, the Indian government’s engagement has been focused on getting assurances of resettling the bulk of the displaced civilians within 180 days. Yet these calls for resettlement are also being deflected by the Rajapakse government, due to a set of alleged logistical and security concerns: the presence of landmines, the caches of arms buried by the LTTE, the lack of local infrastructure, the destruction of homes, etc.

     

    While both the humanitarian concerns and the issue of resettlement are of great importance – and there have been some improvements in the humanitarian situation, and still greater engagement on the issue of resettlement – the focus should not be on these issues to the detriment of freedom of movement. Citizenship should ensure freedom of movement, fair and simple. All citizens should be given the choice either to leave the camps and move in with friends or relatives, or to settle elsewhere, temporarily or permanently, as they wish.

     

    Welling bitterness

    While there are international human-rights norms that are being violated through such prolonged displacement, the question is also a political issue – and one not particularly new to the Southasian region in the context of armed conflicts, where marginalised populations have been repeatedly abused by our states. As such, the dire situation of the caged Tamil civilians is an issue that Southasians need to think about with a sense of solidarity.

     

    How the internment of Sri Lankans is addressed will also become a test of legal institutions, in Southasia in general and in Sri Lanka in particular. There are today two fundamental-rights cases in front of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, regarding family reunification and the freedom of movement of those kept in the various camps. What, after all, is the exact legal basis of such an internment of citizens? During the warring years, all forms of abuses were justified by what the government called its ‘war against terrorism’, where the Emergency and the Prevention of Terrorism Act were used to detain individuals, inevitably engendering bitterness among youths who suffered under these draconian laws. Following the end of the war and the government claims of having defeated ‘terrorism’, it is a tragic irony to see an entire population now suffer internment behind barbed wire. An entire community is thus incubating a festering bitterness that could easily not exist today.

     

    One section of the Sri Lankan citizenry cannot be affected so drastically while life for the rest of the population simply continues. Internment of Tamils is bound to impact on the long-term relations between the communities, yet again undermining the efforts to build a just postcolonial society that have dogged the country since independence in 1948. It is thus that the hopes of those who have longed for reconciliation now seem shattered: this much is clear from the bitterness in the eyes of the confined Tamil civilians. The humiliation that sections of the Tamil community face – whether due to the insensitivity, arrogance, majoritarianism or Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism of the high officials in Colombo – is bound to have a tragic impact on the future. What is at stake could not be dearer – reconciliation and democracy – and the Rajapakse government should not go any further with its politics of internment. 

  • Life during peacetime

    During the recent military campaign in Sri Lanka, this newspaper was broadly sympathetic to the Sri Lankan government's goal of confronting and subduing the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE, also known as the Tamil Tigers), the guerilla-cum-terrorist force seeking to carve out a Tamil homeland in the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka. As in any war, there were civilian casualties – but we urged our readers to keep in mind the fact that the LTTE was using hundreds of thousands of Tamil civilians as human shields, and so it – not the government – was primarily responsible for their deaths.

     

    But the war in Sri Lanka is now over: The Tamil Tigers' last remaining forces were destroyed by the Sri Lankan military in May, and the group's leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, was killed.

     

    Sri Lanka is no longer a country under siege, as it had been since the rise of the Tigers in the 1980s. Rather, it is now becoming a "normal" country -- albeit one whose peace is fragile, and whose Tamil minority is restive.

     

    This means that Sri Lanka must now be judged by the human-rights standards that typically govern developing countries. And by those standards, the country's recent conduct should be of great concern. According to UN figures, over 280,000 people -- about 10% of the country's Tamil population -- are still being detained in 30 military-guarded camps. While we do not believe the overheated theory currently making the rounds among Canadian Tamils that the Sri Lankan government is seeking to ethnically cleanse the nation, Colombo's actions have fed Tamil suspicions that they are destined to remain second-class citizens.

     

    As journalists, we also are particularly appalled at the brutal treatment of reporters in Sri Lanka -- especially those who happen to critique the country's military. Over the last decade, about 20 journalists have been killed -- often by murderers linked to the government, the military or their supporters. In many cases, the murders were unsolved, and the government seems to have done precious little to unravel the crimes: Sri Lanka placed fifth on the recent Impunity Index circulated by the Committee to Protect Journalists. Only Iraq, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Colombia do less to track down those who murder journalists.

     

    Even aside from these killings, there is little in the way of media freedom for critics of the government: Tamil activists and their allies have been threatened with prosecution under the country's "Prevention of Terrorism Act," or accused of the catch-all term of "treachery."

