Over forty concerned Canadian Tamil youth gathered at the cultural hall of the Richmond Hill Hindu Temple to participate in a 30 hour famine (with only water) to create awareness within the Canadian Tamil community about the humanitarian crisis in Vanni, while raising funds for CARE program.

 

"Now that all international aid agencies and NGOs have left the Tamil areas, we the Tamil diaspora have to take care of our people in our homeland" said Arani Kanagasabai, a participant in the famine.

 

The famine kicked off at 4 pm Friday, September 26 with commemoration to Lt. Col Thileepan who fasted unto death in twelve days putting forward five demands to the Indian government to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, during the occupation of the Indian Forces in Jaffna.

 

The hall continually was filled with members of the Tamil community showing support to the participants. For moral support over ten adults also joined the youth in the awaraness creating famine campaign. 

 

Local radio and television promoted the event through regular updates and the Canadian Tamil Radio broadcasted live on location from beginning to end of the famine.

 

Out pouring support was noted Saturday as the countdown neared the end, with members of the crowd providing words of encouragement and the entertainment of Vaanampaadikal music group who themselves conducted a 27 hour band-a-thon a week ago for the same cause. 

 

Staff of CARE Program were on site to receive the donations as well as the pledges from the participants. 

 

"The support of the members of the community, media including print, audio visual, radio and television has been overwhelmingly phenomenal and we ask that this momentum be continued until the sufferings of our people end in our homeland" said Sarva Jeyapalan. 

 

As the 30 hours came to a close, each participant got the opportunity to share their feelings with the crowd, which by no doubt left the audience in tears at many instances. 

 

Mrs. Pararajasingam, wife of Late Mr. Pararajasingam, TNA Member of Parliament, ended the famine at 10.01pm by providing milk for all the participants followed by the blessings of the priests of the Richmond Hill Hindu Temple. 

Thileepan, the young Tiger leader of Jaffna, took the podium on the 14th September 1987 at the Nallur Kandasamy temple to commence his fast- unto-death as a protest against India’s failure to fulfill her pledges, and to mobilise the frustrated sentiments of the Tamils into a national mass upsurgence.

 

Thileepan’s non-violent struggle was unique and extraordinary for its commitment. Although an armed guerrilla fighter, he chose the spiritual mode of ‘ahimsa’ as enunciated by the great Indian leader Mahatma Gandhi to impress upon India the plight and predicament of the people of Tamil Eelam.

 

The levels to which the Tamil people or more specifically, the LTTE cadres, are prepared to go for their freedom mirrors not only a deep passion for their liberation, but indicates the phenomenal degree of oppression they have been subjected to. It is only those who experience intolerable oppression of such a magnitude, of being threatened with extinction, that are capable of supreme forms of self sacrifice as we have seen from Thileepan’s episode.

 

Thileepan, who had travelled to Delhi as part of LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirabakaran’s delegation before the signing of the Accord, was informed of the content of the dialogue that had taken place between the Indian Prime Minister and the LTTE leader.

 

With the knowledge that there was an unwritten agreement between Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi and Mr. Pirabakaran and that it had not been implemented, he felt that his people and the struggle had been betrayed and decided on a fast-unto-death demanding the fulfillment of the pledges.

 

When news of Thileepan’s fast-unto-death and the deteriorating political situation between the LTTE and the Indian Peace Keeping Force reached us, we decided to leave India for Jaffna.

 

My joy at reaching the shores of Tamil Eelam after so many years was contained by the gloom that hung in the air. Thileepan was a few days into his fast till death and the population of the Peninsula was seriously concerned and wholeheartedly behind the non-violent campaign of a single individual seeking justice from the world’s largest democracy. Subsequently, our first priority after our arrival in the Peninsula was to visit Thileepan encamped at the historic Nallur Kandasamy temple, the cultural and spiritual centre of the Jaffna Tamils.

 

Thileepan’s decision to single-handedly take on the credibility of the Indian state was not incongruous with his history of resistance to state oppression as a cadre in the LTTE. He had faced battle on several occasions in defence of Jaffna during Kittu’s time and suffered serious abdominal wounds in the process. He was well known for his astute understanding of the politics and mindset of his people and emerged as a radical political leader.

 

The senior LTTE women cadres often speak of his staunch advocacy of inducting women into the national struggle and is remembered as one of the founding fathers in the promotion of women’s issues. With such a history it comes as no surprise that he endeared himself not only to the cadres but the people of Jaffna also.

 

My husband, LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, met Thileepan during the pre-Accord talks when he shared a hotel room with him in Delhi and quickly grew very fond of this affable fellow. It was an extremely painful and emotional experience for Bala to meet him again in Jaffna, in totally adverse conditions, with Thileepan’s life slowly ebbing away.

 

As we entered the premises of the Nallur Kandasamy temple we were confronted by a sea of people seated on the white sands under the blazing sun. The air was thick with collective emotion and solemnity. This fading young man on the platform obviously embodied the political sentiments and aspirations of his people.

 

But it was more than that also. Thileepan’s fast had touched the spirit of the Tamil nation and mobilised the popular masses in unprecedented solidarity. One could sense how this extraordinary sacrifice of a fragile young man had suddenly assumed a formidable force as the collective strength of his people. Thileepan’s fast was a supreme act of transcendence of individuality for a collective cause. Literally, it was an act of self-crucifixion, a noble act by which this brave young man condemned himself to death so that others could live in freedom and dignity.

 

With deep humility, Bala and I mounted the platform to speak to the reposed Thileepan. Already several days without food or water and with a dry cracked mouth, Thileepan could only whisper. Bala leaned closer to the weakened Thileepan and exchanged words with him. Naturally enough, Thileepan enquired about the political developments. We left soon afterwards, never to see him alive again.

 

As Thileepan’s fast moved on in days, he was no longer able to address the public from the podium and spent much of his time lying quietly as his condition steadily deteriorated. As Thileepan grew visibly weaker in front of his people’s eyes, their anger and resentment towards India and the IPKF grew stronger. The sight of this popular young man being allowed to die in such an agonising manner generated disbelief at the depth of callousness of the Indian government and the Indian Peace Keeping Force.

 

All that was required to save Thileepan’s waning life was for the Indian High Commissioner, Mr. Dixit, to humble himself and meet and reassure Thileepan that the Indian government would fulfil its pledges to the Tamils. In fact Delhi ignored Thileepan’s fast in the early stages as an isolated idiosyncrasy of an individual, but later became seriously concerned when the episode gathered momentum and turned into a national uprising with anti-Indian sentiments. Delhi’s concerns compelled Mr. Dixit to pay a visit to Jaffna to ‘study the situation’.

 

On the 22nd September, the eighth day of Thileepan’s fast, Mr. Dixit arrived at the Pallaly airport where Mr. Pirapaharan and Bala met him. Bala told me later that Mr. Dixit was rude and resentful and condemned Thileepan’s fasting campaign as a provocative act by the LTTE aimed at instigating the Tamil masses against the Indian government.

 

Mr. Pirapaharan showed remarkable patience and pleaded with the Indian diplomat to pay a visit to Nallur and talk to the dying young man to give up his fast by assuring him that India would fulfil its pledges. Displaying his typical arrogance and intransigence, Mr. Dixit rejected the LTTE leader’s plea, arguing that it was not within the mandate of his visit.

