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  • A flying visit to Jaffna

    The air force pilot takes no chances landing on the Jaffna peninsula, the northern tip of Sri Lanka held by the government but cut off from the south by Tamil Tiger territory.

    Descending fast from over the Indian Ocean, the Russian-made transport plane banks hard, its wing almost clipping the jungle canopy below. Flares pump out the back to fool any heat-seeking missile.

    Upon landing, it is the army's turn to take no chances -- this time with foreign journalists flown in to be shown how the government is winning both the war and the hearts and minds of Jaffna's “liberated” Tamils.

    To keep the press on-message, private conversation with the locals was strictly prohibited.

    But what the army did deliver was a slick slideshows and sweet tea and biscuits, stomach-turning photos of alleged victims of the Tamil Tigers and heart-warming video clips of delighted and supposedly local school children.

    “As you can see, these children are very happy, because they have been liberated from terrorism,” an officer said, reading from a script within a bunker complex.

    An easy-listening piano score provided the soundtrack to today's Jaffna peninsula, home to around 600,000 ethnic Tamils and their 38,000 ethnic Sinhalese guardians.

    It's a happy place - according to the army - even though the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are only down the road, and even though rights groups speak of a place of fear, murders and disappearances.

    The officer confirmed that outside his huge military base there was a 9:30pm to 4:30am curfew, but added that this was of no nuisance whatsoever to the locals “who are normally asleep at that time.”

    “Anyone who wants to move around after curfew is a robber or a terrorist,” he said.

    A request for an unaccompanied trip into town did not go down well, with the army warning the LTTE would kill AFP's journalists and blame the government.

    Instead, a trip was permitted in the army's transport of choice: a thick metal box on a truck chassis where the only view of the supposedly delighted locals was through tiny holes shaped for muzzles of assault rifles.

    Providing the escort was a 130-kilogram (290-pound) major, who looked like he could snap a man in two with his bare hands. He was backed by a contingent of troops, each with a gun, flak jacket, helmet and nervous grin.

    In Jaffna city, the town commandant provided another exhaustive list of LTTE crimes and violations of a now-dead 2002 ceasefire -- ranging from blowing civilians to bits to preventing children from going to the library.

    “But we have ourselves a victory in winning hearts and minds,” said Jaffna's boss, Brigadier Ruwan Kulathunga.

    The only slight impediment to this, he said, was the fact that almost none of the troops on the peninsula could speak the local Tamil language.

    A trip into town was next on the tour, with the burly major offering to find “happy local people” who are fed by supplies brought in by plane and ship.

    However, a brief moment of relative privacy was to be found with a Tamil shopkeeper who spoke some German: “It's terrible here. Everyone is scared. I can't talk to you,” he said hurriedly, before ducking back into his store.

    Two men also whispered “Prabhakaran!” - the name of the leader of the LTTE who was born in Jaffna - as they passed by and were out of earshot of the troops.

    Informed of this later, one of the army escorts explained that “hardcore terrorists” were still around.

    “What did they look like?” he asked.

    According to Sri Lanka's hardline defence secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapakse, there is little point talking to the locals anyway.

    The press is also banned from travelling to the LTTE-held north.

    “You will hear complaints about disappearances,” he said in Colombo, the capital. “What they won't say is that these so-called missing people are terrorists who may have died on the frontline or are in LTTE territory.”

    So with local people off-limits, a trip to the frontline was promised -- only to be refused after another bruising ride in the metal box on wheels across the 50 by 30 kilometre (30 by 19 mile) part peninsula held by the government.

    But Brigadier Kamal Gunaratne, in charge of the front, said his men had “extremely high morale” and the LTTE fighters “know they are losing” after 35-years of a separatist war that has left 60,000 dead.

    With at least one soldier for every 50 metres (yards) of main road, the LTTE would certainly have a tough time recapturing the Tamil heartland they lost in 1995.

    “At the rate we are going, I think that in about two to three more years we'll be able to bring them to the negotiating table. First we have to eliminate their leadership,” Gunaratne said.

    A trip to the rich fishing grounds south of Jaffna town, just three kilometres from LTTE territory to the south, was allowed after negotiation.

    There, the lagoon is lined with barbed wire and more soldiers camped out in the ruins of beachfront villas.

    No fishermen were to be seen, and the only sound was the lapping of waves, the thump of outgoing artillery, and the distant rumble of explosions in the Tamil Tiger-held jungle across the bay.

  • 15,000 stripped of livelihood in Batticaloa hinterland
    Half of the affected agriculture-dependent families in Batticaloa district are from Paduvaankarai region, where the major cultivable land of the district, is situated.

    Forced to flee their paddy fields, standing ripe and ready for harvest, the families who returned under the Government of Sri Lanka's (GoSL) resettlement, could only witness the remains of the properties and livestock that had been looted by the Sri Lankan forces.

    Although four months have elapsed since their resettlement, the GoSL has not provided any assistance to the farmers to resume paddy cultivation.

    The predicament of paddy farmers, Thambimuttu Koneswaran from Kokkaddichchoalai and Karthigesu Nadesan from Eachchantheevu area are typical of the travails faced by the agricultural community in Batticaloa. Both had to flee their villages during the Sri Lanka military offensive and were later resettled.

    Speaking to TamilNet, Thambimuttu said, "I have been a farmer all my life and I have no other means of income. All my resources have been destroyed. I am left with no options. Sometimes, I think of committing suicide."

    Despite Colombo's rhetoric of "development" and the claims of "liberating" the East from the "clutches of the Tigers", the military offensive has only brought misery to the families of the once self-sustained agricultural society of Paduvaankarai region.
    "Incessant shelling by SLA in my native village of Kokkaddichchoalai in the early part of this year made us flee our homes. I fled to Batticaloa with my wife and children. We left behind all our belongings. For a short period, we stayed in an interim camp for the Internally Displaced People (IDP), where we faced much hardship. Later, we were resettled in Paduvaankarai."

    "A tractor, motorcycle, plough and many implements required for paddy cultivation left behind in my home in Kokkaddichcholai had all been looted. Every season I used to cultivate about ten acres but now I am not in a position to cultivate even one acre single-handedly.”

    “When I returned home, I saw policemen moving about on my motorcycle. I approached them and told them that the vehicle belonged to me, but they refused to return it. Now I am pushed to the plight of being totally at the mercy of others."

    This situation is not restricted to Paduvaankarai alone, it is a true reflection of the predicament of all the farmers in the Batticaloa district.

    Another farmer from Eechchantheevu area, Karthigesu Nadesan describing his plight said, "everyone in this area depends on agriculture, directly or indirectly. All of us have been severely affected because of the mindless military offensive."

    "Since I have been resettled here recently, a number of Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have come forward to assist us. But the local officers harass us in various ways: they demand us to bring our refugee cards, they ask us whether we own land [elsewhere] and order us to become stay here permanently."

    "When military offensives take place it affects all of us. Why do these officials not understand this? We have lost all our valuable property because of displacement, will they be able to compensate our loss in this regard? Will they give it back?”

    “When we were resettled, they supplied us just sugar, rice and flour. How long will these last? Only if we resume cultivation in our paddy fields, we will be able to meet our needs and eliminate our hunger and starvation," the enraged Karthigesu fumed.

    The sentiments expressed by Koneswaran and Nadesan are echoed by scores of other farmers in the region.

    Paduvaankarai region comprises three DS divisions and parts of Ea'raavoorpattu Chenkaladi division, with 20,000 families dependent on agriculture.

    More than 15,000 families have been directly affected by the military offensives of SLA. Since the two seasons of paddy cultivation (Maha and Yala) had to be abandoned in the region, there has been an acute shortage of paddy seeds seriously hampering paddy cultivation in the current season.

    Even though four months have elapsed since they were resettled, the GoSL has not taken any steps to promote cultivation in the area. The farmers in the district complain that they are going to face huge losses because they could not cultivate either in last year's Maha season (the principal cultivation season; October to March) or in the Yala season (subsidiary cultivation season; April to September) this year.

    When contacted by TamilNet, officials of the Department of Agriculture in Batticaloa said that usually 100,000 acres of land are cultivated during the Maha season alone. They also confirmed the acute shortage of paddy seeds in the area because no cultivation had been carried out in the past two seasons.

    One official added that various NGOs such as World Vision, Eastern Human Economic Development (EHED), International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC), SLRCS, OXFAM, Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies (CHA) and United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) have come forward to assist the people resettled in the area.

    "These organizations provide Rs.4000 worth of paddy seeds, fertilizer and insurance per acre. They help each farmer cultivate up to three acres and so far 11,000 farmers have benefited," he pointed out.

    Asked about the assistance provided by GoSL, the official said that steps have been taken to provide fertilizer through the Agricultural Department for a subsidized rate of Rs. 350 as against the rate of Rs. 2,600 in the open market.

    However he pointed that there are certain restrictions for being eligible to receive this subsidized fertilizer. A farmer applying for such assistance should possess his own land, he must have been resettled in this area and should also provide the necessary particulars to prove that he was displaced from another area.

    "Nearly 40,000 acres of land has been cultivated during the Maha season," he added.

    From data provided by Agriculture Department officials, paddy can be cultivated in a total of 58,374 hectares (144,184 acres) of land in Batticaloa district. Out of these 49,339 hectares (121,867 acres) of land is meant for high land crop cultivation.

