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  • Different Tamil and Sinhala reactions

    Sri Lankans have received with mixed feelings India's demand that Colombo avoid procuring arms from Pakistan and China, and that it should come to India instead, even though India will not provide offensive equipment.

    Sri Lankan officials have reacted cautiously to the demand voiced by National Security Advisor MK Narayanan in Chennai on Thursday.

    But Sinhala commentators are indignant, and the Tamil leaders are dismayed, if not angry.

    Foreign Secretary Palitha Kohona neatly skirted the issue: "We would like to work closely with India in regard to our defence requirements. We are appreciative of the assistance that we have received so far," he told Hindustan Times over phone from Singapore on Friday.

    Privately, Sri Lankan officials say that statements from India's central government often reflect the need to keep Tamil Nadu in good humour.

    But if Naranayan's statement is meant to be taken seriously as a warning from a "Big Power" to Sri Lanka, then India should give Sri Lanka the offensive weapons which will otherwise have come from Pakistan and China, they say.

    Sri Lankans are worried about the cost factor too. China is the cheapest source of arms. Even Ukraine or Russia is more costly, let alone the West.

    Sunday Leader columnist Gamini Weerakoon said that Narayanan's statement limited Sri Lanka's sovereignty. "A sovereign government should be able to buy armaments from any source," he said.

    India seemed to be going back to the Indira Doctrine of the 1980s, according to which, there was no place in the South Asian region for any power "inimical to India," he said.

    Weerakoon feared that even the West would go by India's advice and refrain from selling military equipment to Sri Lanka.

    "In 2000, when Jaffna was under siege by the LTTE, major nations including India, failed to come to Sri Lanka's rescue. India only offered humanitarian assistance. It was Pakistan and China which helped it stem the tide," he recalled.

    "India claims to be a big power. But it cannot be a big power if it does not take responsibility for the security of the region. It has to ensure Sri Lanka's security," Weerakoon asserted.

    Shamindra Ferdinando, defence analyst of The Island wondered why Narayanan had made arms procurement from Pakistan and China a big issue, when they were not big suppliers. "India has given more. It has given two ships and radars with Indian operators. Armoured Corps personnel are being trained in India."

    Ferdinando felt that Narayanan's statement could either be a ploy to please Tamil Nadu or a smokescreen for an Indian military involvement as was the case in the 1980s when India intervened saying that "outsiders" were poking their noses into the affairs of its backyard.

    He feared that, as in the 1980s, India could be worried that the LTTE might be crushed, and with its exit, a lever to control Sri Lanka would be lost.

    Sri Lanka’s Tamils, on the hand, dread to think of the day when the Indian Leviathan will be militarily backing the Sri Lankan government, whose armed forces are now waging a no-holds-barred war in the Tamil North East.

    Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP, N Sri Kantha, wondered if Narayanan's demand that Colombo approach New Delhi for its defence needs, meant that India was wanting to back Colombo's military approach to the Tamil problem.

    "If this is the case, then the situation in Sri Lanka will only be further militarised and violence will increase," Sri Kantha said.

    (Edited)
  • India to develop KKS harbour
    Indian is to develop the KKS harbour in the Jaffna peninsula and boost Colombo’s air defences, reports quoting ministers from both countries said this week.

    India will explore helping Sri Lanka patrol the seas between the countries, the reports said.

    The Indian Government is to resume expansion of the Kankesanthurai harbour in the Jaffna peninsula following the Sri Lankan government informing Delhi that the security situation in the area had “improved considerably,” press reports said Monday.

    Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama told the Indian government that the development of the harbour to its full potential will facilitate the transport of supplies to the Jaffna Peninsula, including directly from India.

    Sri Lanka’s military has at least three divisions (some 40,000) on the northern peninsula which is cut off from the rest of the island by a huge swathe of territory controlled by the Tamil Tigers.

    The Sri Lankan garrison in Jaffna is entirely reliant on precarious sea and air supply lines.

    The expansion of KKS harbour and the prospects of resupply from India would greatly assist the Sri Lankan military to sustain its military operations against LTTE held areas in the south of the peninsula.

    But while Sri Lanka announced ‘coordinate naval patrolling’ with India’s navy was to take place, India’s Defence Minister A.K. Anthony said India was “examining the idea.”

    Last week Indian National Security Advisor M K Narayanan ruled out a unified command for the Lankan Navy and the Indian Coast guard, but indicated that the Indian government was willing to look at proposals for ‘coordinated patrolling.’

    Mr. Bogollagama and Indian Defence Minister A.K. Anthony held discussions on the sidelines of the 6th Annual IISS Asian Security Summit in Singapore.

    India had said it would continue to strengthen Sri Lanka’s air defence capability and expressed readiness to accede to the island’s request to conduct coordinated patrols of the maritime boundary between the two countries, the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry was quoted as saying Sunday.

    “Modalities for this deployment will be worked out between the two sides,” the Ministry said.

    However, Mr. Anthony, speaking on Colombo's long-standing proposal for coordinated patrolling by the two navies said it was put across to Sri Lanka that India "will examine that."

    In turn, outlining Colombo's version of this conversation, Mr. Bogollagama noted: "Mr. Antony said they are examining it favourably."

    So, it was inferred that an "agreement" on patrolling had now been reached, press reports said.

    But there was agreement on air defences, reports said.

    ''The Indian Defence Minister assured [Mr. Bogollagama] that his government will continue to strengthen Sri Lanka’s air defence capability and noted that an Indian team was currently in Sri Lanka for this purpose,'' the statement said.

    Speaking to reporters in Singapore, Mr. Anthony said he had conveyed India's willingness to extend "whatever possible help" to Sri Lanka.

    He said the message to Sri Lanka was that "we are with you" on the issues of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and unity of the island state.

    Saying that “rise of the LTTEair power in Sri Lanka is of concern to India,” Mr. Anthony said that India "will give Sri Lanka reasonable support for that.”

    At the same time, he expressed India’s preference for a "political solution" in Sri Lanka, reports said.

    Mr. Bogollagama also met earlier with Britain’s Minister for Armed Forces, Adam Ingram, the reports said.

    Mr. Ingram had appreciated the efforts being made by the Government to counter the terrorist threat posed by the LTTE, it said.

    Referring to the recent British House of Commons debate on Sri Lanka, Minister Bogollagama told the British Minister that regrettably many who spoke failed to appreciate the complexities of the Sri Lankan situation and that it had not been taken cognizance of by most Members.

    Minister Ingram said he would personally appraise Members of Sri Lanka’s perspective on the issue, and urged that the Sri Lankan Government did so as well.
  • Sri Lanka in major arms deals with China, Russia, India
    Unmindful of India's opposition to Sri Lanka turning to Pakistan and China for military hardware to bolster its offensive against the Tamil Tigers, Colombo has recently inked several significant defence agreements with Beijing.

    Citing exclusive access to an internal Sri Lankan cabinet document, Britain's renowned Jane's Defence Weekly reported that Sri Lanka had signed a classified $37.6 million deal with China's Poly Technologies in April to supply its defence forces with ammunition and ordnance for the army and navy in addition to varied small arms.

    Gotabaya Rajapakse, the Sri Lankan defence secretary and a brother of President Mahinda Rajapakse, told Indian authorities May 30 that 'security compulsions' were driving Colombo to seek military equipment from China, Pakistan and other suppliers.