 

Had Mr. Dixit correctly read the situation and genuinely cared for the sentiments of the Tamil people at this very crucial time, it is highly probable that the entire episode of India’s direct intervention in the ethnic conflict would have taken a different turn.

 

But Thileepan’s willingness to sacrifice his life in such a way touched the spirit of the people and his unnecessary tragic death on 26th September planted deeply the seeds of disenchantment with the Indian Peace Keeping Force.

 

Adele Balasingham is a sociologist, political activist and writer who has lived and worked in India and Sri Lanka with the LTTE for more than twenty years. This article is compiled, with kind permission, from extracts of ‘The Will to Freedom’, her internal study of the armed struggle of the Tamil Tiger movement, 2nd edition, Fairmax Publishing Ltd (UK), 2003.

Maj. Gen (retd.) Janaka Perera and his wife, Vajira, a former Sri Lanka Army officer, were killed in a bomb blast in Anuradhapura Monday morning around 8:45.

 

Around 28 persons were killed and 80 wounded in the blast, which the Sri Lankan government blamed on the LTTE.

 

An attacker, strapped with hidden explosives, embraced the former commander killing himself and several others, initial reports said.

 

Maj. Gen. (retd.) Perera was the Opposition Leader of the United National Party (UNP) in North Central Province.

 

He had been the UNP candidate for the Chief Minister post in 2008 Provincial Elections in North Central Province, which was marred by violence.

 

In recent months, the celebrated General was a vocal critic of the military strategy pursued by the government and favoured a judicious mix of political initiatives with military manoeuvres to resolve the ethnic strife.

 

He joined the UNP just before the August provincial election and was declared its chief ministerial candidate.

 

However, the ruling combine led by President Rajapaksa secured majority and Maj. Gen. (retd.) Perera became the Leader of the Opposition.

 

Anuradhapura district organiser Dr. Rajah Johnpulle, a Tamil UNP activist whose home and dispensary were set on fire by UPFA supporters in August, his wife, and several UNP activists were also killed in the blast.

 

A journalist covering the ceremony was also killed in the blast.

 

TV journalist Rashmi Mohamed, a provincial correspondent of Sirasa TV, was covering the opening ceremony of the UNP office in Anuradhapura.

 

Five media organisations expressed their deep sorrow over his death.

 

At least fifteen of the 80 wounded were in critical condition, according to medical sources. Over 300 participants were at the site of the blast.

 

Maj. Gen. (retd.) Perara was participating in an opening ceremony of a new UNP office close to the old bus stand in the town.

 

During Eelam War III, Maj. Gen. Janaka Perera played a major role in Jaffna and in Manalaaru (Weli Oya).

 

After the fall of Elephant Pass Base, he was appointed Overall Operations Commander (OOC) when Major Sarath Fonseka (now Lt. Gen.) was Security Forces Commander in Jaffna.

 

He retired from the military after being sidelined from becoming the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) and appointed as the High Commissioner for Sri Lanka, first in Australia, and then in Indonesia, following his retirement.

 

His appointment as the envoy to Australia in June 2001 sparked protest demonstrations in Sydney.

 

More than 300 Tamils protested outside the Australian parliament accusing Gen Perera of "war crimes".

 

Sri Lanka was forced to withdraw his controversial posting to Sri Lankan High Commission in Canada, following diplomatic pressure on Colombo on his poor record on Human Rights in his career.

 

The Tamil community accused him of being responsible for hundreds of deaths and the torture of Tamils in the region during the period.

 

More than 600 Tamils were forcefully disappeared during his tenure as Overall Commander of the Sri Lankan forces in Jaffna.

 

The human rights group Amnesty International raised similar concerns.

 

A Tamil village, Mankindi-malai in Manalaaru region, was renamed Janakapura, after the SLA evicted Tamils from their village in 1984 and established Sinhala colonies there.

 

Maj. Gen. (ret) Perera (then a brigadier) was posted for two years in Janakapura as the commander of the SLA's Special Forces with a key camp at Janakapura.

 

Janaka Perera, one of the SLA's most celebrated officers, was barred from entering SLA camps in April 2008 by the military hierarchy after he criticized the present SLA Commander and the Rajapaksa government for their conduct of war with unrealistic deadlines.

 

Mr Perera had three children – two daughters and a son – studying in Canberra, Australia.

Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith condemned the attack on offices of the main opposition party in northern Sri Lanka on Monday, which took the life of Major General Perera, a local opposition leader and a former Sri Lankan High Commissioner to the country.

 

"The Australian government sends its most sincere condolences to the Perera family and to the families of all those killed and injured in this terrible attack," Mr Smith said in a statement.

 

"Australia is deeply concerned about the increasing violence in Sri Lanka and the humanitarian impact of escalating conflict in the north of the country.

 

"Fighting has intensified as Sri Lankan government security forces seek to establish control over territory in the hands of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)," he said.

 

Mr Smith said Australia recognised the right of the Sri Lankan government to take measured action to secure control over its national territory.

 

"At the same time, it is vital that the government and all institutions of the state make every effort to avoid any civilian casualties and act swiftly and on a sustained basis to mitigate humanitarian hardship from the conflict," he said.

 

"Both sides to the conflict need to be held accountable to their responsibilities in the conduct of hostilities.

 

"Both sides must act in accordance with international human rights and humanitarian norms."

 

Mr Smith urged the Sri Lankan government to look to means other than the military to resolve the long-running civil war.

 

"Australia's very strong view remains that Sri Lanka's conflict cannot be resolved through military means alone," he said.

 

"We consider a political solution to be essential for long-term peace in a country which has been suffering for so long from conflict."

Attacks against the Sri Lankan security personnel in Jaffna peninsula and in the Eastern province are on the increase as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) put pressure on the military outside Vanni also.

 

In the latest attack in the East, LTTE forces attacked a military post inside the high security area in Kanatalaay in Trincomalee district killing four Sri Lankan military personnel, including Sri Lanka Army soldiers and home guards.

 

The raid took place at Seranawa on Monday, September 29.

 

On the same day, a Sri Lankan Special Task Force (STF) trooper sustained serious injuries in a gunfire ambush at Arasadiththeevu in Paddippazhai, 15 km west of Batticaloa city, according to Sri Lankan police.

A day earlier, a commando unit of the LTTE stormed a joint paramilitary-Army mini-camp at Thikiliveddai, north of Batticaloa, killing six military and paramilitary personnel.

 

The LTTE unit attacked the base on Sunday September 28, bringing the camp under their control within 15 minutes, LTTE sources told TamilNet.

 

One PK-LMG, five T-56 type-2 assault rifles, a drum magazine for the PK-LMG, 100 rounds, seven AK-47 magazines, two-hundred-and-twenty 7.62 mm rounds and a holster were seized in the attack.

In the months August and September alone over 50 Sri Lankan soldiers have been killed in the Eastern province.

 

In August, 23 SLA troops were killed when LTTE cadres triggered a claymore device targeting troops traveling in a military vehicle in Batticaloa district.