    During Yala season cultivation, water required to irrigate the paddy land was obtained from lakes in the areas such as Unnichchai, Vaakaneari, U'rukaamam, Thumpangkea'ni, Kiththulvela, Kaddumu'rivu and Kadukkaamunai. According to the 2004 annual report, 40,000 families directly dependent on agriculture for their livelihood.

    Responding to a question regarding livestock, an official said, "Steps to provide livestock through NGOs have been taken." He added that statistics of farm animals that were killed had not been compiled so far.

    The district's population relies on agriculture, fishing and related occupations for its survival. The military aggression in the area has totally ruined their livelihood, representatives from various civilian groups said.

    Even under normal circumstances, heavy rainfall, blazing heat and cyclonic winds often hamper their means of earning their livelihood. The situation has further deteriorated due to military offensive by SLA and all their resources have been lost, they lamented.

    Apart from some support from international NGOs, there has been no Sri Lankan state allocation of compensation or relief except a small subsidy towards the cost of fertilizer. The recent budget passed in the Sri Lankan Parliament has also failed to allocate compensation to the resettled farmers.

    Paduvaankarai region, with Poaratheevuppattu, Ma'nmunai West and Ma'nmunai Southwest, remains out of humanitarian focus unlike Vaakarai, a show-off area for Colombo — which has only a fraction of the entire district's affected agricultural families — that the Rajapaksa government exhibits to visiting foreign diplomats to make them believe the eyewash efforts of Colombo investing in "development" after "liberating" the area from the Tigers
  • Japan to keep up Sri Lanka aid despite rights concerns
    Japan's Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda said on Monday Tokyo would continue to offer economic assistance to Sri Lanka despite the suspension of some U.S. and British aid this year over human rights abuses in the continuing civil war.

    Japan is the single largest donor to Sri Lanka, and provides nearly two thirds of all international aid to the island. It has contributed 63 percent of total bilateral
    aid received by the country since 2003.

    Fukuda was speaking to reporters alongside visiting Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa after the two leaders held talks.

    Earlier in the day, Foreign Minister Masahiko Komura told Rajapaksa Japan would approve 1.9 billion yen ($17 million) in grants-in-aid to Sri Lanka this week, Kyodo news agency said.

    "I conveyed to the president Japan's intention to cooperate for peace in Sri Lanka as well as economic development," Fukuda told reporters.

    Last week Amnesty International criticised Sri Lanka's government for violating the human rights of thousands of Tamils who were arrested days after two bombs exploded in the capital Colombo in late November.

    Japan has repeatedly said will it continue to give aid to Sri Lanka despite the country's
    failure to address the spiraling human rights violations.

    When asked about spiraling human rights violations, Mr Yasushi Akashi, Japan's special envoy, said on June 9 at the end of a four day visit to Sri Lanka that "these certainly did not accord with the "values of a civilized society", but it was natural that these values sometimes suffered and were likely to be given "second place" in a country fighting terrorism".

    Last week the Japanese Prime Minister stated that already large scale development projects were seeing the light of day in Sri Lanka and Japan was happy about the cooperation between the two countries in this context.

    The visit of the Sri Lankan President to Japan he felt was a step forward in strengthening the friendly ties between the two countries, he further observed.

    Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa thanked Japan for standing steadfastly by Sri Lanka on achieving peace and the development of the country.

    Sri Lanka in its turn was rejecting full-scale war but was combating terrorism and was on the look out for a peaceful settlement to the existing conflict, he said.

    Sri Lanka is a country that has always safe guarded Human Rights and will remain so in the future protecting democracy and human rights unreservedly, President Rajapaksa said.

  • Euphoria in Kosovo
    Thousands of wildly cheering pro-independence demonstrators marched through Kosovo's capital as a sense of euphoria swept the breakaway province preparing to gain statehood early next year.

    Kosovars, assured of staunch US support and a promise of recognition from all but one EU country, reveled in hopes that a decades-old dream may finally be within reach despite fierce opposition by Serbia and Russia.

    "Independence means so much to us. It means a new identity and a new future for Kosovo," said Agim Kastrati, a 19-year-old law student who marched through Pristina on Monday demanding a declaration of statehood early in 2008.

    EU foreign ministers meeting Monday in Brussels, Belgium, said they had "virtual unanimity" on recognizing Kosovo's eventual independence, with Cyprus the sole holdout.

    And Kosovo's outgoing prime minister demanded an "immediate and permanent" conclusion to the ethnic Albanian majority's drive for statehood — a quest that led to the 1998-99 war with Serbia and spawned nearly a decade of political and economic limbo under UN and NATO administration.

    "No more delays. No more deals," said rally organizer Burim Balaj, as 3,000 demonstrators outside parliament set off firecrackers, waved US and Albanian flags and held posters that read: "Independence is the only option."

    "UCK! UCK!" the crowd shouted back, using the Albanian acronym for the now-disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army, or KLA, which fought former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic's troops in a conflict that claimed 10,000 lives.

    Yet the celebratory mood was tinged with uncertainty. Some wondered whether the seemingly imminent birth of a nation will re-ignite ancient ethnic hatreds and thrust the Balkans into a new cycle of bloodshed.

    NATO, which maintains 16,000 peacekeepers in Kosovo, has boosted street patrols in a show of force aimed at discouraging extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide.

    "I don't believe it's possible for Serbs and Albanians to live together peacefully," said Mimoza Sejdiu, 24, an ethnic Albanian at Monday's rally. "I don't see a common future as citizens of one country."

    In a sign of underlying tensions, Kosovo police said that over the weekend, unknown assailants tossed a bottle of flaming liquid into a vacant house owned by Serbs in the town of Gnjilane southeast of Pristina and sprayed this menacing message: "Death to Serbs."

    Former KLA rebels are believed to have stashed away huge caches of rocket-propelled grenades and other weapons in Kosovo's forests and in their own backyards. More than 500,000 handguns alone remain in circulation, according to UN estimates.

    Serbia, which has offered Kosovo broad autonomy but insists the province remain part of its territory, has threatened economic blockades, and some officials have even hinted that Belgrade might resort to force to retain what many Serbs see as the cradle of their civilization.

    In a provocative move seen as a fresh territorial claim, Serbia's minister for Kosovo, Slobodan Samardzic, opened a branch office in the ethnically divided northern city of Kosovska Mitrovica — long a flashpoint for violence.

    Russia, Serbia's No. 1 ally, has threatened to veto any move by the UN Security Council to sign off on statehood. Moscow contends independence for Kosovo would encourage separatists in Chechnya, Georgia and elsewhere to break away.

    "This will trigger a chain reaction in the Balkans and in other areas of the world," Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov warned Monday during a visit to Cyprus, itself a divided nation.

    But Washington signaled anew that it was ready to recognize an independent Kosovo, raising the likelihood of a showdown when the Security Council takes up the issue on Dec. 19.

    "Over the next few weeks, the United States will work closely with our international partners to resolve this issue. The people of Kosovo and the region urgently need clarity about their future," US State Department spokesman Gonzalo Gallegos in a statement.

    In the past four months of talks, negotiators from the US, EU and Russia explored "every realistic option for an agreement and, in their words, 'left no stone unturned' in the search for a mutually-acceptable outcome," Gallegos said.

    Although Kosovo's leaders have vowed not to declare independence without US and European Union approval, government spokesman Skender Hyseni said a declaration was "not an issue of if, but when."

    Officials suggested it would come sometime in January or February. That would start a 120-day internationally supervised transition, during which the US and other countries would recognize the new state and the UN would hand off administration to the EU.

    In an interview with The Associated Press, outgoing Prime Minister Agim Ceku pledged "our commitment to multi-ethnicity, our commitment to democracy, our commitment to international supervision of independence, our commitment to international partnership and our commitment to a European future."

    "Serbia has a choice: Going into the future together with us, or going back to the past alone. We hope that they will make the right choice," said Ceku, who is preparing to hand over power to former rebel leader Hashim Thaci.

    Diplomats said recognition likely would come in waves, with the U.S. and key European powers such as Britain, France, Germany and Italy among the first. The Baltic countries and Scandinavia would be in a second wave, and most of the rest of the 27-nation bloc would follow in a third wave, officials said.

    In Brussels, British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said the EU must find unity fast.

    "Kosovo is in Europe's backyard, and it's absolutely vital that there is a strong European commitment," he said.

  • Canada gets tough on Sri Lankan rights abusers?
    He lives on a suburban street in Ajax in a two-storey brick house with a double garage and fruit trees in the garden.

    The quiet neighbourhood east of Toronto is worlds away from the civil war Raja Kasturiarachchi left behind when he moved to Canada after retiring from the Sri Lankan National Police.

    But if he came to Canada to escape the past, he hasn't.

    The Canada Border Services Agency says it intends to deport Mr. Kasturiarachchi because he was complicit in war crimes.

    As a former Sri Lankan police chief, the CBSA says, Mr. Kasturiarachchi is to blame for “systematic” and “widespread” abuses committed by the force “on a regular ongoing basis.”

    The case is one of several that suggest Canada has adopted a new hardline approach against those involved in Sri Lanka's bloody civil war - regardless of which side they were on.

    While the government has long fought to prevent the Tamil Tigers from using Canada as a safe haven, it is now extending the same treatment to members of the state security forces.

    “The CBSA strives for a fair and consistent application of the law,” said Anna Pape, a CBSA spokeswoman.

    “Cases where there is evidence of crimes against humanity must be pursued, no matter the perpetrator.” Those war crimes continue.