    He is also believed to have informed India's security establishment that Colombo 'understood' New Delhi's internal political compulsions, foreclosing enhanced military co-operation between the neighbours.

    The Sri Lankan official was reportedly making a direct reference to Tamil Nadu, which is separated from Sri Lanka by a strip of sea and where there is considerable support for the Tamil guerrillas.

    Senior security officials concede that a bilateral defence agreement between Colombo and New Delhi drawn up over two years ago remains 'hostage' to India's Tamil concerns. This, in turn, forces Colombo to seek alternate weapon suppliers.

    Janes' current edition says that Colombo has declined to renew its long standing agreement with China's North Industries Corporation (Norinco) for defence equipment, opting instead for Poly Technologies, founded as a rival in 1984 by Beijing's military establishment.

    While outwardly a subsidiary of the China International Trust and Investment Corp, military analysts said that in reality the Beijing-based Poly Technologies was a 'front company' for China's military-industrial complex.

    It reports to the armament department of the People's Liberation Army General Staff Department and is authorized to sell conventional military equipment including short and medium-range ballistic missiles.

    While the reasons for the Sri Lankan government switching to Poly Technologies appear unclear, it seems the change was prompted by the debt of $200 million it owed Norinco, which has maintained a bonded warehouse in the southern port city of Galle since 1993.

    Colombo's long-standing agreement with Norinco was exclusive, prohibiting it from sourcing specific military items from any another Chinese supplier.

    The contract with Poly Technologies, however, contravenes this clause, seemingly invalidating the earlier agreement providing the Sri Lankan military an alternate materiel supplier, Jane's states.

    The agreement with Poly Technologies, however, 'aims to avoid the development of any debt through a system of staggered payments', Jane's says, necessitating an advance 25 percent payment and the balance payable in 10 quarterly installments.

    The largest single order with Poly Technologies is for 120 mm mortar shells for the army, of which 70,000 rounds are priced at $10.4 million.

    Additional imports include 68,000 rounds of varied 152 mm artillery shell worth nearly $20 million besides 50,000 81 mm high-explosive mortar bombs for $3.7 million, all of which the army needs to reinforce its 'pro-active' military strategy against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

    The Sri Lankan navy's requirement valued at$ 2.7 million includes a varied range of ammunition like 100,000 14.5 mm cartridges, 2,000 RPG-7 rockets and 500 81 mm airburst mortar shells.

    There are also 50 Type 82 14.5 mm twin-barrel naval guns, 200 Type 85 12.7 mm heavy machine guns, 200 Type 80 7.62 mm multipurpose machine guns, 1,000 Type 56-2 7.62 mm submachine guns and 1,000 Type 56 7.62 mm submachine guns, Jane's reports.

    China, meanwhile, is also helping Sri Lanka augment its air defence capability following four recent strikes by the fledgling Tamil Tiger air force that has resulted in international airlines declining to operate night flights to Colombo.

    Jane's declared that the China National Electronics Import Export Corp is to provide Sri Lanka a JY 11 3D radar for $5 million over the next few weeks once the site for its location near Colombo is ready.

    It was Gotabaya Rajapakse, the defence secretary who concluded the contract for the radar for the Lanka Logistics and Technologies Co Ltd that he heads.

    Colombo had initially ordered the JY 11 radar two years ago, making payments in advance but was forced to call off the deal following Indian protests that the system would 'over arch' into its air space.

    Thereafter, India supplied Sri Lanka two Indra IN-PC-2D radars free of charge and is believed to have agreed to Colombo's request for at least one more following the spate of LTTE air raids.

    The Indra radars have become a source of tension with India, with some Sri Lankan officials claiming they failed to detect the ingress by a Tamil Tiger propeller aircraft to an air force base outside Colombo in March. Three airmen were killed and 16 wounded in the attack.

    Sri Lanka is also negotiating with the Chinese conglomerate for three additional mobile radars for use across the country as the second Tiger air strike was conducted against the government's Palaly military base in Jaffna peninsula.

    In an associated development, Sri Lanka is also planning on acquiring an unspecified number of MiG 29 fighters to boost its air power.

    The director of Aeronautical Engineering, Air Vice Marshal Prashantha de Silva, is scheduled to visit Moscow to discuss the acquisition, states Jane's.

    Indian defence sources said New Delhi, which also operates at least three MiG 29 squadrons, could play an 'important' role in Sri Lanka's proposed purchase of similar fighters by agreeing to provide training, spares, servicing and other logistic back-up.
    Sri Lankan officials are also planning visiting Ulan Ude in Russia to negotiate the purchase of four helicopter gunships and to Ukraine for talks on overhauling and possibly upgrading An 32 transport aircraft.
  • India opposes Sri Lanka buying arms from China, Pakistan
    Sri Lanka should not seek weapons from Pakistan or China and it should come to India whatever might be their requirement, National Security Advisor M K Narayanan was quoted by India media as saying last week.

    “It is high time that Sri Lanka understood that India is the big power in the region and ought to refrain from going to Pakistan or China for weapons, as we are prepared to accommodate them within the framework of our foreign policy,” Narayanan said.

    “But it should be clear to Colombo that we cannot supply completely offensive military equipment,” he was quoted by IANS as saying.

    “We are, however, willing to look at other options like better radars and tracking ordnance to (meet) the Sri Lankan government's defence needs in the light of repeated air attacks by the LTTE.”

    To reporters’ query on opposition from political leaders in Tamil Nadu for providing radars to Sri Lankan government, Narayan said, "Radars are seen as a defensive capability. Hence, we have provided the Sri Lankan government with them."

    Reacting to a question whether he saw air capabilities of LTTE as a threat to India's security, he said, "We are not in favour of any terrorist organisation having air capabilities."

    Mr. Narayanan was speaking to media after meeting Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi in Chennai, Thursday.

    On coordinated patrolling along the Tamil Nadu coast to protect fishermen, he said, "I will check with the navy if there is a problem for functioning under a unified command. I think it is a good idea."

    Talking about his meeting with Karunanidhi, Narayanan said: “We discussed the security scenario and the problems faced by the Tamil Nadu fishermen.”

    “The chief minister was apprised of the centre's view of strengthening the defence of our coastline in the south with special emphasis on the Tuticorin port and its hinterland,” he added.

    When asked whether the fishermen should be instructed not to cross the international boundary line between Sri Lanka and India, he said, “Fishermen will go wherever there are fishes. To prevent them from crossing the boundary line is asking for too much.”

    “For something as minor as that, the Lankan Navy firing on our fishermen will no longer be tolerated. I have conveyed this personally on telephone to senior officials in Colombo,” Mr. Narayanan disclosed.

    “Fishermen are going there for their livelihood. We have told the Sri Lankan navy not to fire at them and they have assured us that there will be no firing. By and large they are adhering to this.”

  • Factional war grips Karuna Group
    Since simmering tensions within the Karuna Group, the main Army-backed paramilitary group in Sri Lanka’s east, erupted into factional clashes in early May, a series of tit-for-at killings, abductions and hostage taking is continuing.

     Karuna (c) has fallen out with his deputy Pillayan (l) over control of the paramilitary group’s finances and command. Photo TamilNet
    Meanwhile several cadres and prominent members of the group have fled abroad to escape the violence, reports said.