 

In September at least 26 Sri Lankan security personnel were killed and another 26 wounded in separate attacks carried out by LTTE forces in different locations.

Since the Sri Lankan Government announced the ‘Liberation of the East’ on July 11, 2007 there have been several attacks against security forces which have increased in frequency in the past few months. 

 

The government recently tried to brush off the attacks by referring to them as isolated incidents.

 

The Sri Lankan defense establishment claimed these incidents were isolated attacks and that they are ‘natural’ in places that have been ‘newly liberated’.

 

These attacks would not go on for long, they claimed.

 

However, analysts feel that the escalating attacks on Sri Lankan security personnel outside theatre of war in Vanni is putting severe pressure on the Sri Lankan military, which is facing an acute shortage of personnel, to protect areas under its control whilst continuing the offensive in Vanni.

 

The personnel shortage is clearly evident in Jaffna peninsula, informed sources claim.

 

With relocation of large number of Sri Lanka Army troops to the Northern Front Defence Line (FDL) areas and outer districts, the Army is allegedly facing difficulties in carrying out prompt cordon and search operations in Jaffna peninsula.

 

On Monday September 29, a unit of SLA soldiers was attacked by a group in military fatigue near a Saiva temple in Maasiyappiddi area and the soldiers had called for assistance from their camp.

Although the SLA field bike unit arrived at the scene within a short period, the cordon and search was delayed by nearly two hours due to lack of troopers.

SLA had requested all camps located from Koozhaavadi to Chunnaakam, a distance of 8 km, to send five soldiers from each camp.

The soldiers assigned to the task from each of the above camps encountered difficulty in finding transport, and eventually used vehicles belonging to residents to reach Chunnaakam, residents said.

The LTTE has also stepped up its attacks on security personnel in the North, in Jaffna peninsula.

 

The night before the Maasiyappiddi attack, an SLA soldier in Thanangkilappu camp in Thenmaraadchi was gunned down.

Separately, Sri Lanka Army soldiers posted at the electricity transformer area at Vannaaththi Paalam along Aadiyapaatham Veethi in Kokkuvil in Jaffna were fired at on Thursday October 2.

 

An explosion caused either by a hand grenade or claymore device was heard from the place of attack, and gunfire followed the blast for nearly ten minutes, residents of the area said. There was no information on casualty or injuries to the SLA soldiers.

An electricity transformer in the same area was set fire earlier.

Similar attacks had been made on electricity transformers in Thenmaraadchi and Vadamarraadchi areas in Jaffna peninsula before.

The SLA soldiers, following these attacks, fenced in all transformers, and have deployed guards 24 hours a day.

Putting aside political differences, Tamil Nadu political parties joined hands in voicing support for Eelam Tamils at a State-wide protest fast organized by the Communist Party of India (CPI) demanding New Delhi to withdraw military assistance to neighbouring Sri Lanka.

Marunalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhgam (DMDK) Tamil Desiya Iyakkam, Puthiya Tamilagam and Viduthalai Chiruthaikal Katchi (VCK) participated in the fasting campaign held on Thursday October 2, Mahatma Gandhi's birthday, in Chennai and district capitals across the state of Tamil Nadu was attended by thousands of people.

A wide range of Tamil leaders were present at the stage at Seappaakkam demanding the Central Government of India to stop not to provide military assistance to the Sri Lankan government, to exert pressure on Colombo to stop the military offensive and to resume peace talks to find a political solution.

Tamil Nadu CPI Joint Secretary C. Mahendran, Communist Party of India (Marxist) State Secretary N. Varadarajan, Chairman of Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam led by Actor Vijayakanth, Panruti S.Ramachandran, MDMK General-Secretary Vaiko, Tamil National Movement Leader Pala Nedumaran, Viduthalai Chiruththaikal Kadchi (VCK, Liberation Panthers Party) President Thol. Thirumavalavan, Puthiya Thamizhakam Leader Dr. Krishnasamy, World Tamils Organization President, Ira. Janarthanan, former Congress leader Thindivanam Ramamoorthy and Latchiya Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (LDMK) Leader Vijaya T Rajendhar were among the political figures of Tamil Nadu who took part in the hunger strike at the stage and also addressed the audience.

Several artists and poets from Tamil Nadu and three Tamil National Alliance Parliamentarians, Maavai Senathirajah MP, Sivajilingam MP, Suresh Premachandran MP and V.I.S Jayapalan, a Tamil poet from Eelam were also among the participants at the stage.

CPI National Secretary D. Raja, in his address, charged that New Delhi was clandestinely assisting Sri Lanka in its war against Tamils and questioned what the Indian personnel who came under attack in the North of Sri Lanka were doing there.

 

"This struggle which expresses the sentiments of the entire Tamils has to continue and we will unite in the struggle continually," D. Raja told the participants.

"This issue cannot be brushed aside as an internal affair of Sri Lanka. The offensive against the Eelam Tamils will affect India too."

"This is not a demonstration in support of a particular organization or a leader but one that is held in sympathy of the Tamil people and the CPI has no other inner motive in this struggle," he declared

 

Raja, labelling the Rajapakse led Sri Lankan Government as a ‘tyrant state’ for its continued military action against the Tamils on the island nation, said that the Rajapakse government had always talked about military solutions to the ethnic problem, unmindful of its consequences. This had only made Rajapakse turn into a dictator, he charged.

 

He also blamed the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Government for not raising its voice against the killing of Tamils.

 

“There is a need to protect the Tamils in Lanka. The refugee problem still persists. Thousands are living in camps in Tamil Nadu. The Tamils in Lanka should get their social, economic and political rights,” he said.

 

“The situation demands that the Indian government explain its position. There are reports that three Indian soldiers were injured in the war between the Sri Lankan Army and the LTTE. The Indian government has not reacted so far. It must make it clear whether it is clandestinely helping the Sri Lankan Army. We will not allow any assistance to the Sri Lankan Army from Indian side,” said Raja.

 

“India remains silent on the strategic agreement between Sri Lanka and the US. Neither did it protest against the attacks on Tamil fishermen by the Sri Lankan Navy.”

 

"The lost rights of the Indian fishermen in the Kachchatheevu agreement should be restored," Raja declared and said: "We wish to point out to the leader of DMK that we are fighting against the Indian State not only for its Nuclear deal; we are also opposing it for the role it plays in Sri Lanka."

D. Pandian, the Tamil Nadu State Secretary of the CPI said the hunger-strike and the support by CPI to Eelam Tamils was not a political maneuver for forming an election alliance in Tamil Nadu. "It is a shame to think about forming political alliance on the death of Eelam Tamils," he said and urged all parties to exert pressure on New Delhi.

Pandian further said that his party would organise an International Conference of Tamils by December to discuss the problems of Tamils in Sri Lanka. He accused the Centre and the DMK state government of remaining indifferent to the plight of fishermen, who were being attacked regularly by the Sri Lankan Navy.

 

CPI (M) central committee member W.R.Varadha Rajan said that India, through diplomatic channels, must pressure the Sri Lankan government against launching an offensive against innocent Tamils in the name of waging a war with the LTTE. “Let India tell the Sri Lankan government to find a political solution to the ethnic crisis.”