    Last week, a bus travelling in territory held by the Tamil Tigers was ripped apart by a mine, killing 11 school children. The Tigers blamed the Sri Lankan Army. On Wednesday, a female suicide bomber detonated her explosive-filled bra near a government minister. He survived. A second rebel bomb exploded outside a department store in the capital, Colombo, killing 16 civilians.

    The violence prompted Maxime Bernier, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to call on both sides in the conflict “to respect international human rights and humanitarian law” and protect civilians.

    The civil war reverberates in Canada because of the estimated 200,000 Sri Lankans who have resettled here since the fighting broke out, most of them in Toronto.

    Most are ethnic Tamils and many are at least sympathetic to the Tamil Tigers guerrillas fighting to create an independent state in Sri Lanka's north and east.

    When the deputy leader of the Tigers was killed last month, Canadian Tamils (and Liberal members of Parliament) attended a large outdoor rally in Markham.

    Last week, events were held around Toronto to mark Tamil Heroes' Day, which commemorates the anniversary of the first Tamil Tigers suicide bombing.

    The Canadian government has been cracking down on the Tigers.

    The Conservatives placed them on Canada's list of designated terrorist groups last year, and the RCMP raided their suspected fundraising fronts and arrested several Tamils accused of trying to buy weapons for the guerrillas.

    But a review of cases that have come before the courts since last year shows the government has also been quietly going after members of the security forces, barring them from entering Canada, refusing to give them visitor's visas and even deporting them.

    Even Sri Lankan police officers are now considered war criminals.

    “Earlier they were taking a hard line on the army or navy,” said immigration lawyer Kumar Sriskanda, who is representing Mr. Kasturiarachchi.

    “But in this case, the new development is they are taking a hard line on the Sri Lankan police force.”

    In a similar case, the CBSA is trying to revoke refugee status from former Sri Lankan police officer Indrabalan Ratnasingam, who entered Canada in 1996, on the grounds he was complicit in war crimes. The Federal Court ruled against the man last month.

    Another recent case involves a Sri Lankan Army officer who was denied entry to Canada because he was found complicit in “grave” human rights abuses and the use of torture as an investigative technique.

    Sujeewa Jayasinghe had applied for a visitor's visa at the Canadian High Commission in Sri Lanka. His wife had immigrated to Canada and she was expecting. He wanted to be present for the birth.

    But when the Canadian immigration officer found out that Mr. Jayasinghe had served in the army, and that he had interrogated and killed people suspected of being Tamil Tigers rebels, she refused to give him a visa.

    The shift in Canada's approach comes as human rights groups are reporting mounting abuses by the Sri Lankan security forces, such as disappearances, torture and the killing of journalists and foreign aid workers.

    Fred Abrahams, senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch, said while his group condemns the Tamil Tigers, also known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or LTTE, it is also troubled by the deteriorating conduct of the government security forces.

    “Our concern over past two years is that the government has stooped to the level of this very abusive group, meaning the Tigers,” he said.

    Mr. Abrahams co-authored a report on human rights in Sri Lanka issued in August and is preparing to release another this month on the more than 1,000 disappearances that have occurred in the country in the past 18 months, mostly in areas under government control.

    Toronto resident Naithan Vaithilingam says he experienced the brutal conduct of the security forces first-hand. He was returning to his home in the government-controlled city of Trincomalee in 2005 when he was stopped at a checkpoint.

    A group of men he believes were Sri Lankan Army personnel (because they were standing near an army checkpoint next to an army truck) asked him his ethnicity. “I told them I am Tamil,” he said.

    They then attacked him with a knife and left him to die on the road with stab wounds in his head, leg and hands. His sister arranged to get him to a hospital in Colombo, where he spent the next nine months and had three operations before coming to Canada in June, 2006.

    Sri Lankan MP M.K. Eelaventhan, a member of the Tamil National Alliance who recently visited Canada, blamed the security forces for abduction, killings and disappearances.

    “Disappearance is now becoming a normal feature. I will call it a normality. When a person disappears and doesn't appear for three days, you can safely say that he is among the dead.”

    Sri Lankan police are blamed for some of those abuses. Chief Inspector Kasturiarachchi spent more than 25 years in the police force. He moved to Canada with his family after retiring in 2002.

    Even though there was no evidence he had personally committed war crimes, the CBSA argued he was nonetheless to blame. As a long-time senior officer of a police force that engaged in abuses that were “disproportionate and routinely committed throughout the country with impunity” he was found responsible.

    “By virtue of his membership and activity with the Force, he shared in its common purpose or objectives and was therefore complicit in the commission of crimes against humanity,” according to the Federal Court ruling on his case.

    “That's pretty harsh,” responded Mr. Sriskanda, the lawyer. “That means any police officer from Sri Lanka cannot even apply for a visitor's visa. They are excluded for all purposes under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.”

    Mr. Kasturiarachchi's last hope for remaining in Canada is a letter that is being sent to Public Safety Minister Stock-well Day. “As there is no personal allegation against him, I think that the Minister will give him an exception,” Mr. Sriskanda said.

    But Ms. Pape, the CBSA spokeswoman, said the agency “intends to remove Mr. Kasturiarachchi from Canada based on his complicity in crimes against humanity com
  • Sign of the Times

    Sri Lanka's war might be an 'internal' conflict, but it has long had plenty of international participants, with the state enjoying the active of support of both regional and international allies in its efforts to destroy the Tamil rebellion against Sinhala hegemony. In the past thirty years, the Sri Lankan armed forces have been able to inflict unspeakable atrocities on the Tamil people with little more, in effect, than occasional murmurs of discomfort from the international community. The anti-Tamil pogroms of the first three decades since independence gave way, once the Tamil militants emerged in the early eighties, to massacres,

    extrajudicial killings, torture and rape of Tamils by the Sinhala military. Once the militants established liberated zones where the Sinhala government's bloody writ no longer ran, blockades and indiscriminate bombardment became a norm. The relationship between Tamils and the state, long defined by inexorably deepening Sinhala racism and exclusion, thus became one of violence: oppression by the state and resistance by the Tamils.

    Whilst this is the lived experience of the island's Tamils - a third of whom have been driven from their homes, either internally displaced or refugees abroad, by the state military - the international community insists on a different interpretation of the dynamics. It is not oppression, but merely poor governance, they say. Ethnic tensions stem not from state-institutionalized racism, but underdevelopment and competition for resources. So whilst the international community accepts the Tamils have 'grievances', there is a different view of what these are. In other words, there is, crucially, a different take on what the root causes of this conflict are. This difference will have profound implications for Sri Lanka. As it has done for the past so many years, it will continue to perpetuate and intensify the conflict. This is because international policy prescriptions and actions will, instead of attenuating tensions and creating the conditions for ethnic equality and thus peace, instead continue to support Sinhala dominance and oppression which will, in turn, fuel Tamil resistance. Sri Lanka is far from the cataclysmic violence of Iraq. But there is no reason to assume the present cyclical dynamics, boosted by international action, will not eventually take the island there.

    Amid a view that sees underdevelopment, rather than state racism as fuelling ethnic tensions, the international solution is inevitably more development and, therefore support for the Sri Lankan state. This approach automatically defines the Liberation Tigers simply as a security problem, an obstacle to development and thus to peace. This thinking - the security-development nexus - has emerged in the past few years as an operating principle of Western intervention in third world conflict zones. The Sinhala state has exploited this theory to enlist the international community's support in crushing the Tamil rebellion and consolidating its hegemonic project - for example in colonizing the Tamil homeland (in the guise of 'development') and greater repression of the Tamil community (in the cause of establishing 'security').
    Moreover, today, the conflict in Sri Lanka has been misrepresented as simply one of extreme and unbridgeable demands - the Sinhala ultra-nationalists insisting on a unitary state on the one hand and the LTTE demanding an independent state on the other. But the cry for Eelam came well before the LTTE's armed struggle. It emerged in the mid-seventies under the electoral banner of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), which swept the Northeast in the 1977 elections on a vow to pursue Tamil independence. Crucially, the demand for Eelam emerged (by way of an initial demand for federal self-rule) in response to the very reasons it, and support for the armed struggle, have intensified since: deepening Sinhala oppression and escalating state violence.

    International policy

    Earlier this week the outgoing British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, Dominick Chilcott, explicitly set out the international community's present stance on Sri Lanka. The Sinhala state is not racist, but simply needs to do more to protect human rights, he said. Britain will "help the Sri Lankan government find the way forward to peace and development." Crucially, he stated, there is no need for the Sri Lankan state to negotiate with the LTTE. Instead, it must work with Tamil 'moderates'. By moderates he means the paramilitaries who have been collaborating with the Sinhala state's oppression and the politicians who, after the LTTE is destroyed, will be compelled to accept whatever the Sinhala state tosses their way.
    Mr. Chilcott suggested Britain's experience in Northern Ireland had bearing on Sri Lanka's conflict. But it should be recalled that the IRA's struggle was against British rule, (not the Loyalist community). In other words, what is today called the Northern Ireland 'peace process' is actually negotiations within the region which began after the core issue - the end of British rule - had been agreed in principle. Those familiar with Northern Ireland also know full well the role of the British state in pressuring the recalcitrant Loyalists into going along with this decision. Lessons for the Tamils, certainly, but not those Mr. Chilcott intends.
    Last month twenty five thousand British Tamils joined the rest of their community around the world in remembering those who have fallen in the Tamil liberation struggle. They did so despite widespread fear and terror (characteristics, incidentally, which Mr. Chilcott attributed to the LTTE's rule) stemming from the British state's banning of expressions of support for the LTTE. Their protest underlines the groundswell of Tamil support for self-rule, for independence. This insistence for Eelam is not some romantic whim, but a longstanding expression of rejection of Sinhala rule. Moreover, the LTTE is not the architect of this demand, but has, perhaps inevitably, become the vehicle for its delivery.