    The Karuna Group is named after its leader, Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan (‘Karuna’), the renegade Tamil Tiger commander who deserted to the Sri Lanka military after his six week rebellion against the LTTE was crushed in April 2004.

    Since then the Karuna Group is being supported by the military in a murderous shadow war against the LTTE and its supporters.

    Two months ago it was reported that Karuna has fallen out with Pillayan, the deputy leader of the Karuna Group, officially titled the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP), in a dispute over funds and control of the group.

    Pillayan has accused Karuna of misappropriating funds from the group. The TMVP is reportedly earning vast sums from extortion and kidnapping for ransom of Tamil and Muslim businessmen in Colombo and Tamil expatriates visiting Sri Lanka.

    The internal dispute escalated into an internecine war several weeks ago when Karuna ordered his loyalists to hunt down and kill Pillayan and his supporters, Tamil press reports said.

    According to the reports, a meeting arranged by Sri Lanka’s military for the two factions to patch up their differences resulted in a vicious shootout.

    Iniyabarathy, a Karuna loyalist, shot two of his former comrades now in Pullayan’s faction - Sindujan, the Intelligence wing leader of the Karuna Group and Seelan who had led the cadres in Amparai district. Sindujan died on the spot whilst Seelan escaped with injuries.

    Pillayan, described as ‘supreme’ commander of the Karuna Group was reportedly also coordinating its activities in the field on behalf of Karuna, who remains in hiding in Colombo.

    According to the Daily Mirror newspaper, Pillayan is the strategist behind most of the operations carried out against the LTTE in the east while Karuna was focused on building a political platform to contest at future elections.

    Following the outbreak of violence with the group Pillayan fled north with over 150 cadres loyal to him. He was helped by Sri Lankan military intelligence.

    Indeed, some analysts argue that the split was engineered by the Sri Lankan military itself to make the management of the paramilitary group easier and to curb any political ambitions Karuna may have had.

    As ordered by the military, Pillayan and his gunmen are now operating in Trincomalee district while rump of the Karuna Group continues to operate in Batticaloa and Amparai.

    According to Pillayan loyalists, several military and political leaders of the Karuna Group, along with some 350 cadres had offered allegiance to Pillayan and joined him in Trincomalee.

    “We will continue to fight against the [LTTE] but we will definitely not patch up with Karuna Amman,” told a Pillayan spokesman to the Daily Mirror in mid May.

    However within a week of this statement coming out, Karuna Group spokesperson Azad Moulana announced following lengthy discussions at a face-to-face meeting Karuna and Pillayan had resolved their differences.

    “It is true there were differences between the two. I’m happy to say it has been sorted and we will function as usual,” Moulana told the Daily Mirror in late May.

    According to Moulana, it was agreed in the meeting that Karuna and Pillayan would continue functioning in their previous roles as the leader of the group and supreme commander respectively.

    But this announcement by the Karuna spokesperson was promptly refuted by a spokesperson from Pillayan faction who told the Daily Mirror that a central committee consisting of senior TMVP officials were be formed to be the decision making body of the organization.

    “It will be the central committee which will ultimately decide on financial issues and military action to be taken against the LTTE,” the Pillayan representative added.

    Amid the factions’ conflicting claims a number of clashes between them have left many dead and injured. Many members of both factions also fled the eastern districts fearing reprisal from the other side.

    Last week Daily Mirror, which has tracked the factional war between Karuna and Pillayan reported the latter had issued a final warning to the former giving him one month to leave the outfit or be forcefully ejected from it.

    According to Pillayan loyalists the warning came after a failure to resolve the dispute and continuing misuse of TMVP funds by Karuna.

    The Pillayan group further charged that Karuna was holding some of their cadres and supporters under house arrest.

    In the meantime Karuna telephoned the Daily Mirror to deny there was a split.

    “Some elements are attempting to divide the TMVP by making all these claims mentioned in your [paper],” Karuna said.

    “There is no problem between me and Pillayan now. Everything is sorted but some people are trying to get involved in the internal matters of the TMVP to scuttle things,” he said.

    But Karuna also told Daily Mirror that the position of ‘supreme commander’ was not necessary as the TMVP was aiming to be a political party without a military unit and cited the TMVP proposal to the APRC as indication of the direction the party was going in.

    But yet again Karuna’s claims of patching up with Pillayan were rejected by the latter’s response.

    “Pillayan wants me to tell you there is a problem and within the space of one month he himself will come out with a public statement about his split with Karuna,” a spokesman for the Pillayan group told the Daily Mirror.

    “If Karuna could go ahead and remove his deputy and replace him with someone else it shows there is a problem.”

    The Pillayan spokesman meanwhile said they stood ready to work with Karuna if he admitted the mistakes including the alleged killing of Pillayan loyalists and the detention of several others as a result of the split.

    “But we will not wait too long,” the Pillayan faction warned.

    However in the last week the factional fighting has intensified with both factions attacking each other and Karuna cadre harassing and holding hostage supporters and relatives of Pillaiyan loyalists.

    An ambush by Karuna group on Pillayan group in Polanaruwa left eight dead.

    As a response to this attack a pair of three wheelers carrying Karuna cadres were attacked in Pottuvil in Amparai district leaving six dead.

    According to Sri Lankan media reports, Karuna’s faction is holding more than 75 Pillayan cadre in camps under extremely deplorable conditions in Ampara and Batticaloa who were on their way to Trincomalee to join Pillayan.

    “Karuna’s cadres have also taken hostage some 30 females, who are mothers or wives of pro-Pillaiyan cadres who have left Karuna and are now with Pillaiyan in Trincomalee,” the sources told the Nation.

    According to Sri Lankan papers many relatives of Pillayan loyalists including the wife and child of Seelan, the injured in the shoot out in early May are currently kept hostage in three camps located at Govindan Road in Batticaloa, Akkaraipattu and Vakarai.
  • President’s paradoxes: war, peace and talks
    President Mahinda Rajapakse (l) with Army commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka. Photo TamilNet
    In an extensive interview to Al Jazeera television last week, Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse set out his government’s policy on the island’s protracted conflict. In doing so he put forward a number of contradictory assertions and policies, which boiled down to a single overriding theme: military defeat of the Tamil Tigers.

    Responding to the questions in his native Sinhala President Rajapakse slammed the LTTE as ‘terrorists’ and ‘criminals’ and vowed to wipe them out.

    But at the same time he said he was prepared to negotiate with the Tigers “to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people.”

    He later asserted: “we have to bring [a solution] before the people and we also have to eradicate terrorism. We cannot allow these criminals to dictate to us. We cannot have them join us.”

    President Rajapakse was interviewed by Al Jazeera’s 101 East presenter, Teymoor Nabili.

    Saying that defeating terrorism and giving the Tamils a solution were different issues, President Rajapakse also stated: “while we go ahead with our programme to control these people we will bring forward a solution.”

    But he later also said: “a victory is essential against terrorism. … But because we need to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, I am prepared to go for talks, with the terrorists.”

    But then the President also said: “This is a terrorist group. The people are aware that as long as a terrorist organisation exists, that negotiations will not be successful.”

    The President said “the people” wanted him to: “defeat the LTTE and talk.”

    And when asked “if the Sri Lankan people would prefer a defeat of the LTTE first?” President Rajapakse exclaimed: “First!”

    But when asked again “if there must first be military victory and then peace talks?” the President insisted: “No!”