 

Viduthalai Chiruthaikal Katchi (VCK) leader Thol Thirumavalavan suggested a general strike in support of the Sri Lankan Tamils.

 

Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) presidium chairman Panruti S. Ramachandran, who was actively engaged in the Sri Lankan process under the late Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) in the mid-80's, said the Indian government should send food and medicines to the Tamils through international agencies such as the United Nations. “India must intervene on humanitarian grounds,” he added.

 

MDMK general secretary Vaiko said Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi should ensure that India did not give any military assistance to Sri Lanka. Alleging that the killings of Tamils was going on unchecked for nearly 25 years.

 

Senior CPI leader R. Nallakannu said in Madurai that the Indian Navy, that was supposed to protect the rights of Indian fishermen, was “unfortunately supporting the Sri Lankan Navy.”

 

Tamil Nationalist Movement leader Pazh Nedumaran, Sri Lankan MP Sivajilingam and senior CPI leader C. Mahendram were among those who participated in the agitation.

It is with deep concern and understanding that I made a comparative study of Dr. A.R.M. Imtiyaz’s “Tamil-Muslim Relations and Unity for Peace” a paper presented during the conference “Ending the war and bringing justice and peace to Sri Lanka” held at the Steelworkers’ Hall in Toronto, September 13, 2008 and the article “Why Tamil-Muslim unity crucial for peace –“excerpts” which was published in the last issue of this paper.

 

In fact, I attended a panel presentation on Sunday, September 14, 2008 where Dr. Imtiyaz highlighted some of his views on his presentation.

 

While respecting Dr. Imtiyaz as an academic, I am much concerned about the credibility of references and citations presented by selected academics and their vocal presentations with regards to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.

 

I am particularly concerned with the references made to the Sri Lankan Muslim community of the North and North Eastern Province of Sri Lanka, to which I belong though currently domiciled in Canada.

 

Cause of conflict

In page 1 of his circulated hard copy and e-mailed paper presented at the conference Dr. Imtiyaz states:

“However, Sri Lankan Muslims claim majority in Amparai district of Eastern province, and regularly develop social and political tensions with the Tamils of the East. Muslims of the North and East became regular victims of ethnic instability that generated ethnic civil war between the Tamils and the Sinhalese”.

 

But Dr. Imtiyaz gives another contradictory view in para 4 of the Excerpts published in the Sunday times article by stating:

 

“However, they claim they are the majority in the Amparai district of the Eastern province, where exist social and political tension between the Tamils and the Muslims. The Northern and Eastern Muslims became victims of a vicious cycle of ethnic instability that led to the ethnic civil war between the Tamils and the Sinhalese”.

 

 These two statements are highly contradictory of each other in the comparative study of academic understanding.

 

Later in his original presentation, under the sub-heading “Tamil-Muslim Divide”, Dr. Imtiyaz states:

 

“Sinhalese politicization of ethnic emotions by the Southern parties of Sri Lanka failed the country and it eventually drove the Tamils and the Sinhalese into grisly ethnic civil war.

 

This statement again contradicts and nullifies his claim that it was the vicious cycle of ethnic instability that led to the ethnic civil war between the Tamils and the Sinhalese

 

There had always been harmony between the Tamils and Muslims, specially in the North and North Eastern Provinces. This was true even before the island gained independence from the British. As even Dr. Imtiyaz notes:

“Sinhalese politicization of ethnic emotions by the Southern parties of Sri Lanka failed the country and it eventually drove the Tamils and the Sinhalese into grisly ethnic civil war.

 

So the alleged ethnic instability between the Muslims and Tamils – which did not exist – in no way contributed or led to the Sinhalese-Tamil conflicts.

 

Further analysis of Dr Imtiyaz’s statements reveals that one (that Muslims became ‘regular victims of ethnic instability that generated ethnic civil war’ between the Tamils and the Sinhalese) is a accusation against the Tamils, while another – that there was social tension between the Tamil and Muslims – is an assumption.

 

The Tamils and the Muslims were in the best of cultural, political, socio-economics and territorial rights relationships at all times and were not in conflict as argued by Dr. Imtiyaz. Various researchers have proven this.

 

The Muslim identity

Further in the presentation, Dr. Imtiyaz states that:

“Muslims have their own concerns and issues pertaining to their identity and security. A notable feature of the Tamil-Muslim relations in contemporary Sri Lanka, according to McGilvray, is Muslim desire to develop a non-Tamil identity based on Islam, a religion which strictly calls obedient only to Allah, a profound emotional message that relentlessly resists any forms of obedience to all other human and spiritual powers. Muslims’ decision to seek own identity based on the Islamic religion triggered Tamil anger.

 

But in the excerpts published last week, Dr. Imtiyaz states:

 

“A notable feature of the Tamil-Muslim relations in contemporary Sri Lanka is the Muslim desire to develop a non-Tamil identity based on Islam, a religion which strictly calls obedience only to Allah, a profound message that relentlessly resists any forms of obeisance to all other powers. The Muslims' decision to seek their own identity based on Islam triggered Tamil anger.”

 

These statements are contradicted by other researchers. For example, Dr. Imtiyaz has not referenced Dr. Dennis B. McGilvray, Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Colorado, in his original presentation. Dr. McGilvray in the publication titled “Muslim perspectives on the Sri Lankan Conflict”, written with Mirak Raheem, contradicts Dr. Imtiyaz’s statements.

 

In Policy study 41, 2007 of the East-West Centre in Washington, Dr. McGilvray states that: “The essential point is that Sri Lankan Muslim politics is not infused with religious ideology or sectarian jihadism. Humanitarian solidarity with fellow-Muslims who are endangered or opposed is strongly felt, as when the 2004 tsunami tragedy struck the east coast, inflicting roughly a third of Sri Lanka’s tsunami deaths on a community that is 8% of local population.”

 

Therefore, Dr. Imtiyaz’s statement that the Muslims sought a non-Tamil identity based on their religion, and that it was this that “triggered Tamil anger” is, in my opinion, defamatory of the Sri Lankan Tamil-Muslim political relationship.

 

Muslim political alliances

In his original presentation Dr. Imtiyaz states:

“The political establishment of the Muslims supports the Sinhala political leaders for political and commercial purposes: they vigorously oppose the Tamil demand for self-autonomy in the merged North and East and support successive Sinhala-dominated governments' military actions against the Tamils.”

 

The facts arguably contradict this statement. Indeed, in the North and North-East, Muslims were supportive of Tamils and federalism – then.

 

Again quoting Dr. McGilvray and Mr. Raheem:

“The Federal party retained a degree of popular support over its Muslim population in the North East until the goals of the party became confrontational. Yet even in 1960’s and 1970’s not all Muslims distanced themselves from the Federal party. For instance at the Vaddukoddai Resolution meeting in 1976, M.H.M.Ashraff, who was to later establish the SLMC as the first successful Muslim political party, reportedly said “If elder brother Amirthalimgham [then Tamil leader of the TULF coalition in Parliament] failed to get Tamil Eelam [a tamil-speaking homeland in North east], the younger brother Ashraff will get it”

 

It is further stated by these two academics that:

“The Federal Party even adopted a resolution at the Trincomalee Convention in 1956 in favour of both a Tamil State and a Muslim State with a Federal set-up.”