    The Sri Lankan state will draw encouragement from the reiterated British support and intensify its war against the LTTE. Like Mr. Chilcott, we will not speculate on military matters, but note that there will either be a just peace or none at all.We can safely predict the intensification of Sinhala domineering and racism in the coming years. Confident the Tamil rebellion can be crushed, the Sri Lankan state will destroy the vestiges of communal amity and polarize the island's communities, ironically laying the ground for furtherance of the LTTE's project. Indeed, the greater the state's efforts to secure a military project, the further away from communal harmony the island will slide. As for the violence, it will not simply end. As Mr. Chilcott himself pointed out, "even if the LTTE are badly beaten, the conflict will continue in a different guise." A glance around the world's present hotspots indicates Sri Lanka's future.

    In the meantime, it is a pity that Mr. Chilcott had nothing charitable to say last week about the hundreds of thousands of Tamils who have settled in UK and count themselves British citizens. Their High Commissioner spoke only of law and order problems, of asylum problems, of overstayed visas. He could have talked about the massive contribution British Tamils make to the UK's National Health Service, about the community's economic successes and its unique contribution to multicultural Britain. It is possibly a reflection of the amity between the Sinhala state and Britain that such matters were not worthy of his mention.

  • Sri Lanka builds police station on LTTE cemetery
    Sri Lankan authorities have razed a Tamil Tiger cemetery in the island’s east and built a police station on it, international ceasefire monitors said in a recent report.
     
    The Thandiyaday cemetery, in which large numbers of LTTE cadres, including Mr. E. Kaushalyan, the popular political head of the LTTE in Batticaloa-Amparai district, who was killed by Army-backed paramilitaries whilst traveling through government-controlled territory during the peace process in 2005, has been razed.
     
    The Tharavai war heroes’ cemetery, the largest in the east, was destroyed by the Sri Lankan military in June this year.
     
    The Thandiyadi war heroes’ cemetery, the second largest in the east, located in the middle of civilian settlement, was also bulldozed without any trace.
     
    A camp of the police Special Task Force (STF) has been setup on the grounds of Thaa'ndiyadi war cemetery and the commandos there have instructed the people not to use the traditional village name, Thaa'ndiyadi, which means the locality of Thaan'ri (Terminalia bellerica) trees.
     
    The civilians were told that their village was renamed to "Suniththapura," in Sinhala. Only the letters with the Sinhala name would be allowed to reach them, they were told.
     
    Following operations to capture territory from the LTTE in the island’s east, the Sri Lankan military has bull dozed at least three more cemeteries in each of the three districts there - Kandaly cemetery in Vaharai, Battlicaloa and the Kanchikudichcharu Cemetery in Amparai this year and the Alankernikulam Cemetery in Sampur, Trincomalee last year.
     
    At least one other LTTE cemetery has been razed, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) said.
     
    “The SLMM discovered that desecration of the LTTE cemeteries, located partly on state-owned land, has taken place,” the monitors said in their weekly report.
     
    “A police station has been built where the Thandiyaday cemetery was located, west of Batticaloa.”
     
    “In Pattipala, also west of Batticaloa, an LTTE cemetery has been tampered with, and all markings of the graves removed,” the SLMM also said.
     
    An official at the Secretratiat of Tamileelam War Heroes officials in LTTE-controlled Vanni said they have preserved precise location of every burial site, which would enable them to re-erect the cemeteries in future.
     
    "Throughout the history of the ethnic conflict in this island the LTTE has always respected the symbols of the dead of the enemy. In total disregard to this custom throughout the world, the Sri Lankan military has made the destruction of the war heroes’ cemeteries of the Tamils into one of its tradition," the official told reporters.
     
    Amongst the LTTE officials buried in the Thandiyaday cemetery was Mr. E. Kausalyan, the head of the LTTE’s political division for Batticaloa-Amparai district who was killed in an ambush on their vehicle between the Sri Lanka Army camps at Welikanda and Punanai, northwest of Battialoa in February 2005.
     
    Several other LTTE political cadres and a former Tamil parliamentarian traveling in the van were gunned down, reportedly at point blank range by Army-backed paramilitaries who intercepted the group’s van.
     
    Mr. Kausalyan, then the most senior LTTE official to be killed after the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE signed a cease fire in February 2002, was hailed for his tireless efforts to build harmony between Tamil and Muslim communities in the east.
     
    The UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, condemned the killing of Mr. Kausalyan and his colleagues.
     
    The group was traveling back to the east under Sri Lankan police escort after meetings in Vanni to discuss the plans for rehabilitation in the east in the wake of the Indian Ocean tsunami, two months earlier. None of the policemen were harmed by the attackers.
     
    The Sri Lankan military has regularly desecrated the graves of LTTE fighters when it captures territory.
     
    The Kandaly War Heroes’ Cemetery in Vaharai was bulldozed into the sea in Feb 2007.
     
    The LTTE cemetery in Kanchikudichcharu - Amparai was destroyed earlier in 2007
     
    The LTTE cemetery in Alankernikulam – Sampur - Trincomalee was destroyed 2006
     
    The LTTE cemetery in Ellankulam –Vadamaradchi - Jaffna was destroyed in 1996
     
    The massive LTTE cemetery in Kodigamam - Jaffna was flattened with tractors 1996
     
    Similarly, the Velanai-Chaaddi - Jaffna was destroyed 1995.
     
    The Kopay - Jaffna Maveerar cemetery was also flattened with tractors in 1995.
     
     
  • India's fingers crossed as Rajapakse begins third year
    As Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse begins his third year in office, India is desperately hoping that he will unveil a credible power sharing package to end one of the world's most protracted conflicts.
     
    After two years of escalating violence and many political twists and turns, the optimism in New Delhi seems to be slowly ebbing away vis-a-vis an early negotiated solution.
     
    Although Rajapakse chose India as his first destination after narrowly winning the Nov 17, 2005, presidential election and has visited New Delhi four times, the Sri Lankan leader is not revealing his cards to the Indian leadership.
     
    The belief is that Colombo understands the seriousness of New Delhi's repeated urgings not to harp on a military solution even as it wins some battles against the Tamil Tigers and not to lose sight of the larger Tamil issues.
     
    As a consequence, India remains firmly supportive of Norway's role as a facilitator in the war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the government.
     
    IANS learns that Norway's special envoy to Sri Lanka, Jon Hannsen-Bauer, may visit Colombo in early 2008 to try to take forward a peace process hit hard after the violence of the past two years that has killed thousands.
     
    The intended visit has taken added importance after a dramatic spurt in tit-for-tat attacks.
     
    On Oct 21, the LTTE dealt a stinging blow when a suicide squad attacked a Sri Lankan Air Force base in the northcentral district of Anuradhapura destroying 10 jets and damaging 14, some beyond repair.
     
    On Nov 2, the air force hit back, bombing an LTTE base and killing among others the group's political chief S.P. Tamilchelvan, the most high profile LTTE leader to die at the hands of the military.
     
    Amid the bloodshed, India and other countries are banking on a positive outcome from the prolonged deliberations of the All Party Representative Committee (APRC), which has been tasked to come up with a power sharing formula that will be nationally acceptable.
     
    But much of the initial optimism has given way to pessimism. Critics say the ARPC has become a smokescreen for the government not to do anything beyond paying lip service to a negotiated solution to keep donor countries in good humour.
     
    And even as the military prepares for a major push against the LTTE in the north, the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the main opposition United National Party (UNP) are draggers drawn, spiking a possible chance of their coming together to evolve a consensus on devolution of power.
     
    Some here feel that if the APRC fails to come up with a just resolution of the grievances of the minorities, it will only prove that the ethnic conflict cannot be settled from within the island nation.
     
    Sri Lanka has also come under intense attack from domestic and international rights groups and Western countries over the large-scale unaccounted killings as well as disappearances in the country.
     
    N. Manoharan, an Indian scholar on Sri Lanka, says that while Rajapakse has taken some positive measures since coming to power, much of it has been negated by his own actions.
     
    'Convening the APRC was a good move. But then came his own party's (widely criticised) devolution proposals and attempts to sideline the APRC,' Manoharan, from New Delhi's Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, told IANS.
     
    'Another good move by the president was the idea of reviving a bipartisan consensus between the SLFP and the UNP on the ethnic conflict,' he said. 'Again that got negated when the president poached MPs from the UNP.'
     
    Colombo is optimistic that it can bring the LTTE to its knees by attacking the Tiger-held north. But the LTTE is confident of resisting any military challenge. 'So there is no possibility of a negotiated settlement, at least for one or two years,' Manoharan said.
  • Indian academic doubts world’s understanding of LTTE
    In his contribution to a recent publication, 'Sri Lanka: Search for Peace', by the New Delhi based Institute of Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA), Professor P. Sahadevan, chairperson of the Centre for South Asian studies of the Jawaharlal Nehru University questioned the International Community's understanding of the nature and characteristics of the LTTE.
     
    The decision to ban the LTTE by the European Union last year was a political mistake, Sahadevan writes while contending that the international community, playing a mediatory role, is the best bet to bring peace in Sri Lanka.
     