    He elaborated: “That is not what I hope for. Until the terrorists are weakened, they will not come for talks. As long as they think they are strong, they will try to break up the country.”

    But then the President later argued: “They are making use of the negotiations to strengthen themselves, to bring in arms.”

    However, when asked if then “your military strategy is going to continue until the Tigers come to the table and ask for negotiations and lay down their arms,” President Rajapakse said: “No. I am ready to talk even while they carry arms.”

    But then he also insisted: “what the LTTE wants [is] to keep their arms and divide the country into two. That I cannot allow.”

    The interviewer asked: “Could you then describe a situation under which both those things can be achieved – defeat of the terrorists and representation of the Tamil people?”

    President Rajapakse replied: “they must give up terrorism. They must enter a democratic framework. That is what we expect to achieve through negotiations.”

    But then he also said: “Even while they fight, if they want to negotiate with me, and reach a solution, I am ready for that too.”

    When asked at what point would he accept the LTTE was weakened, President Rajapakse replied: “Even under today’s circumstances. … Even today I am ready to negotiate.”

    “My argument,” President Rajapakse said, “is that terrorism has to be got rid off. We cannot kneel down to that. I am not prepared to kneel down to their arms capability.”

    The exasperated interviewer then asked: “I apologise, I am not really following you. You say that terrorism must be defeated but you don’t want, you don’t think that a military victory is necessary?”

    To which President Rajapakse replied: “Absolutely, a victory is essential against terrorism. That is a different story. But because we need to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, I am prepared to go for talks, with the terrorists.”

    But he later said the Tamils didn’t want LTTE rule, but “if they say they are opposed to the LTTE, they will be killed.”

    Asked later how he proposed to bring about a solution to the conflict, President Rajapakse replied: “We have to discuss it, then we have to bring it before the people and we also have to eradicate terrorism.”

    Asked about the prospects of dialogue between his government and the LTTE, President Rajapakse said in the same breath: “As a government we cannot have talks. We say that we are ready for talks always.”

    “Even while the fighting goes on, I am ready for talks,” he added.

    Asked if he would initiate talks with the Tigers, he replied: “Definitely.”

    But then he added: “if the LTTE is ready.”

    “We have offered a political solution to the people,” he said at one point, without elaborating. “Along with [this] political solution, we are prepared to talk.”

    On one hand, defending his military’s perfomance, President Rajapakse said: “We have cleared the east from terrorism. Today, they (Tigers) have been limited to Killinochchi and Mullaitivu areas. We have weakened them.”

    But asked about the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), he replied: “[LTTE] does not honour that. We still honour it. We still do not send our police, our army to that side.”

    “This agreement is between us,” he said of the CFA, but then added: “We are prepared to renew the agreement at any time.”

    When asked about concerns raised by visiting US envoy Richard Boucher about human rights abuses in Sri Lanka, Mr. Rajapakse said: “actually, today I am not prepared to accept that there are human rights violations as has been reported.”

    President Rajapakse said the Sri Lankan military was “a very disciplined force” to an extent “not seen in any other country.”

    He elaborated, by comparing the military to those of other countries: “We know that in certain instances when bombs are dropped in other countries, people are killed, children die. We do not behave like that. We did not do that. We protected every civilian.”

    “Not a single civilian was injured when we took Vakarai,” he said, referring to a military operation in which aid workers and rights groups say scores of civilians were killed in indiscriminate bombardment.

    When pressed on abductions and ‘disappearances’ and asked about Human Rights Watch’s documentation of 700 or more case, President Rajapakse replied:

    “Many of those people who are said to have been abducted are in England, Germany, gone abroad.”

    “Some talk of a few people abducted from Colombo. We do not know whether they are fighting [with the LTTE] in Killinochchi,” he added.

    “This is all against the government,” President Rajapakse said. “We have seen this business. We have found out that under the same name, they have gone abroad.”

    His response prompted the interview to ask: “So this is a conspiracy?”

    “Definitely,” the President replied. “The LTTE has abducted people and killed them. The state forces do not have to abduct people because we have the law.”

    “We can question them, and remand them, imprison them. We can detain them under emergency laws. So there is no need [for the state] to abduct someone,” he explained.

    The President’s mood darkened when asked about the possibility of humanitarian intervention.

    “Sri Lanka is not a colony of England, America or any other country. Sri Lanka is a sovereign state,” he said.

    He insisted, paradoxically: “So when they get involved it is important that they do not interfere in the internal affairs of this country.”

    He also argued: “Another country cannot force a solution. To find a solution for this country, it is not England of Germany that can help. It is India that can find a solution.”

    “To offer a solution to this problem, according to the present situation, to help the Tamil people, India’s support is necessary,” he said without elaborating.
  • Full transcript of Rajapaksa interview to Al Jazeera
    The following is a transcript of an interview between Al Jazeera’s 101 East presenter Teymoor Nabili and Mahinda Rajapaksa, the President of Sri Lanka broadcast on May 30, 2007

    Teymoor Nabili: Mr President, the Tamil Tigers launched their first attack against your government and against the Sri Lankan people only weeks after you came to power. Why do you think it was, that after so long of adhering to the peace plan, they suddenly decided to start attacking again?

    President Mahinda Rajapaksa: They would have thought it was a weakness of mine, that I could be defeated. That was a good opportunity for them to establish a separate state. They would have believed that.

    Is it possible that for Prabhakaran, war or continuing conflict is actually a preferred option because only by convincing the northern population that they were under attack can he convince them to support his movement. If there were no attacks from the government the population would lose the need for his command ?

    Like I said before, he thought that we were weak, that the state is weak, that he is strong. But now, he has come to a point, where he has accepted that. He has lost the east. Prabhakaran does not represent the aspirations of the Tamil people. What he represents, is the interests of a small group, not the needs of the Tamil people. The Tamil people do not want a war, they want peace. The government does not need a war, the government wants peace.

    Is there any level of dialogue at all between your government and the LTTE right now?

    Actually, at present there are no talks at any level. As a government we cannot have talks. We say that we are ready for talks always.

    You don’t see any value in dialogue?

    We are always ready for talks. Always, even today. Even while the fighting goes on, I am ready for talks. Even being armed, the way they are behaving today, we are ready to go forward.

    When you say you are prepared to talk, you are prepared to instigate, to initiate dialogue?

    Definitely, if the LTTE is ready. [It takes] two hands to clap.

    Have you made the offer?


    I am ready if Prabhakaran is ready. We have said that very clearly. I am ready, but I am not prepared to kneel before the terrorism of the LTTE. I have said that many times. If I am attacked, I will counter attack. That is what we have done at every occasion.

    We have then, a face-off. How does one get around what seems to be an intractable problem?

    Actually in this instance, and at every other instance we have said, come and commence talks with us, we are ready. We have offered a political solution to the people. Along with the political solution, we are prepared to talk. But what the LTTE wants, to keep their arms and divide the country into two. That I cannot allow.

    Do you think the Sri Lankan people would rather see a victory against the Tamil Tigers or a peace agreement with the Tamil Tigers?

    The people have been battered by the LTTE for many years. It has come to a point where the LTTE cannot be trusted. If the people are asked, they will say, defeat the LTTE and talk. But I am ready to talk with the LTTE. From the other side, this question is a question not faced in any other country. Where a head of state asks Prabhakaran to talk.