 

Another of Dr. Imtiyaz’s defective view is his statement in both the presentation and the article is when he states that the Muslims had “deep distrust in S.J.V. Chelvanayakam's federal demand”. Again this is countered by Dr. McGilvray and Mr. Raheem, who report of a “Muslim-Tamil Alliance … [that] emerged in the North East”.

 

Further, Dr. Imtiyaz makes no reference to the fact that it was a Muslim parliamentarian who won the parliamentary seat of Mutur (Trincomalee district) in the 1950's. He made his maiden parliamentary speech in the Tamil language, which is arguably an expression of Muslim-Tamil solidarity, understanding and respect which still remains to date.

 

It can be argued that some academics are trying to forget this longstanding accord, with the possibility of fanning discord between the two Tamil Speaking communities in Sri Lanka.

 

Other challenges

The following statements, made in the presentation and the excerpts, can also be challenged as deceptions that could become disastrous and potentially destroy the fundamentals of a minority community.

1.      “The political establishment of the Muslims supports the Sinhala political leaders for political and commercial purposes: they vigorously oppose the Tamil demand for self-autonomy in the merged North and East and support successive Sinhala-dominated governments' military actions against the Tamils”.

 

2. “All of which goes to show that the irrational approach of the Tamil resistance movement towards the Muslims of the North and East was the key component of the Muslim frustration, and thus some (affected) Muslim youth eventually resorted to violence against the Tamils and joined the state security forces, either as low-level cadres or as informants”.

 

3. “The bottom line is that the minorities in Sri Lanka have some special problems. These problems are associated with the issues of identity and existence, and thus they need special solutions”.

 

4. “During the 1983 riots, a Muslim Minister is said to have disgraced Islam by unleashing his thugs in central Colombo against the Tamils. The Muslims of the Eastern Province were alleged to have got together with the STF in terrorist exploits against the Tamils there”.

 

5. “As a result, Muslims have changed their preferences and strategies to contain the ethnic Tamils' cultural and political domination.  This suggests one key rational for the formation of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in the mid of 1980’s, when the Muslims also established some informal contacts with the Sri Lanka state forces”. 

 

Further reading

The following short list of publications will allow any concerned reader to begin revealing the flaws in Dr. Imtiyaz’s arguments.

 

·       "The Muslims of Sri Lanka, 1000 years of ethnic harmony 900-1915 AD" by Lorna Dewaraja, (Lanka Islamic Foundation, 1994),

·       The Muslims and Sri Lanka by Ms. Kamalika Pieris, available at  http://www.missionislam.com/knowledge/srilanka.htm

·       Sri Lankan Muslims: Ethnic Identity within Cultural Diversity by Prof M A Nuhuman.

·       The article - Sri Lanka 's Muslims, Homeless and homesick, Oct 11th 2007,
From The Economist print edition, An unhappy and forgotten minority,

·       Ameer Ali, "The Genesis of the Muslim Community in Ceylon (Sri Lanka): A Historical Summary", Asian Studies, Vol. 29, April-December, 1981, pp. 65-82,  

·       M M M. Mahroof, "Sri Lanka: the Arab connection", Journal of Islamic History, New Delhi, 1/2 Oct-Dec., 1995, pp. 305-316,

·       M M M. Mahroof, "Sri Lanka: the Arab connection", Journal of Islamic History, New Delhi, 1/2 Oct-Dec., 1995, pp. 305-316,

·       Ameer Ali, "Politics of Survival",

·       The Article by Farah Mihlar in Britain’s The Guardian newspaper titled “Britain is failing Sri Lanka's Muslims”, available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2006/sep/01/post331  

·       Dr. Ameer Ali - Politics of survival: past strategies and present predicament of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Volume 7, Issue 1 January 1986 , pages 147–170

·       Article on “Muslims in Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Conflict”, by Ms. Farzana Haniffa (Senior Lecturer, Dept. of Sociology, University of Colombo), published in Review 19, Spring 2007 - ISIM, University of Amsterdam.

 

The author is a Tamil Speaking Canadian citizen, hailing from Trincomalee. He is a scholar of Communication Science who was a NORAD-Fellow in 1971. He is currently teaching Communication Studies in Canada, where he is also a freelance writer very much involved in the Peace Activities, especially concerning the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.

Large numbers of civilians are reported to be fleeing Kilinochchi in the face of more air force attacks.

 

Although Kilinochchi was the centre of the LTTE administration, most offices have fled the town along with the civilians as the infrastructure came under attack.

 

The Sri Lanka Air Force last Thursday attacked the Head Office of the Political Section of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the LTTE Peace Secretariat, both located close to each other at the heart of the Kilinochchi town.

 

The attack also caused damage to nearby houses and the roads.

 

"Jets engaged the LTTE's main headquarters in Kilinochchi," air force spokesman Wing Commander Janaka Nanayakkara said.

 

Two civilians were killed and five wounded in the air-strike. Two of the wounded were identified as Subbiah Sivalingam, 48 and Thangkavel Ragu, 30, both travellers on the road while the attack took place. The other victims are yet to be identified.

 

At least one of the civilians killed was at his house in the vicinity.

 

A local resident undergoing treatment in Kilinochchi's hospital said the situation there was very tense.

 

"In the morning we heard a big noise of the fighter aircraft... in the late afternoon there was another air attack," he said.

 

"We are very scared. Once the doctor comes and takes off the bandages, I am planning to get out of this place."

 

The Sri Lankan government is urging people to move out from the Vanni region to government controlled areas.

 

But the hospital patient said that was not an option.

 

"There is no road. There is no public transport to (government-controlled) Vavuniya, we cannot go there."

 

Another resident told the BBC nearly everyone had left Kilinochchi town.

 

"Some people are paying 10,000 to 15,000 rupees ($90-135) to hire lorries and move out.

 

"But many people don't have that money and are moving out on bicycles or auto rickshaws. They are taking very little with them.

 

"All the shops and hotels are closed," he said. "People are living under trees. They don't even have a mat to sleep on. There is no electricity."

 

Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Air Force continued its targeting of key civilian infrastructure, bombing damaged a key sluice transporting water to thousands of acres of agricultural lands in Vanni.

 

The sluice at Paravippaagnchaan, located east of the A9 road, channels water from Paravippaagnchaan tank to agricultural lands in Paranthan, north of Kilinochchi.

 

The tank gains water from the rainfalls and from Kilinochchi and Iranaimadu tanks.

 

The destruction would cause flooding. 3 huts belonging to IDPs and a small shop were completely destroyed and 12 houses sustained damage.

 

SLAF bombers also dropped bombs in the vicinity of the UNICEF office located at Kaneasapuram in Kilinochchi and the Centre for Women's Development and Rehabilitation (CWDR) was also heavily damaged in the air strike.

 

Two local employees of the UNICEF, who were inside the office, narrowly escaped as the roof of the building was shaken by a bomb that hit the fence of the office.

 

Neighbouring house sustained heavy damage in the attack.

 

At Kaneasapuram, seven houses in the vicinity of the UNICEF office were damaged.

 

The SLAF bombers also attacked a civilian settlement near Vettimanai, a counselling aid center for mentally ill women, causing tension and panic among the few patients who were being transferred from the centre at Kanakapuram. .