    “Since its limited facilitation role, especially by the Norwegians, has proved to be a total failure, it is essential that the international community significantly expands its role and becomes pro-active by mediating between the parties,” he writes.
     
    Prof. Sahadevan’s take was described in press reports as a “refreshing” and “a clear deviation” from the views of Indian defence analysis establishments and western analysis groups.
     
    Excerpts of Sahadevan's views, cited from the Indo-Asian News Service, follow:
     
    "Since its limited facilitation role, especially by the Norwegians, has proved to be a total failure, it is essential that the international community significantly expands its role and becomes pro-active by mediating between the parties."
     
    "Such an involvement may evoke an internal political resistance which the mainstream democratic forces should be in a position to manage. This requires a bipartisan political approach - the much needed southern consensus on peace making."
     
    "It is doubtful that the international community has developed a correct understanding of the LTTE in terms of its nature and characteristics. It is a complex organisation deeply committed to the cause of Tamil Eelam. Self-sacrifice and vengeance are the ingredients of its ideology. Compromise is hard to expect from the Tiger leadership."
     
    "Pressurising a party in a peace process is acceptable but punishing it will tend to bring about negative results,' he said. 'The EU ban has cost the entire peace process; a total breakdown has now made some of the EU members feel that it was a hasty and avoidable decision."
     
    One of the main reasons why the leverage of powerful countries over the LTTE was not working was the "unequal application of international pressure, meaning that the LTTE is coerced while the Sri Lankan government is spared."
     
    "For leverage to become credible and workable, the international community has to target at both the combatants without tilting in position in favour of one or against another."
     
  • A requiem by Karuna: the death of sub-regionalism?
    Vakarai division, largely jungle tracts crisscrossed with 14 or so villages and little hamlets, situated along the northern border of Batticaloa District. The people of Vakarai are engaged in subsistence farming and fishing, with a small element of those who are traditionally hunter-gatherers.
     
    It was somewhere in December 1995; I was in the middle of conducting a meeting at a village called Paalchenai, in Vakarai, when suddenly a visibly distraught man from the same area burst into our meeting with a tiny transistor in his hand. “Amma, the army has entered Jaffna town,” he blurted out.
     
    All of us, the Paalchenai villagers and I, exclaimed in horror. We quickly gathered round him to listen to the news of the conclusion of the first leg of the Riviresa operations that captured Jaffna town.
     
    Nationalism
    Whenever I recollect this incident, I cannot help but marvel at the power of the idea of nationalism that is able to mobilise such a diverse group of communities. There are no perceptible common links between the people of Jaffna and Vakarai in terms of class, caste, kinship, education, traditions or any of the generally referred to classifications based on primarily economic and cultural interests.
     
    Both people would most probably have never visited each others’ localities. Yet, there in Vakarai, we saw them join on the basis of a nationality that was under threat of extinction.
    But then, mobilising as a nation does not preclude the function of other smaller contradictions within. Take village-based loyalties for instance. This is extremely strong in Batticaloa District, so much so that they invariably change in to hostilities between contending villages.
     
    Village-based loyalties
    The continuing animosities between the adjacent villages of Vantharumoolai and Sittandy, Santhiveli and Kiran, and, Karuwakkerni and Sungankerni, Kinnaiyadi are cases in point.
    Conflicts often erupt during temple festivals between inhabitants of the two villages in question over issues of protocols provided for the various clans and other matters. This polarisation is apparent even within organisations and armed groups such as the LTTE. These parochial differences are emphasised and dug up when needed to mobilise support for one-self, win positions of power or compete for resources.
     
    Similarly, regional sentiments against Jaffna were triggered amongst the Batticaloa middle class, which was reacting to the preponderance of Jaffna Tamils in government positions and also within the bigger trading establishments in the district.
     
    It was ironic that almost everyone who led the anti-Jaffna agitation at that time was from the second generation of Jaffna Tamils settled in Batticaloa. Whatever the social forces at play at its origins, today this situation has been equalised to a great extent.
     
    Jaffna bogey
    Almost all the government officers in the district are locals, and the Jaffna trading establishments have dwindled to only a handful. However, the Jaffna bogey is resuscitated every time the need arises for restricting competition, such as filling vacancies within the Eastern University or gaining recognition as community leaders.
     
    In these situations the antecedents of possible competitors are aired, debated and used effectively to cancel them out in the first round itself.
     
    That is what Karuna did when he felt the need to consolidate unbridled power for himself within the LTTE. He wanted all supervision and control from the north off his back, for which purpose he conveniently used the Jaffna bogey. His claim was that Batticaloa cadres were sacrificing their lives to protect Jaffna.
     
    It is not my intention here to undermine in any way the contribution of Batticaloa cadres within the LTTE. But if at all a study could be conducted to ascertain the percentage of cadres within the LTTE in proportion to the populations of Jaffna, Batticaloa and the Wanni, other interesting facts may emerge.
     
    One guess is that the plantation community that settled in the Wanni during the late 1970s and early 1980s in the aftermath of the communal violence in the South might easily score highest.
     
    End of Karuna
    Be that as it may, Karuna’s emotive claim prompted the hierarchy to dispatch him as supreme commander of the Batticaloa-Ampara region with autonomous political, military and financial powers, back in 1999.
     
    The principle underlying this strategy was that Jaffna and Batticaloa each would manage and advance its own army in its own area. Perhaps this move may be termed as the beginning of the end of Karuna, for it was to lead to his ruin.
     
    He amassed huge personal fortune through indiscriminate taxation on farmers, fishermen, traders and liquor dealers; and ensured a percentage cut off every village infrastructure development project in the district.
     
    While the northern command was still engaged in merely exhorting potential recruits and trying to impose regulations for their compulsory services to the LTTE, he introduced the method of blatantly forced abductions.
     
    Mysterious deaths occurred of a few of his insiders who had been identified by the people as being fair minded. Tactics of public relations changed whereby the people were intimidated and suffered extreme humiliation at the hands of his boys. They were so cocky in their boast that there was no appeal beyond Karuna Amman.
     
    Benefiting Kiran
    Although he styled himself as the undisputed leader of the Batticaloa Tamils, it looked like he was concerned only about his own village, Kiran. As they say in Tamil, “A full sized donkey wasting down to become a tiny red ant.”
     
    Any government or NGO programme had to benefit Kiran first, no questions asked. A 100 housing project approved for a village called Settiyaar Kudiyiruppu was ordered by Karuna to be transferred to beneficiaries in Kiran.
     
    The education community from Santhiveli had lobbied hard to obtain a much-needed additional building for their school. Karuna arbitrarily decided that this had to be built for Kiran School instead, despite the lack of a real need.
     
    In addition to all this, a ‘modernising’ Kiran project was also underway. He wanted to bring down houses and temples in an attempt to re-route the Batticaloa Colombo main road through Kiran.
     
    Drunk with power
    It is said that when a president of the board of trustees of one of the temples objected to this plan citing that he as the head of the temple had a responsibility to protect it, Karuna had curtly replied through the mobile phone of one of his assistants, “He may be head of the temple but I am the head of Tamil Eelam.” He was so drunk with power.
     
    Due to lack of contacts with rural Batticaloa, the professionals and intellectuals living within Batticaloa town were to a large extent ignorant of the highhanded approaches employed by Karuna, and the gradual ‘Kiranification’ of his original Batticaloa vision.
     
    Therefore, when he declared his independence from the mainstream LTTE in March 2004, there was an initial jubilation amongst them, which began to taper only when the reality of his necessary collaboration with the army sank in.
     
    Naturally, Batticaloa is not a terrain which can be held on its own. The battle for real estate was in the north, and it transpired that even to secure Batticaloa District, the cadres of Batticaloa had to fight in the north after all.
     
    Desecration
    If we say that the Military Intelligence tripped a falling Karuna into a coffin, the Sri Lanka Army drove the final nail. As soon as areas of east were captured, they mowed down hundreds of tombs of LTTE cadres both in Vakarai and in Tharavai. These graves were of the sons and daughters of Batticaloa who had fought along with Karuna, for the liberation of their people.
    Even as he was instrumental in helping the army to capture the district, Karuna appeared powerless to prevent this desecration. All his tough talk (remember his Derana interview?) and his boast of being able to bring development to Batticaloa ended right there. He was finished. Karuna sang his own requiem.
     
    Therefore, the purported expelling of Karuna from his party, Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP) in early October is a mere ritual of a fact that had concluded some time ago.
     
    The only Leader
    Pillaiyan, his deputy who has replaced him, is now busy calling traders, NGOs and others in the districts of Batticaloa and Trincomalee for meetings to explain the present status quo.
     
    “Karuna embezzled money within TMVP. That is the reason for which Thalaivar (Leader) also had to sack him before,” he is reported to have said.
     
    Thalaivar? But is that not the term LTTE cadres and other supporters use for Prabhakaran? On being asked for clarifications, he is supposed to have stated, “Then and now and always he is the only Leader (Ore Thalaivar).”
     
    I have always marvelled at the power of the idea of nationalism.
  • No safety for aid workers in Sri Lanka
    The contrast is stark. A little more than a year ago Action Contre la Faim (ACF), a French charity, was one of the biggest relief agencies in Sri Lanka’s war-torn north and east with 200 employees on its rolls. Today there are only nine.
     
    ACF operated in four districts in the Tamil-dominated conflict areas: Jaffna, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara, but is now reduced to just an office in the capital city.
     