    So you are saying that you think the Sri Lankan people would prefer a defeat of the LTTE first?

    First. Opinion polls seem to suggest that peace is much more important to the Sri Lankan people. For the people, LTTE, peace - the people want peace, that is the truth, without defeating the LTTE, without defeating the terrorism of the LTTE. There is no politics in this. There is a political side and terrorism here. This is a terrorist group. The people are aware that as long as a terrorist organisation exists, that negotiations will not be successful. They are making use of the negotiations to strengthen themselves, to bring in arms. This is a historical fact, historically because the people have been battered. Today we have to be very careful.

    So let me be clear on this: what you’re saying is that there must first be military victory and then peace talks?

    No. That is not what I hope for. Until the terrorists are weakened, they will not come for talks. As long as they think they are strong, they will try to break up the country. Today, what we hope is to fulfil the aspirations of the Tamil people.

    What do you mean by weakened? At what point will you accept that the Tamil Tigers are weakened because it’s now been almost a year of …

    Even under today’s circumstances. Clearly said, what the people expect. But what I expect is not that. I said that even today I am ready to negotiate, very clearly. My argument is that terrorism has to be got rid off. We cannot kneel down to that. I am not prepared to kneel down to their arms capability. But I am committed to ensuring the rights of the Tamil people. That I will achieve, somehow.

    I apologise, I am not really following you. You say that terrorism must be defeated but you don’t want, you don’t think that a military victory is necessary?

    Absolutely, a victory is essential against terrorism. That is a different story. But because we need to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, I am prepared to go for talks, with the terrorists. I have come to that point. Has any other world leader said that?

    Could you then describe a situation under which both those things can be achieved – defeat of the terrorists and representation of the Tamil people? What I am struggling to understand here is if the defeat of terrorism is a key element of your strategy and yet dialogue is also a key element of your strategy. How do you see those two working together? Which comes first and how do you proceed?

    Now, we tried to talk at the beginning. While keeping their arms, we were prepared to talk. When we went to Geneva; they killed innocent people. Even while they were killing, I negotiated. I think, if you were to compare with other countries, you will see a difference. In other countries there will be no negotiations. But, we have been prepared, we have negotiated, we have shown that we are genuinely ready to do that. But they must give up terrorism. They must enter a democratic framework. Without that, that is what we expect to achieve through negotiations. It was clear during our negotiations with them, that they have no interest in negotiating because they believe they can win this war, that they can divide this country into two. That is their strong belief, Prabhakaran’s belief.

    The message I am hearing from you right now is that your military strategy is going to continue until the Tigers come to the table and ask for negotiations and lay down their arms.

    No. I am ready to talk even while they carry arms. Even while they fight, if they want to negotiate with me, and reach a solution, I am ready for that too.

    Let me rephrase then. What you are saying is that the government’s military strategy will continue as is, until you get a signal from Prabhakaran that he is willing to talk and he is willing to stop his military action first?

    If they do not attack me, I will not attack. If they stay where they are, keeping their arms, I have no problem with that. But, they must agree to a political solution. To achieve the aspirations of the Tamil people, and to achieve the aspirations of the people of this country, I am prepared. Because I will not divide people as Tamils, Muslims or Sinhalese.

    Let’s assume that Prabhakaran is committed to a military victory against the government. Is it your belief that the government can defeat the Tigers militarily if it comes to the necessity?

    Actually, the government has the capability to defeat them. The government is strong. Defeating terrorism is not only for the Sri Lankan government. To protect democracy, the whole world must act to defeat terrorism

    But we’ve had a year now of the government putting an all-out effort to counter the Tamil Tiger terrorism and in that time there has not only been no progress made, we now see they have an air force.

    I must say this very clearly. We have cleared the east from terrorism. Today, they have been limited to Killinochchi and Mullaitivu areas. We have weakened them. They receive help from the European and other countries, they get strong. As long as they get this protection money they will carry this out as a business. We must keep that in mind.

    Do you think Prabhakaran should admit finally that the ceasefire agreement is dead?

    Prabhakaran is breaking it all the time. Prabhakaran is not talking about a ceasefire agreement. When it’s needed, he talks about it to the international community. Prabhakaran has completely forgotten about it, and is carrying out his terrorist activities.

    As far as you are concerned it’s no more than a piece of paper now?

    Even though I dislike saying it, the agreement has fallen to that state. This agreement is between us. We are prepared to renew the agreement at any time. But Prabhakaran does not honour that. We still honour it. We still do not send our police, our army to that side.

    Richard Boucher visited Sri Lanka recently and he said there are two aspects that concern us, abductions and killings and the freedom of the press. Other human rights organisations have also levelled criticisms at the forces, armed forces.

    Actually, today I am not prepared to accept that there are human rights violations as has been reported. When such accusations are made, I, the forces, the police …

    Are you willing to accept that there are violations of human rights occurring?

    Knowingly, a state will not violate human rights, abduct people. That must be stated very clearly. Our forces are a very disciplined force. Not seen in any other country. Not a single civilian was injured when we took Vakarai. We know that in certain instances when bombs are dropped in other countries, people are killed, children die. We do not behave like that. We did not do that. We protected every civilian.

    But Human Rights Watch has documented at least 700 and more abductions during your term.

    Many of those people who are said to have been abducted are in England, Germany, gone abroad. They have made complaints that they were abducted, but when they return they don’t say. Some talk of a few people abducted from Colombo. We do not know whether they are fighting in Killinochchi, we have no way of finding out. This is all against the government. We have seen this business. We have found out that under the same name, they have gone abroad. In these lists we have seen.

    So this is a conspiracy?

    Definitely, I don’t refute the fact that the LTTE is abducting people. The LTTE has abducted people and killed them. The state forces do not have to abduct people, because we have a law. We can question them, and remand them, imprison them. We can detain them under emergency laws. So there is no need to abduct someone, for the state. If we receive evidence about any incidents, I have appointed a commission to take action against such people. International observers have been brought in. That is what a state can do. If there are killings, we have a police, a law to stop that. For this too, we have a law and a commission.

    Let’s move away from abductions, you said after your victory that your aim is to bring about an honourable peace. This has been a long-running problem. How long do you think it can continue to go on before something very serious occurs within the Sri Lankan society itself?

    I would like to solve this problem today. This has gone on too far. We need to solve this as quickly as possible. That is why we are working very hard.

    How do you propose to do that?

    We have to discuss it, then we have to bring it before the people and we also have to eradicate terrorism. We cannot allow these criminals to dictate to us. We cannot have them join us. While we go ahead with our programme to control these people we will bring forward a solution. This way the people will be with us. If you ask the people whether they want LTTE rule, they will say they don’t want it. You go there and ask them. But the problem is that if they say they are opposed to the LTTE, they will be killed.

    The ambassador designate to the EU from Sri Lanka has been speaking about his concerns with the situation; that perhaps Europe, and maybe even a Democratic US president after the next election, may begin to support either a humanitarian intervention in Sri Lanka, or a perhaps a slightly stronger intervention in Sri Lanka. Perhaps even ultimately a Bosnia-style solution. Is that a fear that you have?

    I believe in this country, for the problem of this country, another country cannot force a solution. To find a solution for this country, it is not Europe that can help. It is India that can find a solution. India is our neighbour. It is essential for the people of India. Therefore I believe, that it is the Indian government that can help us with this question.