 

The SLAF bombers disappeared from the sky as they came under LTTE anti-aircraft fire. However, the buildings have sustained heavy damage.

 

Relentless daily air strikes are accompanying a ground push into Kilinochchi and other LTTE-controlled areas across the front that spans the north of the Indian Ocean island country.

 

The government's top civil servant, or government agent, in Kilinochchi district, Nagalingam Vedanayagan, confirmed that there were more attacks on Kilinochchi town on Friday.

 

"Shelling and other attacks are taking place in Kilinochchi," he told the BBC Tamil service.

 

"To escape the fighting people are moving towards the east. Most of them have been moving out."

The UN convoy of 51 trucks, carrying 650 tons of food and accompanied by seven UN international staff, crossed at Omanthai, on its way to civilians caught behind the lines of confrontation, according to a press release issued in Colombo by the Office of the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Sri Lanka. carried

 

The food is the first to be sent since the UN and other aid agencies were ordered out of LTTE-held areas by the government in early September.

 

The international humanitarian workers who accompanied the convoy returned to Vavuniya, which is under government control, after the trucks got through.

 

“The convoy will transport and distribute food to four locations to the east of Kilinochchi, where the majority of displaced civilians are thought to have concentrated,” the UN statement noted.

 

Aid agencies estimate about 200,000 people have been displaced by fighting in areas held by the Tamil Tigers.

 

Azeb Asrat from the UN's World Food Programme says there are a large number of people in Tamil Tiger areas who have been displaced by the fighting.

 

"The food is needed," he said, "because 200,000 internally displaced people are waiting."

 

"The last distribution was done around 15 September, so it's already two weeks that people have been without food."

 

The convoy initially consisted of 60 trucks, but nine lorries were not allowed to proceed after the security forces allegedly discovered explosives, global positioning system sets and a large number of batteries.

 

United Nations officials in Sri Lanka deplored the placing of explosives by an unknown group on a truck that was due to join a UN food convoy in the north of the country.

 

In a statement, the UN reiterated that humanitarian operations and personnel must be protected at all times, in line with international humanitarian law.

International aid agencies pulling out of the Vanni in early September has exacerbated the already difficult life of those who had displaced to the region, local reports said.

 

With the impending monsoon, assuring access to fresh food and reliable shelter has become a priority for both the remaining local agencies and the displaced alike.

 

"The most pressing needs of these people are security, health, water, shelter, sanitation and food," Anthony Dalziel, ICRC deputy chief in Sri Lanka, said.

 

The United Nations and other aid agencies withdrew from the Vanni last month after the Sri Lankan government ordered them out of the war zones.

 

Though many protested at leaving the civilians as their situation was worsening, all eventually left as their own security became precarious.

 

The government said it could not guarantee their safety.

 

Analysts suggest the government wants to avoid more incidents like the killing of 17 aid workers as the fighting was moving into Muttur in August 2006, a massacre that has been blamed on Sri Lankan government troops.

 

Whilst there had not yet been any reports of food shortages in the Vanni, ICRC officials said there were areas of concern.

 

The withdrawal of aid agencies has already resulted in a mass reduction in food supply to the Vanni region.

 

This week a United Nations convoy of fifty-one trucks was finally allowed through the Omanthai checkpoint, accompanied by UN staff, but locals said this was nowhere near enough.

 

"We hope this will be the first of many such convoys," a World Food Programme (WFP) spokesman told BBC.

 

"We are not talking about starvation in the north, but we are talking about people whose ability to cope after heavy fighting over the last month has been seriously eroded."

 

According to the Sri Lankan Minister for Disaster Management and Human Rights, Mahinda Samarasinghe, this is "just the beginning of a consistent strategy" to ensure there is sufficient food supplies for the displaced people in the Vanni.

 

But aid workers say the government is reluctant to allow the convoys through.

 

The attempt to fix explosives onto one of the trucks, an act that has been condemned by the UN, was cited as a clear attempt to obstruct the convoy.

 

Though no group has claimed responsibility for the attempted attack, reporters note that the explosives were placed on the truck while it was being monitored by the Sri Lankan military.

 

 “The convoy will transport and distribute food to four locations to the east of Kilinochchi, where the majority of displaced civilians are thought to have concentrated,” according to a press release issued in Colombo by the Office of the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Sri Lanka.

 

Civilians – both those already displaced and those who used to reside in Kilinochchi – are fleeing further east towards Mullaitivu as the Sri Lanka Army approaches the town that used to be the operational headquarters of the LTTE, the BBC reported.

 

They had already started moving to avoid aerial attacks by the Sri Lankan Air Force, which press reports said had been targeting civilian areas for the last few weeks.

 

Although the government has urged civilians to move into Vavuniya, which is under government control, the vast majority are deciding to head deeper into LTTE controlled areas, local reports said.

 

"They are setting up camp in the Darmapuram area, about 15 km from Kilinochchi, where there is water because of irrigation canals," IPS quoted civilian sources in Kilinochchi as saying.

 

"But toilet facilities will be a big problem because everyone is using the open grounds," the sources had cautioned.

 

There were more attacks on Kilinochchi town on Friday, the government's top civil servant in Kilinochchi district, Nagalingam Vedanayagan, confirmed.

 

"Shelling and other attacks are taking place in Kilinochchi," he told the BBC Tamil service.

 

"To escape the fighting people are moving towards the east. Most of them have been moving out."

 

Additionally with the continual aerial bombardment, the movement of civilians has left many without any appropriate shelter.

 

"People are living under trees. They don't even have a mat to sleep on. There is no electricity," one resident told BBC.

 

With many more likely to become displaced, the sight of whole families living in these conditions is likely to become even more prevalent, analysts predict.

 

The health services available in the region have also become a casualty of the ongoing conflict.

 

"Local health facilities have moved along with the civilian population and are continuing to provide health services under extremely difficult conditions," the ICRC deputy told reporters.

 

"Kilinochchi District General Hospital has been receiving even more patients than usual," Mr. Dalziel added.

 

Though there have been no health problems yet, “the approaching monsoon rains are cause for concern”, noted the ICRC deputy.

 

Kilinochchi hospital has already moved from its original position, with relocating 18km north of the town on September 27.

 

Patients, staff and records were moved to two schools as a temporary measure.

 

The hospital had a severe logistical problem in shifting the seriously ill patients, and most importantly the giant generator which supplies power to the refrigerators in which vaccines, medicines and blood were stored, Provincial Health Services Regional Director Dr. T. Sathyamoorthi told The Sunday Times.

 

The hospital buildings had already been slightly damaged in aerial bombardment and shelling in the vicinity, he said.   

 

The UN reports that 45 percent of university applicants in the Vanni were unable to sit their entrance exams due to the fighting.

 

The educational prospects of at least 30,000 school children are also affected according to NGOs operating in the area.

Liberation Tigers of Tamileelam (LTTE) claimed that their Black Tigers destroyed the Radar installation inside Sri Lankan military's Vanni headquarters at 3:05 a.m. on 09 September, Tuesday. Thereafter, Tamileelam Air Force (TAF) aircrafts and Col. Kittu Artillery formation targeted the Sri Lankan Vanni HQ with the coordination of the Black Tigers, successfully carrying out the operation, the Tigers said, adding that the LTTE aircrafts safely returned to their bases after completing their mission. The communication facility with its tower, engineering facility, anti-aircraft weapon and the ammunition store at the Sri Lankan base were completely destroyed, the LTTE said.