    Everything changed for ACF on Aug. 4, 2006 when 17 of its local staff, working at its sub-office in Muttur town, Trincomalee, were ‘executed’ with bullets in the back of their heads in the charity's premises.
     
    They were caught in a battle for control over the coastal town between Sri Lankan government troops and the militant Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
     
    Eye witnesses, who recovered the bodies three days after the massacre, said that the men, all ethnic Tamils, appeared to have been lined up outside the office and shot at close range.
     
    The murders are the worst single attack against aid workers since 23 U.N. employees were killed in Baghdad in August 2003.
     
    ACF was forced to close down all its district offices and only operate from Colombo soon after the murders. Though it did return to Batticaloa earlier this year, its office there had to be closed down due to security reasons.
     
    "We have pulled out of Batticaloa for various reasons, security being one of them. The prevalent situation would not have allowed us to properly implement new programmes in resettlement areas," ACF country head for Sri Lanka Loan Tran-Thanh told IPS.
     
    The situation is such that ACF has no immediate plans to return to areas of former operations or increase staff strength.
     
    "Rights now there is no decision to move back into these areas. We are based in Colombo and following the judicial process (of the investigation) and the humanitarian situation in the country," Tran-Thanh said.
     
    Investigations into the murders, including one by a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (CoI), assisted by a group of international eminent persons, have progressed painfully slow.
     
    No suspects have been arrested or identified despite wide international condemnation.
     
    "Despite the serious nature of these crimes and their repercussions, insufficient attempts have been made to hold the perpetrators accountable,” United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon said in a recent report on protection of civilians in armed conflict.
     
    “In Sri Lanka, there is still little progress in the work of the government-established commission investigating human rights abuses, including the murders of 17 staff of ACF who were killed in a single, abhorrent act in August 2006," he said.
     
    The International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP), headed by former Indian chief justice P.N Bhagwati that is assisting the presidential commission, has criticised the slow pace of the investigation.
     
    "The IIGEP remains concerned about the speed of the Commission’s investigation process. The first investigation into the ACF case commenced on May 14. Since that time only a few witnesses have been examined," it said in its latest public report.
     
    Critics of the investigations also say that none of the civilians present in Muttur at the time of the massacre has been interviewed and that the lack of a witnesses protection programme has also prevented anyone from coming forward to give evidence.
     
    Some witnesses who have been interviewed by the CoI were in fact threatened.
     
    Rights activists in Colombo see the massacre as part of a wider deterioration in the rights environment in the country since December 2006.
     
    The Law Society Trust (LST), a Colombo-based advocacy forum, says that in the first seven months of this year 662 persons have been killed and 540 disappeared.
     
    LST counts nine local aid workers among the disappeared and said the total worked out to five victims per day in the first eight months of 2007.
     
    The Colombo-based Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies said as of August over 30 local aid workers have been killed since January 2006.
     
    "This is a continuing trend where we have seen abuses taking placing and no one held accountable. There needs to be some new mechanism for the situation to change, the continuation of the status quo will not help in any way," LST’s Rukshan Fernando told IPS.
     
    LST analyses show that majority of the victims were young men from the Tamil minority in the northern Jaffna peninsula.
     
    While most of the disappeared (84 percent) and killed (78 percent) were Tamils, LST data found that one in every five abductees was a young male from Jaffna.
     
    "That itself should tell us something,’’ Fernando said.
     
    Agencies which have seen local staff members fall victim to the rising wave of violence agree with Fernando that they had become victims of an environment of impunity. Last week an employee working with Halo Trust, a demining agency, was shot and killed in Jaffna.
     
    "I think young men are a target here, much more than demining agencies," Steen Wetlesen, country manager for the Danish Demining Group, told IPS when one its own staff members was shot and killed in Jaffna in August.
     
    In that incident the victim appeared to be specifically targeted by the assailants as he was riding on a motorcycle with a colleague. The colleague escaped with injuries and two others traveling on another motorbike were not harmed. The gunmen had fired and chased after the victim and shot him.
     
    Even U.N. agencies have felt the dangers created by an environment of animosity against relief agencies, especially in the south of the country.
     
    "The accusations levelled against UNICEF and its staff could seriously compromise our ability to carry out our work, and could endanger our safety and security," UNICEF said this month soon after a nationalist parliamentarian accused it of aiding the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO).
     
    TRO funds were frozen in the United States this month over charges that it was a front for the LTTE, which is banned in that country as a terrorist organisation.
     
    For the situation to change and for crimes like the ACF murders to be properly investigated, activists like Fernando say a drastic change, far more radical than anything the country’s human rights bodies have seen in the past, is required.
     
    "One year after the appointment of the CoI and with an extension of another year, there is no tangible improvement in the human rights situation in Sri Lanka," Bhavani Fonseka of the Centre for Policy Alternatives said.
     
    “If anything there is an increase in the number and nature of violations, with limited progress in investigations, indictments and convictions exacerbating the prevailing culture of impunity.”
     
    The imperative change, according to Fernando, is the setting up of an international human rights mechanism in the country with a powerful mandate. "Past experience shows that local bodies are insufficient and inadequate."
     
    President Mahinda Rajapakse’s nationalist government has, however, shut the door to any international intervention in the monitoring of human rights. It has repeatedly denied that its security forces are involved in human rights abuses and said it is only looking for technical assistance and capacity building from international bodies.
     
    John Holmes, U.N. under-secretary general for humanitarian affairs, during a visit to Sri Lanka, in August, said there is concern about the safety of humanitarian workers and that ''the record here is one of the worst in the world from that point of view''.
  • Iran to supply cheap oil and fund Sri Lankan arms buys
    Sri Lanka’s hardline government has approached Iran for a loan to replace aircraft destroyed by the Tamil Tigers in a daring raid last month. Colombo is also asking Tehran for the supply of oil and gas at concessional rates on credit, the reports said.
     
    These requests are expected to be followed up personally by President Rajapakse during a planned visit to Iran shortly.
     
    Iran supplied $150m worth of arms to Sri Lanka in 2005, barely weeks after the Indian Ocean tsunami devastated the island.
     
    Indian security analyst B Raman, a former additional secretary to the Government of India, writing for the South Asia Analysis Group (SAAG) said last week Sri Lanka has requested Iran, through a Malaysian Muslim of Indian or Sri Lankan origin for an urgent loan at low interest.
     
    The loan is to enable Colombo to purchase trainer and electronic surveillance aircraft and unmanned aerial vehicles in replacement of those lost during the recent ground-cum-air attack launched by the LTTE on the Anuradhapura air force base, he said.
     
    The report also said the Sri Lankan government has also requested Iran for the supply of oil and gas at concessional rates on credit.
     
    According to the report, the Malaysian Muslim, who is acting as the intermediary, is a close personal friend of A. Q. Khan, the Pakistani nuclear scientist, and had come into contact with key Iranian officials in the past through A. Q. Khan.
     
    In October this year, the Sri Lankan government extended its support for Iran’s ambitions to acquire nuclear technology.
     
    The Islamic republic of Iran, labeled by US president George Bush as part of ‘an axis of evil’ is under intense pressure from US and European Union over its controversial nuclear programme.
     
    The US and the EU believe that the Iran, a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), is working towards developing nuclear weapons.
     
    The US has seemed to threatened military action against Iran.
     
    However, interestingly, Muhammad Zuhair, Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Iran speaking to media in October this year dismissed rumors of a possible US attack against Iran and declared that the United Nations conventions allow Iran to conduct nuclear researches.
     
    Ambassador Zuhair added that the Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse’s meeting with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the sideline of the UN General Assembly in New York that month would pave the way for the further expansion of Iran-Sri Lanka ties.
     
    At the time Zuhair also said that Sri Lanka opposed imposing any new sanctions against Iran. However, the US introduced further sanctions against Iran in November.
     
    This is the second time Sri Lanka has turned to Iran for beef up its military capability. In January 2005, the Sunday Times newspaper reported the purchase of USD 150 million of arms from Iran.
     
    "Sri Lanka will procure military hardware and oil on concessionary terms. The deal is said to be worth over US $ 150 million," the Sunday Times reported at the time.
     
    "The delegation is to take a look at the wide variety of military hardware available. The Army has identified its requirements after a delegation visited Iran earlier. The Navy and the Air Force will check on requirements. Thereafter the tri services procurements are to be incorporated in an agreement," the paper reported.
     
    "This is the first time the Government is turning to Iran for procuring a broader variety of military hardware on a government-to-government basis. A similar deal was finalised last month with China," the paper pointed out at the time.
     
    The first arms deal with Iran was agreed when then president Kumaratunga visited Iran in November 2004.
     
    The first arms deal between Iran and Sri Lanka was finalized when the then Sri Lankan president Chandrika Kumaratunga visited Iran in November 2004.
     
    According Sri Lankan government sources President Mahinda Rajapakse is most likely visit Iran after the Commonwealth Heads of State and Government summit in Kampala, Uganda from November 23 to 25.
     
    There were earlier reports in Sri Lanka that the US had requested President Rajapaksa not to travel to Iran.
     
    However, Sri Lankan officials making clear their displeasure at the West for turning the heat on Colombo over rampant Human Rights abuses were quoted as saying: “We know our bread is from the East and that is the new reality.”
     
    China, Pakistan and now Iran are amongst the biggest arms suppliers to Sri Lanka. The United States, Britain, Israel and India are amongst the others.
     
    According to the Sunday Times the government sources they spoke to said that though there was a lot of thunder from the West there was very little rain.
     