    But what would you like India to do today?

    To offer a solution to this problem, according to the present situation, to help the Tamil people, India’s support is necessary. India must work with this government. It has worked, and my belief is that there must be more support from the Indian government. Sri Lanka is not a colony of England, America or any other country. Sri Lanka is a sovereign state. So when they get involved it is important that they do not interfere in the internal affairs of this country.

    Mr President thank you very much for talking to Al Jazeera.
  • Lack of transport saps Jaffna troops’ morale
    Sri Lankan security forces personnel in the Jaffna peninsula are facing tremendous hardships when going on leave due to a serious shortage of transport facilities, The Island newspaper reported this week.

    According to military officials lack of proper logistics to go on leave and return is an important reason for desertions from the Sri Lankan military, the paper said.

    About 1,600 security personnel were stranded at the strategic Palaly airbase as of May 24, the paper reported, adding some troops had been languishing at the base for several days, without flights or ship sailings to go home.

    The Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) had operated only two flights to Palaly on May 22 and there had been no flights at all on the following day, the paper said, illustrating the problem.

    The SLAF is struggling to meet the transportation demands of the Army with only a single Ukrainian built AN 32 in operation, with all other aircraft suitable for transportation being grounded for servicing.

    The SLAF inducted AN 32s into active service in 1995 following the LTTE shooting down the aging HS 748 Avros in April 1995. The AN 32 is currently the workhorse of the SLAF transport fleet.

    "The absence of suitable transport is one of the primary reasons for desertions," a junior officer told the Island.

    Speaking on the condition of anonymity, the junior officer expressed serious concern over what he termed as the deteriorating standards in transporting men to and from the peninsula.

    "It’s a continuing nightmare," he said, accusing the Sri Lankan government of turning a blind eye to their plight. In fact successive governments had failed to meet this particular requirement, he said.

    The Sri Lankan forces rely on air and sea routes to transport men and material to the northern Jaffna peninsula under their control as the land route is cut off by the Vanni region which is under LTTE control.

    The A9 highway which links the government held Vavuniya and Jaffna towns runs through the vast Vanni region.

    In 1997, having captured Jaffna, the Sri Lankan military launched a disastrous 18 month long operation to establish a supply route to the northern peninsula through Vanni.

    Operation Jaya Sikuru (Victory Assured) cost thousands of troops and 18 months of gains were completely lost in a matter of days when the LTTE pushed the army back to its original positions November 1999.

    Since then SLAF flights between Ratmalana and Palali and sea supply route maintained by the Sri Lanka navy (SLN) between the eastern port town of Trincomalee and Kankesanturai in Jaffna have been the lifeline for forces deployed in Jaffna.

    A cross section of officers interviewed by the Island wanted the government to formulate a plan to meet the urgent requirement of troop transfers.

    While a colossal amount of foreign exchange is being squandered on luxury vehicles for politicians, officials and their henchmen and foreign jaunts, the Sri Lankan security forces are forced to experience untold misery, they told the Island.

    The paper further added that although married officers and men are given priority with a week’s leave after a month, the unbelievably chaotic situation has ensured that the vast majority of men are denied home leave at decent intervals.

    In fact, most of them are given leave once in about three months, they said, emphasizing the difficulties faced by them when returning to their bases in the peninsula.

    The Island learns that troops languish for days at the Ratmalana transit camp before being airlifted to Palaly.

    And in some instances, troops are moved overland from Ratmalana to Trincomalee to be transported by sea.

    But in Trincomalee also troops are forced to suffer a few more days before being put on board a ship which is capable of carrying about 3200 personnel, the paper said.

    With the sea supply lines under strain, due to risk of LTTE attack, the SLAF has been also tasked with transporting fresh rations.

    As commanding officers and officers holding senior appointments are given priority, the ordinary men faced further delays.

    A soldier who goes on leave takes about a month to come back, reported the Island.

    According to the The Island unscrupulous gangs operate near military transit camps. Men who languish at these points for days sometimes end up pawning their wristwatches, gold chains and bracelets.

    "Don’t forget that the vast majority come from the provinces and they have no option but to remain until they are transported."

  • Sri Lanka military prepares for war, but talks less tough
    Even as Sri Lanka’s military prepared for further offensives against the Tamil Tigers’ northern stronghold, the Army’s Commander appeared to sober expectations, saying Colombo has no intention of capturing LTTE-held areas in the north.

     Army commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka visited the eastern warzone last week. Photo SL Army
    “We have no plan to take the North,” Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka told foreign journalists on May 28. “Our plan in the North is to weaken the LTTE militarily so that we are able to maintain our positions there.”

    His comments were in contrast to his earlier public statements vowing to wipe out the Tigers, whom he insisted were on the verge of collapse.

    “After eradicating the Tigers from the East, [the military’s] full strength will be used to rescue the North.” Gen. Fonseaka declared earlier this year.

    President Mahinda Rajapakse, who is also the commander-in-chief of the military has also been backtracked from his earlier pledge to annihilate the LTTE.

    Instead, Rajapakse now says his forces are only fighting to contain the LTTE.

    “If they stay where they are, keeping their arms, I have no problem with that.” said Rajapakase during an interview with Al Jazeera on June 1.

    Earlier this year, after capturing LTTE administered areas in the east, especially the stronghold at Vaharai and the Paduwankarai area, the Sri Lankan military was visibly brimming with confidence.

    However in subsequent months, Colombo’s military strategy has lost momentum.

    Firstly, the military is struggling to clear the remaining LTTE-held areas in the east and to control captured areas where a smouldering guerrilla war is dragging on.

    Secondly, a series of Sri Lankan military probes in the LTTE-held Vanni in the north have been defeated with casualties.

    Also, the military has been trying to make good on Gen. Fonseka’s pledge and break into the LTTE stronghold but repeated operations in Mannar district have failed to make progress.

    Thirdly, there have been successful air raids by the LTTE’s newly unveiled Tamileelam Air Force (TAF) against the main airbase and oil installations in Colombo, as well as the main military base complex in the Jaffna peninsula.

    The daring airstrikes by the TAF’s light aircraft have also served to create anxieties about the government’s hardline war strategy and to lower the military’s morale.

    On March 26 TAF planes bombed the Katunayake air force base adjacent to Sri Lanka’s only international airport north of Colombo. The raid stunned the government and forcing it to step up its air defences, placing anti-aircraft guns around the city and in other parts of the country.

    However the security measures proved to be inadequate when TAF planes carried out two more air raids, one targeting Palali military base complex in the Jaffna peninsula, and another targeting oil and fuel storages in and around Colombo.

    Sri Lankan army first launched an offensive on March 16 with the aim of capturing Palamoddai, northwest of Vavuniya but retreated following 3 hours of heavy fighting.

    On 23 March the army tried to advance into using 120 villagers as human shields, but in 15 hours of fierce fighting the LTTE rescued the hostages and pushed the troops back to their original positions in Thampanai and Chinna Pandivirichaan. The army lost 60 soldiers in this operation.

    Since then a number of Army pushes into LTTE-held areas of Mannar district, including the Madhu region, have failed.

    In the east the Army is struggling to flush the LTTE out from the think jungles of the Thoppigala region.

    The eastern areas captured from the LTTE continue to be volatile with the Tigers carrying out regular ambushes against the military.