The Vanni headquarters of the Sri Lankan forces and the headquarters of the Sri Lanka Army Special Forces (SF) for Vanni sustained heavy destruction in the attack, the Tiger statement issued in Tamil further said.

More than 20 Sri Lankan troopers were killed and many sustained critical injuries, the Tigers claimed.

10 LTTE Black Tigers laid down their lives in the special operation.

Lt. Col. Mathiyazhaki, Major Aananthi, Captain Kanimathi, Captain Muththunakai, Captain Arivuththamizh, Lt. Col. Vinothan, Major Nilakaran, Captain Ezhilazhakan, Captain Akilan and Captain Nimalan were the Black Tigers, the LTTE statement said.

A former Chief of the Indian secret intelligence service, B. Raman, sometime ago declared that an Air Force Pilot of Pakistan based in Sri Lanka was participating in the attacks launched on the Tamil Tigers from Sri Lankan Air Force bases. It is also no secret that China has been supplying necessary arms and weapons to Sri Lanka to fight the war against the Tamil Tigers.

 

When the LTTE planes attacked the Air Force base in Vavuniya last week, and two Indian Nationals sustained injuries, it became very evident that India too is directly involved in the war against the Tamil Tigers. When seen against this background, it is deducible that the super powers of Asia are united in the war against the Tamil Tigers. In other words, Sri Lanka, China, India and Pakistan stand united to fight the war against the Tamil Tigers. What is specially noteworthy in this is, the two countries, China and India who are arch rivals in the race for leadership in Asia; and India and Pakistan who are involved in a bitter power struggle between them in South Asia have all got together as one outfit to fight the war waged against the Tamil Tigers.

 

Tamil Nadu Bharathiya Janatha Party Leader, once asked the Congress Govt. whether the Govt. of India granted a soft loan to Sri Lanka to purchase arms from China? Although India’s Congress Govt. did not give an answer to this question, it is a matter of perturbation why India released funds to Sri Lanka to purchase arms from China, the country which manifestly poses a grave threat to India?

 

Some view this as India’s overwhelming desire to destroy the Tamil Tigers, and if India is to provide arms to Sri Lanka, there will be a public outcry against it in Tamil Nadu. It is therefore, in order to avert this situation, India released the loan to Sri Lanka to procure the arms from China, and combat the LTTE.

 

It is difficult to comprehend the motive of India which does everything possible to divert China from eyeing South Asia, is bringing China increasingly close to Sri Lanka on the ground that it is to destroy the LTTE. It is also inconceivable why India which does not brook Pakistan’s domination in South Asia is aligned with Pakistan in relation to the war against the Tamil Tigers.

 

Pakistan too extended aid to Sri Lankan Air Force to destroy the LTTE. When the Sri Lankan Air Force with the assistance of the Pakistan pilots launched attacks on the Tiger bases which harmed the civilians provoked the indignation and protests of the Tamil Nadu and India’s Opposition parties, the Indian Congress Govt. however, without heeding the protests helped to protect the Sri Lanka civil population and the Air Force bases from the LTTE aerial attacks.

 

India providing Radar equipment to Sri Lanka to facilitate these protective measures is also no secret to Tamil Nadu and India’s opposition parties. When Tamil Nadu party Leader, Vaiko demanded from the Congress Govt. for the withdrawal of the radar equipment, the Indian Govt. explained thus: they had to take this step because the Sri Lanka Govt. would otherwise procure the radar equipment from China, in which case it would spell danger to India; the other reason is that there was danger to India too from the aerial attacks of the LTTE, and therefore India had to intervene and give protection to Sri Lanka’s Air Force.

 

The Nuclear power reactor complex of India which is being built with Russian aid is situated in Tamil Nadu. Safeguarding Tamil Nadu from the aerial attacks of the Tigers is therefore of paramount importance. The Sri Lankan Govt. was provided with the radar equipment by India with this in view –the protection of the air space of Tamil Nadu. It is on this account, the Tamil Nadu and Opposition parties ceased questioning further on this issue.

 

However, after learning that India’s engineers have come here, and are in the Air Force bases in the North East of Sri Lanka to operate the radar, Indian Opposition and Tamil Nadu parties have begun raising their objections and protests against the Technical experts and army personnel based in the North East, in the war against the Tamil Tigers.

 

The Secretary of the Indian Communist party too has leveled accusations against the Indian Congress Govt. that it is assisting Sri Lanka in the war while deceiving the Indian people by lying that it is not.

 

At the same time, Vaiko has asserted that India’s Defence advisor, Narayanan is plotting a conspiracy jointly with the Sri Lankan Govt. against the Tamil population. He adds that there are 265 in total of Indian Technical experts and Forces personnel in Sri Lanka assisting in the war. If Vaiko’s allegations are true, this is the second of Indian Army’s visit to Sri Lanka. On the first occasion in 1987, they came in openly. But, this time they have come secretly and in batches.

 

In relation to the Indian Govt.’s support to the Sri Lankan Govt. in the war, Vaiko pointing an accusing finger directly at India’s Defence Advisor is a very serious matter. He is squarely blaming Narayanan as responsible for conspiring with the Sri Lankan Govt. against the Tamil population. If these accusations of Vaiko are factual, it is the Sri Lankan Govt. which should receive the credit, meaning that the Sri Lankan Govt. jointly with the Asian powers, China and Pakistan, waging the war against the Tamil Tigers has been able to successfully exploit Narayanan’s inveterate hatred of the LTTE and also enlist India’s assistance.

 

Grouping the three countries together to fight a single war is a most difficult task. If Pakistan is supportive of a particular faction, India always takes the position which will support the party that is diametrically opposed. This opposition between them has been witnessed in many instances in their power struggle in the South Asian region. In the same way, if China sides with a faction, India will only support the opposing faction.

 

Nonetheless, in the war against the Tamil Tigers, China, India and Pakistan stood united in their support for the Sri Lankan Govt. Viewed from this standpoint, it is an Asian war against the Tamil Tigers. Hence, it is a wonder, how Velupillai Pirapaharan is still remaining safe in the midst of this war involving the Asian powers? At all events, whether India directly intervened in this war to minimize the involvement of China and Pakistan, or to join them and ward off the Tamil Tiger threat is a question beyond answer, at least for the moment.

Barely two weeks after their foray into Eastern Naval Area Headquarters in Trincomalee, Air Tigers showed up again.

 

This time they were an integral part of a pre-dawn LTTE ground and artillery assault, on Tuesday, September 11 on the sprawling Security Forces Headquarters - Wanni (SFHQ - W) complex located in Vavuniya.

The defining moments of the attack on this garrison, the northernmost under Government control in mainland Sri Lanka, came thrice in regular intervals of six to seven minutes. First, a group of Tigers infiltrated the area near the Air Force radar unit to spark off a ground battle. Then artillery and mortar shells began to rain. Thereafter, two Czech-built Zlin Z-143 aircraft appeared over the skies to drop bombs.