    In aid terms US gives about $5 million per year to Sri Lanka, while the EU extended about Euro 129 million for four years and Britain had given less than two million pounds per year. In comparison Japan gave about $900 million, China $600 million and India $250 million per year.
     
    The US embassy told the newspaper that it “does not discuss private exchanges with other governments, including with our friends. However, our concerns about Iran are well known and with any sovereign government Sri Lanka will make its own decisions about how to conduct its foreign affairs.”
     
    Meanwhile, SAAG also reported that Sri Lanka has also requested Pakistan for the replacement of the unmanned aerial vehicles destroyed by the LTTE. Some of the craft lost last month had been given in the past by Pakistan and some others by Israel.
     
    Colombo has also requested China urgently for the latest radar and other air defence equipment, SAAG said.
     
    Pakistani Commandoes from its Special Services Group (SSG) have been training Sri Lankan Commandoes and some anti-LTTE Tamils in secret training camps in Southern Sri Lanka as a prelude to the expected military offensive in the Vanni region in the north, SAAG also reported.
     
    Some of the Sri Lankan commandoes had also been to Pakistan for training in the SSG training institutions.
     
    The Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF), with the help of Pakistani and Ukrainian pilots, has stepped up its efforts for a decapitation strike to kill LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirapaharan, SAAG also said.
     
    “A monitoring station to locate the hide-out of Prabakaran has been set up at an unidentified location in the Eastern Province with the help of Pakistan's Directorate of Military Intelligence (DGMI) to identify [his] location,” the report said.
     
    In an interview to the "Sunday Observer" of November 11, 2007, the SLAF Commander Air Marshal Roshan Goonatilleke said that “it was not a difficult task for the SLAF to get at [the LTTE leader] as he was confined to a very limited area.”
     
  • War budget amid deepening economic crisis
    Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse, who also holds the finance portfolio, presented what can only be described as a war budget to parliament on November 7. (It was passed on Nov 19with a comfortable majority). Announcing a record allocation on defence spending, he insisted that “protecting the motherland” took priority over other areas of government spending.
     
    Rajapakse is directly responsible for plunging the island back to civil war. Tensions immediately began to rise after his narrow victory in the November 2005 presidential election, followed by open military offensives after July 2006.
     
    In his budget speech, the president openly boasted of “rescuing the entire eastern province, including areas that were in the control of terrorists consequent to the so-called ceasefire agreement through a successful humanitarian operation”.
     
    The use of the term “so-called” underscores Rajapakse’s contempt for the 2002 ceasefire agreement signed by the United National Party-led government with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). As for “humanitarian”; the military’s offensives in the East have killed hundreds of civilians and driven tens of thousands more from their homes.
     
    Rajapakse has made absolutely clear that his government intends to wage an all-out war to destroy the LTTE. Seizing on one of the LTTE’s few counterattacks, a raid last month on the Anuradhapura air force camp, he declared: “They [LTTE] will never be ready to surrender arms and agree to a democratic political solution ... we have no alternative but to completely eradicate terrorism.”
     
    To wage this war, Rajapakse has increased the military budget for 2008 by another 20 percent to 166 billion rupees ($US1.5 billion). Since Rajapakse won office, the defence allocation has risen by a massive 265 percent and now constitutes 16 percent of total government expenditure.
     
    Daily spending on the military is $US4 million, in a country where much of the population is surviving on less than $1 a day.
     
    In his budget speech, the president said: “The priority that has been accorded to protect our motherland should not be compromised to any challenge.” Defence spending is now one and a half times the total spending on public health and education.
     
    On the same day as the budget speech, the armed forces launched a new offensive in a bid to capture LTTE territory in the northern Wanni region. Despite being supported by tanks and helicopter gunships, the government troops were driven back in heavy fighting. Official figures put the army’s losses at 11 dead and 41 injured, but the actual figures may have been far higher.
     
    In all likelihood, the operation was cynically pre-planned to underscore the budget message. The “Political Column” in last weekend’s Sunday Times noted: “Even before the offensive was launched, posters urging the public to forget their mouths and stomachs when troops were on the doorsteps of Wanni appeared in part of the City [Colombo].”
     
    The Rajapakse government is well aware of the mounting public hostility to the war and the resulting economic burdens. While rising world commodity prices, particularly for oil, are certainly a factor, huge increases in defence spending have contributed to soaring inflation that has hit working people hard.
     
    Rajapakse offered a number of cosmetic measures aimed at the deflecting popular anger, but the overall thrust of the budget will deepen the country’s economic and social crisis.
     
    An economic columnist for the Sunday Times commented: “The huge war expenditure has been one of the serious financial and balance of payments problems for the country. This is quite apart from the consequences of the war on the economy and the undeniable fact that it is a serious check and constraint on the growth of the economy. The expenditure on hardware and the armed services has had a serious direct damaging impact on the economy in many ways.”
     
    The article pointed out that expenditure on the war had contributed to a public debt of 2,607 billion rupees, greater than the country’s GDP. The largest allocation in the budget—373 billion rupees—is for debt servicing.
     
    The government has borrowed another $US500 million on international financial markets at high interest rates that will further increase the debt burden.
     
    Sections of the corporate elite are deeply concerned about the economic impact of the war. The Business for Peace Alliance, a grouping of business chambers, commented: “[The] increase in defence expenditure implies that there will be cutbacks in large-scale investment projects. With the rate of inflation at an unbearable level, such increased expenditure on non-constructive sectors will have a negative impact on the economy.”
     
    Inflation has reached to its highest level in 17 years. For the month of October, annualised inflation was 17.7 percent by the Colombo Consumer Price Index and 22 percent by the Sri Lanka Price Index.
     
    Cutbacks in government subsidies have resulted in huge price increases for essential items: a kilogram of flour rose from 39 rupees in January to 65 rupees in September and a popular brand of milk powder increased from 140 rupees in January to 250 rupees in October.
     
    Further fuelling inflation, the government has resorted to running the printing presses to cope with the lack of money in the treasury. In 2006, the Central Bank printed 24.8 billion rupees worth of paper money. In the first quarter of 2007, it printed another 15.9 billion rupees.
     
    The Rajapakse government has repeatedly rejected the demands of striking workers for pay rises to cope with inflation. Government ministers declared there was no money and accused workers of sabotaging the war effort.
     
    In a bid to quell growing anger, Rajapakse announced a limited 375-rupee cost of living increase to monthly wages in January and another six months later. These will quickly be wiped out by skyrocketing prices, as will various small subsidies for the poor.
     
    The president also promised to provide jobs for 15,000 graduates, but offered no details. Last year he announced that the government would provide 10,000 jobs for graduates but only 2,088 were employed.
     
    In the past two months, police have broken up protest marches by unemployed graduates demanding jobs. While Rajapakse boasted that unemployment was now just 6.5 percent, the jobless rate for young people 15-29 years old is 19 percent, forcing many to join the army.
     
    Taxes have been increased substantially.
     
    Economic analyst Harsha de Silva commented in the Daily Mirror: “The only certainty in the budget for 2008 is that it will add further burdens on the people of this country who are already reeling under 22 percent island-wide inflation. The revenue estimates indicate that the total tax on goods and services will increase by a massive 25 percent in 2008. It is no secret that such consumption tax increases will hurt the poor more than the rich.”
     
    Hoping to capitalise on widespread discontent, the opposition United National Party (UNP) declared that it will oppose the budget. For the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), however, the budget created an awkward political dilemma. While demanding an intensification of the war against the LTTE, JVP also postures as a defender of workers and the poor. (On Nov 19 the UNP and JVP both opposed the budget).
     
    JVP leaders responded to the budget with bluster and noisy criticisms. JVP MP Wasantha Samarasinghe declared the party would “bring private sector workers to the streets” because the government had not directed employers to increase wages. Another JVP MP, Lal Kantha, leader of the party’s National Trade Union Centre (NTUC), has warned of strikes and protests.
     
    Parliamentary leader Wimal Weerawansa told Rivira that the JVP was not satisfied with the budget because of rising inflation and tax burdens. In the same breath, however, he declared that the “party’s decision on the budget will depend on the political issues that have emerged in the country, the war that security forces are waging against separatist terrorists”.
     
    He added: “There is no question over the increase of defence expenditure.”
     
    Whatever the immediate outcome of the budget debate, the escalation of the island’s war and its economic burdens are setting the stage for explosive social struggles.
  • The ultimate form of ‘Right to Protect’ is self rule
    For a long time now, many Tamils have been puzzled as to why the international community, specifically powerful Western liberal states, continue to support the Sri Lankan government despite its racist and oppressive policies and its genocidal actions against the Tamil people.
     
    Reasons put forward on behalf of various members of the international community have ranged from needing stability in Sri Lanka given its strategic location, to requiring access to the island’s natural deep water harbor in Trincomalee, to supporting stability in the global economy.
     
    However, none of these are actually significant enough to justify the disproportionate international focus and support Sri Lanka has received in recent years.
     
    In today’s geopolitical context Sri Lanka’s location or Trincomalee harbor does not provide a strategic advantage for any of the great powers. Similarly, Sri Lanka’s role in the global economy is too small for it to be a key influencing factor.
     
    So, what is it that Sri Lanka has that is attracting international attention? Nothing.  Rather, it is what the international community thinks it has to protect us, the Tamils, that is making, ironically, back the Sri Lankan state.
     
    During the peace process there was talk about Sri Lanka being a test bed for the international community. As many incorrectly believed at the time, the international community was not testing a new model for peace building in Sri Lanka but a new framework for security - for states.
     