    Some analysts feel the euphoria in the south following the LTTE’s steady retreats ahead of the military’s offensives was misplaced and argue that the LTTE’s reverting to guerilla tactics from the jungle bases will prove harder to counter.

    And in addition to checking Sri Lankan offensives, in recent days the LTTE has also started conducting its own small offensive operations.

    On May 24 LTTE marine commandos attacked the Sri Lankan naval detachment in the Delft Island, one of seven islets located west of Jaffna peninsula, killing more than 35 sailors and recovering a large haul of military equipments including anti-aircraft guns and radar.

    On June 2 LTTE launched a commando raid on Army camps in the Mannar - Vavuniya border villages pushing back the Sri Lankan military and destroying a Sri Lanka Army artillery launch pad located at Pampaimadu.

    The attack, in which the LTTE recovered a significant cache of weapons including armored vehicles, left 20 soldiers dead and 40 injured further denting the military confidence.

    The LTTE counter-attacks have dulled the euphoria that was prevalent in the military and amongst Sinhala nationalists a few months ago and raised questions about the viability of the government’s military strategy.

    But whilst reluctantly accepting that defeating the LTTE would be harder than initially envisaged, the Rajapakse regime and Sri Lankan military continues to believe in a military solution.

    The mass deployment of troops and weapons in the Muhamalai – Nagarkovil forward defence lines (FDL) in Jaffna peninsula for a major assault on Vanni and the hurried purchases of vast quantities of ammunition from China are preparations for a major military campaign.

    Whilst playing down the military’s ambitions to manage the expectations, Fonseka has revised the military plans of capturing the east by mid April and focusing on north to liberate areas under LTTE administration.

    The strategy the Sri Lankan military is to clear the east fully, a campaign which according to Fonseka would take another five to six months, and then weaken the LTTE in the north.

    He estimates the LTTE strength to be 300 fighters in the east positioned in Thoppigala region.

    “It [LTTE in the east] can be flushed out of this area in a couple of weeks and then the mopping up operations would have to be carried out to completely clear the area, and that may take five to six months,” he said.

    He claimed that there were only 4,000 LTTE fighters in Vanni and further said: “but they are not its best cadres, if they lose 2,000 cadres, they are finished.”

    However responding to a question if SLA plans a repeat of Operation Jayasikuru, the disastrous 18 month long attempt in 1997-9 to capture Vanni, he responded in the negative.

    Paradoxically he argued: “there is no point in entering areas under LTTE's control before it is weakened militarily.”
  • On Our Own
    Despite the intense internationalization of Sri Lanka's conflict in the past few years, the ongoing deterioration of the human rights situation in the island seems inexorable. For decades international human rights organizations have lamented the culture of impunity that has allowed disappearances, extra-judicial killings, torture and sometimes rape to become a matter of routine in the island state. But the massive international intervention that accompanied the Norwegian peace initiative since 2001 promised implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, that such abuse was in Sri Lanka's sordid past. However the past 18 months have amply demonstrated that human rights is a meaningless concept in this bloody island. Instead it is defence of the Dharma that remains the Sinhala state's raison d'etre.
     
    Some argue that today sovereignty is not a state’s absolute right, but conditional on its responsibility. It is international pressure - either moral or tangible in the form of sanctions - that is the guarantee of a state's respect of human rights. This implies a responsibility on the international community to ensure abusive states are held to account. But leading members of the international community involved in Sri Lanka are doing precisely the opposite: funding, arming, advising and supporting the Rajapakse regime's brutality. The logic of the 'war on terror' is being prioritized over protection of international humanitarian and human rights norms. In other words, in the interests of destroying the Liberation Tigers, anything goes.
     
    Of course each international actor vehemently rejects it is condoning or encouraging the Rajapakse administration's violence. The Western states seek cover behind the logic of sovereignty and blame the 'unlikeminded' states for the supposed impossibility of restraining Sri Lanka by sanctions. In the meantime, countries like US and UK use the opportunity provided by renewed high-intensity conflict in Sri Lanka to sell arms.
     
    This week two Red Cross workers were murdered. The killers picked the victims up from the middle of Colombo city and dumped their bodies elsewhere. At the same time, in the interests of 'national security' Tamil neighbourhoods and houses in the sealed capital are being turned over by the security forces. The Police Chief has ordered Tamils who 'have no reason' to be in Colombo to get back to the Northeast or Upcountry areas. Bodies are dumped daily by roads and villages across the government-controlled Northeast and in parts of the South. The international community is not only aware of all this, they have a grandstand seat from which to view the bloodletting.
     
    This contradiction has important lessons for the Tamil people. Since 2001, the panacea for Sri Lanka's ills has been 'federalism.' There is, of course, no body for this shell concept. But we are told that we will not be 'allowed' to have an independent state, so we'd better settle for something short. The Sinhalese are told they have to 'share power' but are to be assured the Tamils will be contained. We have 'grievances' and 'aspirations' the Sinhalese are told. But the core problem - the Sinhala dominated state is brutalizing and scattering our people, dismembering and colonizing our homeland and erasing our community's cohesiveness - is reduced to one of ‘unresolved conflict.’
     
    The question now for the Tamils is a simple one: what is the guarantee of our security in the future? If the international community is refusing to make the slightest effort to restrain the Sri Lanka state today, when vicious violence against Tamils is no longer even disguised, then on what basis are we to expect it to do so in future? The present Sri Lankan state is frail and utterly dependent on foreign aid for its very functioning. Yet we are expected to believe that a Sri Lankan state reinvigorated by the kind of international aid that a peace process alone will bring will be more likely to be responsive to international counsel. That is the basis on which we are to accept a federal solution - i.e. accept the disarming of the LTTE.
     
    In short, the Rajapakse administration and the international community are together providing the strongest reason - beyond the question of the right to self-determination - as to why Tamils cannot live safely in a Sinhala-dominated Sri Lanka. There will always be the possibility of vicious rulers like Rajapakse - and the President's steadily rising popularity amongst the Sinhalese is a solid indicator of the state of ethnic relations today. And international interests will always favour the state over the Tamils. The case for international intervention to restrain the Sri Lankan state cannot be made more clearly than by today's developments. Therefore, the question now is: in the face of international indifference, what options are the beleaguered Tamils left with?
  • Independence in today’s world
    An interesting dynamic is underway regarding the future of Kosovo amid United Nations Security Council debates on a lasting solution to a conflict not dissimilar to that in Sri Lanka.
     
    The United States, Britain and France, due to opposition from Russia, China and, of course, Serbia, have been working on a resolution that will quietly yet effectively re-write the criteria for eligibility for independence.
     
    The world’s powers are effectively the ‘gate keepers’ to Statehood. They are well aware that they are not bound by international law to recognise declarations of independence, however justified the demand might be.
     
    This attempt to make Kosovo a ‘special case’ due to the break up of the former Yugoslavia clearly shows the degree to which the ‘War on Terror’ (like the Cold War before it) has profoundly affected international relations.
     
    “International stability” is now the order or the day, overturning genuine and legitimate arguments over denied rights and freedoms
     
    This is the logic, which by criminalizing violence against a state – no matter how repressive the state might be - that leads to organisations like the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) being viewed primarily as destabilising elements in the world order. It also ensures increased international support for the state such movements confront.
     