     

    Sadly, most people in the West don't seem to care much about all this – even those activists who proclaim themselves up in arms over events in Honduras, western China and Iran. The silence from CUPE, left-wing churches, Naomi Klein, campus activists and all the other folks who boycott Israel at the first sound of gunfire in Lebanon or Gaza is especially puzzling: The human-rights abuses and overall death toll in Sri Lanka are orders of magnitude above those witnessed in the recent Sri Lanka fighting. Press freedom, moreover, is vigilantly protected in Israel, a country where the most vicious criticism of the state, and even of Zionism itself, routinely appears in the country's media.

     

    So why is it that Israel is the world's bete noire while Sri Lanka was recently commended by the UN Human Rights Council following its victory over the LTTE? Apparently, some humans' human rights count for more than others.

     

    Given its large Tamil population and commitment to human rights, Canada is the right country to ensure that the plight of Sri Lankan Tamils is on the world's radar screen. The war in that country is over. Colombo no longer has any excuse for its brutal policies.

  • ‘Rebellion or mass suicide only outcome if this continues’

    With all the people from Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Mannar districts crammed into the camps in Vavuniya, space is a premium. Rather than being ‘internally displaced persons’ these people are in reality ‘internally displaced prisoners’.

     

    The camps are large open prisons where suspicion is encouraged, all rights denied and human rights abuses occur in the open, with no indication that any attempts are being made to change the circumstances in which these people are constrained.

     

    The Manik Farm complex is the second largest city on the island of Sri Lanka, after the capital Colombo. Locally the story is that more camps are to be built, and more people are still being transported into the camps from outside.

     

    The estimated 280,000 inmates of Manik Farm camp – and there are no accurate figures of how many people are in each camp or who they are – are housed in six zones, three on either side of a central passage. The names of the people detained are not recorded, and thus there is no accountability for the people detained.

     

    The zones are named after Tamil politicians of the past – Kadirgamar, Arunachalam, Ramanathan, etc. One zone remains unnamed as the name of a sixth Tamil politician deemed suitable enough could not be found.

     

    Each zone is self-contained and all inmates are prevented from leaving their zone or interacting with relatives in another zone unless they have the permission of the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence.

     

    Inside the zones, 2-3 families are housed in each temporary dwelling. This is ten to fifteen individuals, many of them adults, crammed into a small tent. There is absolutely no privacy and solitude is only a dream.

     

    Food and water

     

    Visitors to the camps get simple meals of rice and dhal or rice and beetroot. The residents get even less, and at times are lucky if they get one meal a day. At other times, they get three meals, leading to a complete lack of certainty about what sustenance the people will have at any given time.

     

    Certainly no effort is made to provide nutritious or balanced meals. Some people are attempting to grow their own plants outside their tents, but these disappear quickly and are not sufficient for their needs.

     

    But if the food is restricted, the water is atrocious. There is never enough water for people to drink and many have been forced to drink from the bathing pools. The lack of sanitation however means that these are basically breading grounds for bacteria and this is one of the major causes of the rampant spread of diseases through the camps. Malnutrition, chicken pox, diarrhoea, malaria, respiratory infections and skin diseases are common, spreading rapidly through the tight swarm of people.  Deaths are common.

     

    Toilets consist of large open pits with planks across to squat on and removal of waste is nonexistent. Children have been known to fall into the toilet pits – the scene from the movie ‘Slum Dog Millionaire’ has new significance in these camps. Many of these children die, for there is no way out of these pits, unlike in the movie.

     

    Suspicion and fear

     

    The Tamils are suspicious of each other. Divides between Tamils from various regions, religion or castes are being encouraged so as to break down the sense of Tamil unity. People are distrustful of everyone they don’t know, as everyone is a potential whistle-blower, passing on true – or false – information in order to advance their cause, or because they don’t like an individual.  

     

    Anyone attempting to cross from one camp to another – for example to see relatives – is shot. One example was a mother and father who attempted to see their children who were being held in another zone. They were shot and the bodies allowed to lie where they lay, exposed to the children looking on from the neighbouring zone.

     

    The dominant feeling in the camp is one of despair.

     

    Rampant rape

     

    Rape is common in the camps, and is carried out by the soldiers ‘guarding’ the camps. With toilets at the periphery, women who go to use the facilities  are easily dragged away and raped.