    Right to protect
     
    That new framework is called Responsibility to Protect or Right to Protect (R2P).
     
    R2P is described as an evolving concept about the duties of governments generally to prevent and end unconscionable acts of violence against the peoples of the world, wherever they occur.
     
    The R2P principles were first proposed in December 2001 by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) and the Government of Canada in a report titled "The Responsibility to Protect”.
     
    Four years later, at the September 2005 UN World Summit, R2P was adopted by United Nations.
     
    According to R2P, states have a primary responsibility to protect their own populations and the international community has a responsibility to act whenever governments fail to discharge this responsibility.
     
    In other words, when a state manifestly fails to protect its population, the international community is said to share a collective responsibility to respond.
     
    Need for a new concept
     
    The 1990s saw a series of catastrophes instigated by states against their own populations in places like Rwanda and the Balkans.
     
    However, it was evident that the international community, even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, was unprepared to deal with situations like this. States, including great powers, reacted erratically, incompletely, counterproductively or not at all.
     
    However, these states also faced a dilemma as they could no longer watch another Rwanda-style outrage and continue their claim to be the protectors of human rights.
     
    When the genocide in Rwanda occurred the international community did nothing. However, when mass killings seemed likely in Kosovo in 1999, the international community decided to attempt a new tool in its policy box – they called it Humanitarian Intervention.
     
    However humanitarian intervention undermines the concept of sovereignty of the state and thus a foundational principle – at least on paper – of the international system.
     
    A condition of any one state's sovereignty is its corresponding obligation to respect every other state's sovereignty: the norm of non-intervention is enshrined in Article 2.7 of the UN Charter.
     
    A sovereign state is empowered in international law to exercise exclusive and total jurisdiction within its territorial borders.
     
    Other states have the corresponding duty not to intervene in the internal affairs of a sovereign state.
     
    The international community used to see intervention in the domestic affairs of states as harmful and leading to the destabilization of the order of states.
     
    But the new cause of ‘human rights’ actually required intervention i.e. the deliberate, collective breaching of state sovereignty.
     
    The R2P concept was aimed at bridging that contradictory gap.
     
    Support for Sri Lanka
     
    According to International Crisis Group, an influential think tank, the responsibility to protect embraces three specific responsibilities:
    - A. The responsibility to prevent: to address both the root causes and direct causes of internal conflict and other man-made crises putting populations at risk.
    - B. The responsibility to react: to respond to situations of compelling human need with appropriate measures, which may include coercive measures like sanctions and international prosecution, and in extreme cases military intervention.
    - C. The responsibility to rebuild: to provide, particularly after a military intervention, full assistance with recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation, addressing the causes of the harm the intervention was designed to halt or avert.
     
    Thus, with R2P, the key emphasis is on prevention.
     
    R2P does not see conflict prevention as a national or local issue and suggests failure to prevent can have wide international consequences and costs.
     
    However, also according to R2P, preventive measures which do not intrude on sovereignty should be exhausted before intervention is even contemplated.
     
    And the preventive measures prescribed by R2P, unlike humanitarian intervention, actually strengthens the state system by assisting in building the state’s capacity (including military capability), remedying grievances, advancing good governance, promoting human rights, ensuring rule of law, providing development assistance - and even offering inducements for such good behaviour.
     
    After the ceasefire in 2002, Sri Lanka entered into a new phase in its protracted civil war at a time the international community had come up with this new framework and was looking for likely test beds.
     
    If we review the actions of the international community in Sri Lanka since February 2002, we can identify the evidence of R2P thinking very much at work.
     
    For example, the international community led by US, EU, Japan and Norway – the Co-Chairs - took a twin-track approach to address the root causes and direct cause of the internal conflict.
     
    ‘Legitimate Tamil grievances’ were identified as the root cause of the conflict and this was why Sri Lanka was pressured to devolve power to Tamils. (We still hear these being urged, somewhat weakly).
     
    However, the LTTE was identified by the international community as a direct cause of internal conflict and from the word go the Western states sought to ‘remove this direct cause’ by isolating and undermining the organisation.
     
    In contrast to how the LTTE was treated, and as per R2P principles, the Sri Lankan state was radically strengthened.
     
    Under the guise of capacity building the Sinhala-dominated military was rapidly rearmed, thereby quickly destroying the military parity that led to the peace process in the first place.
     
    International funds flowed to the corrupt and racist state in the name of development assistance. (It still, incidentally, continues to do so, albeit in slightly different forms.)
     
    To ensure Sri Lankan state does not go down the route of Serbia, for example, inducements were offered for it to adopt international suggestions for governance reform etc. The Tokyo donor conference pledge of US$ 4.5 billions should be seen in this context.
     
    Essentially, the international community bribed the Sri Lankan state into not behaving in an uncivilized manner. (The Tamils, however, were not given international aid unless they first agreed to behave – by giving up their demand for self-rule!).
     
    Wrong choice
     
    Unfortunately for the international community, they chose a poor test subject in Sri Lanka.
     
    Abby Stoddard in her book ‘Ethnonationalism and the Failed State’ says that a failed state results when the leadership and institutions of the state are weakened and discredited to the point where the state can no longer fulfill its responsibilities or exercise sovereign power over the territory within its borders.
     
    This radically weakening of capacity of the state leads to its classification as a failed state.
     
    It should be remembered that the measures prescribed by R2P to strengthen the state considers only weak or failed states that do not have control over their territories and functions.
     
    Measures to advancement of good governance, encouragement of rule of law and state capacity building will only work if the state infrastructure is weak and the political leaders are unable to execute reforms or prevent mass scale human rights violations.
     
    But Sri Lanka is not a failed state. It is actually a powerful and stable, if racist, state.
     
    The President and the Parliamentary government has the authority and the capacity to impose their will over territory the state controls and the state has firm control over its military.
     
    Thus, and especially when the Sri Lankan state has no manifest interest in liberal values, including the principles of good governance, strengthening it is actually counterproductive.
     
    Indeed, rather than actively working to address the racism that is the root cause of the conflict, the Sri Lanka state is clearly exploiting the military and monetary assistance it is receiving from international backers to advance its genocidal policy.
     
    No Saviour
     
    However, if the Tamils hope that Sri Lanka’s continued intransigence would prompt the international community to switch from ‘right to prevent’ to ‘right to react’ and militarily intervene in Sri Lanka to save us, we would be dead wrong.
     
    Unlike Humanitarian Intervention, R2P recognizes that action by external forces in a country facing internal rebellion or secessionist violence could add momentum or ‘legitimacy’ to those fighting the state - as it has done so in Kosovo.
     
    As a deliberate measure to protect the state system (i.e. prevent new states emerging), R2P proposes that those wanting to help from outside must recognize and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries concerned and confine their efforts to finding solutions within those parameters.
     
    It further adds, even where preventive measures have failed and right to react must be exercised by the international community, the objective should be to not change constitutional arrangements or undermine sovereignty, but to ‘protect’ them.
     
    It is now impossible to pretend that the ‘legitimate grievances’ of the Tamils are not rooted in the Sri Lankan constitution, a self-reinforcing (‘entrenching’) constitution that enshrines Sinhala domination over the Tamils.
     
    However, with the international community set on promoting a framework that protects and reinforces this constitution, Tamils simply cannot hope for a just solution or help from the international community.
     
    Thus if the Tamils hope for saviours to emerge from over Sri Lanka’s borders, they will be bitterly disappointed. This leaves us no choice but to look for our saviours within and not outside.
     
    In other words, for us, the ‘Right to Protect’ must be something we take up for ourselves, in our own interests.
     
    It is called the Right to Self-determination.
  • Terror in militarized east
    Killings, disappearances and abductions of persons persist in the highly militarized environment of Trincomalee and Mutur, while thousands languish in welfare camps seeking adequate food, shelter and protection, the Law and Society Trust (LST) said in a report.
     
    “Despite claims of liberation and reawakening of the East, civilians in Trincomalee live in a highly militarized environment. Despite the heavy presence of security forces, disappearances and killings continue regularly,” the LST said in the report based on a field visit.
     
    Citing the Human Rights Commission (HRC) Trincomalee office, the report noted that abductions and disappearances were reported almost daily with 24 cases in August and 39 in September.
     
    “Many incidents go unreported as no formal complaint is made to the HRC or Police due to fear of reprisals” the report notes while adding that Trincomalee remains heavily militarized and tense with the town deserted after 7 pm.
     
    The LST said the TMVP or Karuna group, continued to abuse people, although the organization’s strength was dwindling with the number of TMVP offices in Trincomalee down from 10 to two.
     
    It said though the HRC intervened on some violations, it failed to make any notable impact, while HRC investigations into the killing of five students in January 2006, 17 ACF aid workers in August 2006 and Ven. Nandarathna Thera in Trincomalee, had reached a standstill.
     
    Commenting on Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) the LST said thousands of IDPs languished in camps, with friends or relatives.
     
    “There are several camps around Trincomalee town, while there are three transit camps on the outskirts of Mutur, in Killiveddy, Paddiththidal and Manalchchenai. The people are also unaware of government plans to reduce the size of the proposed Sampur high security zone (HSZ), created by gazette on May 30 as no official announcement has been made,” the LST said
     
    According to HRC statistics 15,425 IDPs will be affected by the HSZ, while most of the 11,672 displaced persons still in Batticaloa will also lose their lands. NGOs working with IDPs put the figure higher, the report adds.
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