 

If sparks lit up the night sky over Vavuniya, vibrations caused by the bombardment shook the doors and windows of many homes. This was in a vast area surrounding this key town, the northernmost in mainland Sri Lanka under Government control. For decades now, Vavuniya has been the gateway to the Wanni where until recently vast stretches of land were dominated by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Military offensives in the past months have seen security forces regain control of large stretches, mostly west of the A-9 highway and some east of it as periodically reported in The Sunday Times.

 

Within minutes of news of the attack reaching Colombo, everyone who is someone in the country's defence and security establishment was out of their beds. Whilst officials clasped their phones to receive updates, security forces top brass were busy with their respective operations rooms. Minute-by-minute feedbacks were reaching Colombo as the mayhem continued for some five and half hours.

 

It all began minutes before 3 a.m. Some 14 Tigers infiltrated the Army sector by traversing through private property. This is at a relatively thin stretch, soon after the main entrance, before the complex expands to a much larger ground area. They wore fatigues resembling the Army. They were walking past buildings occupied by two different battalions of the Army's crack Special Forces. It is here that the gun battles broke out. Three female cadres blasted themselves using the 'suicide kits' they wore. Another committed suicide by biting a cyanide phial. Others edged forward to fire their assault rifles and Rocket Propelled Grenade (RPG) at the Indira II radar installed on a knoll or a small hill.

 

The radar was damaged and two Indian maintenance technicians - A.K. Thakur and Chinthamani Rant - sustained injuries. They were later driven to Anurahdapura and airlifted to Colombo. Another Indira II to replace the radar that was damaged was hurriedly moved by the Air Force on the same day from their main base at Katunayake. The aim of the Tigers was to destroy the Vavuniya air defence radar, the one that was usually the first to locate any LTTE aircraft that is airborne from the Wanni. By moving a replacement Tuesday evening, the Air Force denied the LTTE any freedom of movement over the air in the Wanni theatre without being detected.

 

Four Indira II radars (named after late Indian Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi) were gifted to Sri Lanka. This was after it became known that the LTTE had acquired air capability by procuring Zlin Z-143 light aircraft in 2005. Radars are used to detect aircraft, vehicles, ships or other objects through the transmission of electromagnetic waves, which are reflected back by the object. A 2-D radar gives distance and direction whilst 3-D radar would also

provide the (height) or altitude in the case of aircraft.

 

The Air Force area that was under attack lay near the Army's 211 Brigade. Also located in the same vicinity are the second and third battalions of the Special Forces. There is no doubt the Tigers would have carried out months and months of surveillance piecing together all the information about this target they were to attack. They would have also practised with sand models to prepare their cadres before launching last Tuesday's attack.

 

This was much the same as the land and air attack on the Air Force base in Anuradhapura on October 22, last year. However, it appears that the Tigers may have either not known or failed to take into consideration the presence of the Special Forces (SF) troops in the area they infiltrated. The measures the SF adopted to protect their troops and installations evidently took the attackers by complete surprise. Besides those who committed suicide, SF troops shot dead within a short time the majority of the Tigers who had infiltrated and planned to wreak further havoc.

 

Within six to seven minutes of the ground attack, heavy artillery and mortars began to fall in the same area. Highly placed security sources said the Tigers had shifted two 130 mm artillery guns to an area closer to Puliyankulam, located a few kilometres away from the LTTE checkpoint at Omanthai. Mortars had been fired from locations nearby. These guns had been used earlier from the general area of Pooneryn to periodically direct artillery fire at the Security Forces Headquarters in Jaffna. There were occasions when such attacks forced the Air Force to call off temporarily all military and civilian flights to Palaly.

 

Police later learnt that a Tiger cadre atop a tree and carrying a walkie-talkie gave directions to their artillery gunners to fine tune their targets in the area.

 

The same sources said the Army directed counter artillery fire destroying one LTTE artillery gun. However, independent verification of this claim is not possible.

 

The Tigers had fired some 70 to 80 heavy artillery rounds during the pre-dawn attack. Later, on Tuesday afternoon two more rounds fell on the military complex. This was when troops were on a clearing operation within the area as well as ahead of their defended localities.

 

Another six to seven minutes later, two Air Tiger Zlin Z-143 aircraft were over the military complex. First reports said they dropped eight bombs - four near the Air Force installations on the relatively narrow stretch of land just after the main entrance. The other four had been dropped on the large area that encompasses many buildings including administrative blocks of the SFHQ-W. Three had not exploded. Investigations thereafter have raised doubts on the number that exploded, whether it was only three or less and whether only five or six bombs were dropped.

 

The ground, artillery and air attack had begun just before 3 a.m. Tuesday. Within an hour it had ended. However, the search operations for more possible LTTE infiltrators continued until 7.30 a.m. It is only thereafter that the damage caused and the casualty counts became clear.

 

Initial reports to the media by Army officials said bodies of ten Tiger cadres, including five females, were found within the military complex. As this news spread worldwide, the LTTE repeated the same figure in a news release. Their idea was to hide the exact number of cadres who were assigned to carry out the attack. Later on Tuesday, another male Tiger cadre’s body was found bringing the LTTE death toll to 11.

 

Preliminary investigations by the Police revealed that 14 Tigers entered the military complex and three later got away. They left behind assault rifles, RPGs, grenades, communication sets, a machine gun, a global positioning system, ammunition, chocolates among other items.

 

The 14 Tigers who took part in the attack Police believe is in addition the one who was atop a tree serving as a forward observer to direct artillery fire. This is not the first time the LTTE had juggled with numbers to give the impression that all their cadres assigned for attacks had been killed.

 

They did so during the attack on the Air Force base in Anuradhapura. Last Tuesday's attack is no exception.

 

Thirteen soldiers, a civilian attached to the Army and a policeman were killed at the scene. Another police officer died at the Vavuniya hospital bringing the death toll to 16. Those wounded were: Army 24, Air Force 7 and Police 9.

 

The Sri Lanka Air Force claimed later on Tuesday that one of its Chinese built F-7 interceptor jets had destroyed one of the Air Tiger aircraft. Two officers of the Air Force, a security source said, were on hand at last Wednesday's National Security Council meeting to provide a brief on how the attack occurred.

 

Though the Air Force has no pictorial evidence either of the attack or the debris of the destroyed aircraft on the ground, an Air Force source told The Sunday Times "the pilot activated the firing mechanism only after his on board radar locked on the target. That was how the air-to-air missile was discharged. Thereafter, when he was taking a turn, he saw a huge ball of fire some 600 metres away." The source claimed the missile would not have been released automatically if the lock-in mechanism did not home in on the target.

 

However, the LTTE said its aircraft had "returned safely." Independent verification of both claims is not possible.

The attack on Vavuniya military complex has once again highlighted the woefully inadequate measures to ensure perimeter security in military installations.

 

Like during the attack on the Air Force base at Anuradhapura, the Tigers succeeded in infiltrating a major headquarters complex. With that, directing artillery fire and using aircraft primitive compared to the assets of the Air Force, they succeeded in creating an impact as they came under heavy pressure on the battlefronts in the Wanni.

 

[Edited]