     

    Women and girls identified as having had a connection with the Liberation Tigers are held separately at Ponmedu (the men and boys are held at the Tamil Mahavidyalayam in Chettikulam, also separated from the rest of the population). Every night a bus arrives at Ponmedu and about ten women are taken out and returned in a ruffled state the next day.

     

    This is done quite openly, and is common knowledge among those in the camps and those who have had access.   

     

    Lack of access

     

    The International Red Cross has been asked to reduce their operations in Sri Lanka while non-governmental organisations are still not allowed in to camps.

     

    The only people allowed into the camps are local religious organisations and aid groups from what are considered ‘friendly countries’ – countries that militarily or economically supported the Sri Lankan government in its war against the Liberation Tigers. For example, visitors from India have been allowed inside the camps.

     

    Religious groups are encouraged to visit the camps, but they are often ill equipped to deal with the practicalities of large scale displacement and the psychological impacts of this on the people.

     

    The only local doctors working in the camps are from the Independent Medical Practitioners Association. Accommodation is provided in tents for clinics, but there is no privacy for individual patients. All patients have organic medical problems and mental illnesses have been reported, but no records of this are available.

     

    There is no shortage of medicines, donated by agencies or drug firms, but often these include drugs not commonly used, which can do harm or cause death if used inappropriately. There is no pharmacy so patients are reliant on what drugs the local doctors can provide.

     

    There are no facilities in the local hospital. An ill patient who needed surgery was delayed for six hours in the camp and then disappeared, with no news of his progress brought back to the people in the camp. 

     

    Locals feel the camps are likely to continue indefinitely with foreign financial help – they were certainly built with international aid. But they also warn that if the situation continues, the people are bound to either rebel or kill themselves.

  • The urgency of bearing witness

    First they were captives of a conflict in which their freedom and security was thwarted at every turn.  Now huge numbers of the Tamil population of Sri Lanka find themselves trapped again, unseen for the most part and wholly unprotected.

     

    The conflict may officially be over, but the battle to reach the victims is not.  Aid agencies, the media and even the Red Cross have all been denied access to the military-run camps where an estimated 300,000 civilians are languishing in dangerously impoverished, hostile conditions.

     

    The Sri Lankan government maintains that it will resettle those currently interned, describing its battle against the Tamil Tigers as "a humanitarian operation to safeguard the people of the area".  But the reality is far different.

     

    The UN has accused the Sri Lankan government of waging "a war without witnesses". While those still locked inside the camps are prevented from speaking out, the testimonies of those who were fortunate to survive provide ample testimony to a worsening humanitarian crisis.

     

    Since 2006, when the peace process was finally abandoned and northern Sri Lanka was once again gripped by conflict, waves of survivors have sought help from the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture (MF). In 2005, before the e re-escalation of the conflict, just 50 people were referred. By 2008, that number had almost quadrupled to 187.

     

    Stories of rape, sexual abuse, burnings with hot irons and long periods of solitary confinement are commonplace. All parties to the conflict, from the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to the police and paramilitary groups, have been implicated. The Sri Lankan army is particularly notable for its appetite for torture. Yet the army has evaded an investigation into its actions during the war and since, in the military-run camps now being operated in the north.

     

    One of many young Tamil men to have survived the notorious military-run Joseph Camp in Vavuniya is fretful about the fate that may have met the family he was forced to leave behind when he fled Sri Lanka last year. He was detained by the military during one of many sweeps that the authorities made of Tamil Tiger controlled areas, picking up young people regardless of whether they had any active involvement with the LTTE.

     

    He was beaten and sexually abused almost daily for the two months he was held. He was never allowed out of the bare cell in which he was kept, but he vividly recalls hearing the screams of other Tamils, particularly women, being tortured.

     

    Just one week ago, he spoke to a close friend who is still detained in an army camp in the north, who told him of life in the barbed-wire surrounded camps, where there is practically no food and people are treated like animals: "Tamils are dying and disappearing, this is a genocide that the government is aiding and abetting and nobody has lifted a finger to help while our people are being butchered.

     

    "We need the whole world to put pressure on the Sri Lankan government to give access to foreign countries otherwise most of the people will be killed before anyone sees. They should give access to the war zone to see how many people have been buried there and to witness what life has been like for so long amidst all this destruction.

     

    "I don't believe anything the government says now about protecting the Tamils - after the experience that I had when I hadn't even committed a crime, I cannot believe them now."

     

    Any aspirations that the younger generation of Tamils had to build jobs, careers and families, feel lost to them. Their only memories are of violence and war. If they are to be given a chance to rebuild a future, "the world must be allowed in to see and the Tamils must be freed from the camps and allowed to return to their houses".

     

    But those exiled to the UK only hear horror stories via phone calls from people in Sri Lanka and messages relayed through the Tamil community in the UK, of young people being abducted from the camps and of suggestions that the army is still intent on wiping out the Tamil population.

     

    Another young woman recalls the brutality of the camps, the incessant torture which saw her whipped with canes, kept in solitary confinement, burnt with cigarettes and suffocated with a petrol-soaked bag for more than two months. She too is filled with dread thinking about what may have happened to the family she has had no contact with since she escaped to the UK last year:

     

    "Other women who were arrested at the same time as me are still in the camps, who knows how many are living and how many are dead."

     

    Exiled from their country and with their families feared trapped in the camps or worse, a small group of Tamils have come together in a therapeutic group established at the MF to form links between a people whose connections to all that they held dear have been severed by war.

     

    By far what galvanises their resolve more than anything else is the determination to counter the Sri Lankan government's attempts to deny reports of torture and ill-treatment. One young man says: "There are so many more people like us, we are not the only ones, and yet the international community doesn't really know the truth." Another woman says: "This really happened to me, why shouldn't the government know it?"

     

    With the people of Sri Lanka increasingly cut off from the outside world, it is now more important than ever that the outside world demands to be allowed in, to provide help that is so obviously needed and to see the uncensored reality.

     

  • Political struggle will continue until Tamil aspirations are met -TNA

    "Tamil militancy was a part of the political struggle of the Tamil people to achieve the right to self-determination in the traditional homeland of the Tamil people in the northeast. The Sri Lanka government says that the armed struggle has been completely defeated. But the political struggle of Tamil people would go on till the legitimate political aspirations of the Tamil people are achieved," said R.Sampanthan, leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentary group, addressing a meeting in Vavuniyaa Saturday in support of the TNA candidates contesting the elections to the Vavuniyaa Urban Council under the banner Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchchi (ITAK).

    "Hence the Tamil people in Vavuniyaa and Jaffna should vote for the ITAK to show the world that the Tamil political problem in Sri Lanka still exists even after the defeat of Tamil militancy," said Sampanthan.

    TNA parliamentarians Maavai Senathirajah, Vino Noharathalingam, S.Kanagasabai, and lead candidate of the ITAK contesting the Vavuniyaa UC election, G.N.Nathan, also participated in the election meeting.

    Sampanthan added, "the whole world is anxiously waiting for the verdict of Tamil people in the elections to the Jaffna MC and Vavuniyaa UC. It is the utmost duty of the Tamil voters to tell the world by electing the ITAK administration to the two local bodies that Tamil people would continue their political struggle to achieve their legitimate political aspirations."

  • State terror' in local elections

    Police authorities in northern Sri Lanka have rejected accusations by opposition parties that the government is terrorising the region in the run up to Vavuniya Urban Council elections.

     

    The main opposition, United National Party (UNP), says party's organisers are continuously threatened and intimidated by pro-government supporters.

     

    UNP Vanni district organiser PA Karunadasa told BBC Sandeshaya that people travelling in motor bicycles without number plates prevented their supporters from canvassing.

     

    "We know that thugs have arrived in Vavuniya with government ministers. It is state terrorism. We are urging the police to stop this," he said.

     

    Ministers 'with thugs'

     

    The police, however, denied the accusation.

     

    "There is no state terrorism here. We can't accept that accusation," said Nimal Lewke, the Senior Deputy Inspector General (DIG) in charge of the Northern Province.

     

    Elections for the Vavuniya UC and Jaffna Municipal Council are scheduled to be held on 08 August.

     

    In Vavuniya, 24626 voters are registered to elect 11 councillors.

    DIG Lewke says the police won't allow anybody, apart from the police and military, to carry arms in the north.

     

    But it differs from the ground reality, according to UNP regional leaders.

     

    "Although nobody carries weapons during the day, our supporters regularly are threatened with death and intimidated at nights," says PA Karunadasa.

     

    "Please do not use media for undue accusations," responds the senior police official.

    DIG Lewke urges those affected to lodge complaints with the police, instead.

     

    However the political activists say they are reluctant to make complaints. "We are afraid to make complaints to the police and give our details. We do not know what will happen to us as a consequence."

     

    "A school principal and businessman were recently killed in Vavuniya but the police are yet to arrest any suspect," says the UNP organiser.
Subscribe to Diaspora