    At the same time, the leaders of the international community dictate the ability of less powerful states to govern and gain access to all institutions and powers which come with international recognition.
     
    This form of patronage ultimately distorts the international system as governing elites in post-colonial states distort the reality of their politics, fitting it into the policy aims and concerns of the leading members of the international community.
     
    We can, for example, see Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse’s framing Sri Lanka’s conflict as part of the ‘global war on terror’ an argument the US has readily and unquestioningly accepted.
     
    Therefore, perversely, nationhood and the right to govern are not, as some would have it, a right to be earned by a people through taking specific steps in a process. It is apparently as a gift to be handed down from the leading states, out of the latter’s largess.
     
    This can especially be seen in the creation of the ‘special case’ of Kosovo, through the handling of which the United Nations is attempting to set a criteria that will limit the number of new states that are likely to appear in future.
     
    In this logic, Kosovo is being treated as a special case because of the break up of the Former Republic of Yugoslavia and should not be seen as setting a precedent.
     
    The UN here is clearly attempting to stem any encouragement that other peoples already fighting for their independence might take from the Kosovan case.
     
    The international community hopes that the communities supporting independence, such as the Tamils will be dissuaded and eventually give up the cause.
     
    The point about the ‘special case’ logic is to undermine the possibility that there might be unrecognised legitimate cases for external self-determination.
     
    At the same time, movements like the LTTE are branded a terrorist organisation and its leaders prohibited from raising the debate in international fora.
     
    Conversely, the Sri Lankan President and his ministers are able to travel the world unhindered and garner continued international support and protection for their state’s territorial integrity. Their continued persecution of the Tamils is no bar to international access.
     
    The special case logic also dissuades other states from taking up the independence causes of suffering communities. To champion independence in another state is deemed by this logic to be bad citizen of the world order. To do so where armed struggles is underway would be tantamount to ‘supporting terrorism.’
     
    This would also fit with underlying themes of the report authored by former Ambassador Jeffrey Lunstead and titled ‘The United States Role in Sri Lanka’s Peace Process 2002-2006.’
     
    It is a thinly disguised attempt by the US to reclaim its image as a protector of rights and freedoms committed to defending the world’s downtrodden.
     
    At a fundamental it merely reiterates the ‘rightness’ of the dynamics above: armed struggle is not acceptable irrespective of the oppression it resists, independence is not an option, also irrespective of the oppression.
     
    The report is thus simply a continuation of the ‘war on terror’ and the policy of containment of the LTTE by other means. We should not be duped by its ‘soft’ positions.
     
    The LTTE, for example, is condemned as not being democratic. But compare US policy towards Sri Lanka where the Tamil voice is silenced by law, by censorship, by state intimidation and, more effectively, by murder and abduction.
     
    Lunstead’s lament about the lack of US ‘engagement’ is intended to suggest that Tamils may be able to yet secure the international recognition we have long sought whilst actually drawing concrete Tamil support away from the cause of self-determination.
     
    The projected international concern for Tamil well-being is a sham. If they care for us, the first thing they should commit to is our right to self-rule.
     
    Indeed, if the US was serious about engaging honestly in Sri Lanka’s peace process and genuinely wanted the LTTE to participate in Washington and Tokyo Donor conferences, then the necessary legal undertakings to reverse the proscription in the US would have been easily lifted. Which is more important – the war on terror or the search for peace?
     
    Moreover, if they prioritised the pursuit of a just solution above the containment of the LTTE, the US and the other Co-Chairs would not have allowed so many missed opportunities slip by.
     
    Instead they would have ensured the Sri Lankan government implemented its obligations under the P-TOMS and ensured Colombo negotiated an interim administration for the Northeast.
     
    Instead the US administration undertook the complete opposite policy, no doubt, partly, on the assessments provided by their embassy in Sri Lanka.
     
    Thirdly, if the US was genuine about its concerns for a lack of a place for Tamils in the current political setup in Sri Lanka and the international community they should have openly placed the blame for a failure of the peace talks on the Sri Lankan Government, as the saying goes: it takes two to Tango.
     
    Instead, as is evident by their actions both in relation to Sri Lanka and elsewhere, the US and the wider international community, appear more concerned with maintaining the international status quo than with righting the wrongs inflicted on the Tamils.
     
    Was there really no scope under an interim administration for the Northeast to lead to a peace process that could have delivered a federal solution? Why was an interim administration not worth pursuing, but a federal solution was?
    Or, rather, was it all a sham to buy time for the containment of the LTTE to run its course?
     
    It is not the US alone, of course. The ‘war on terror’ and misguided notions of ‘standing together’ have clouded the thinking other leading states too.
     
    Therefore one can only surmise that American and European concerns for Kosovo’s well being are not the result of general sympathy for oppressed minorities, but rather the pursuit of geopolitical and geoeconomic interests.
     
    For some Europeans the major pre-occupation is preventing return of war to the continent, a reaction to the horrors of the Balkan conflict.
     
    But it should not be forgotten that it was the successful exercise of the right to self-determination by Bosnia and Croatia that ultimately ended the bloodshed.
     
    However that lesson is quietly dropped in the rush to stabilise ‘failed’ or ‘weak’ states like Sri Lanka. Instead, whole communities, like the Tamils, are condemned to await international salvation from their oppression.
     
    In short, such peoples are expected to accept the interests and priorities of the international community as naturally more important than their own freedoms.
     
    If this were not the case, how do we explain international attitude and actions towards Sri Lanka until today?
     
    If indeed there really is an international commitment to the lofty ideals of democracy and freedom and so on, would we not have seen active international intervention, not to protect the Sinhala state from the Tamils, but rather the Tamils from the state?
     
    The point here is that international commitment to these principles is merely rhetoric, it is futile, even suicidal, for the Tamils to await liberation by the international community.
    Ultimately, to be free, to be independent, we must first be self-sufficient, self-reliant.

  • Sri Lanka's Human rights ‘deteriorated dramatically’ – Amnesty
    Amnesty International said the human rights situation in Sri Lanka has ‘deteriorated dramatically’, as it also warned of a 'human rights meltdown' across the world.

    In its 2007 report on human rights released in the last week of May, Amnesty said of Sri Lanka: “Unlawful killings, recruitment of child soldiers, abductions, enforced disappearances and other human rights violations and war crimes increased...Hundreds of civilians were killed and injured and more than 215,000 people displaced by the end of 2006...A pattern of enforced disappearances in the north and east re-emerged. There were reports of torture in police custody; perpetrators continued to benefit from impunity.”

    On the issue of child soldiers, Amnesty said: "At least 50 children a month were recruited as soldiers in the north and east. According to UNICEF, the UN Children's Agency, by mid-2006 there were still 1,545 under-age fighters in LTTE forces.

    "In June over 100 children were reportedly recruited in government-controlled areas in the east by the Karuna group. In November, a special adviser to the UN Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict reported that government forces had been actively involved in forcibly recruiting children to the group."

    The report said the Human Rights Commission "reported 419 enforced disappearances in Jaffna for the first half of 2006. A local non-governmental organization recorded 277 abductions from April to September. Disappearances and abductions were attributed to several forces, including the security forces, the LTTE and the Karuna group."

    The disappeared list included, Father Thiruchchelvan Nihal Jim Brown, a Catholic priest from Allaipiddy, and Wenceslaus Vinces Vimalathas who went missing after crossing a navy checkpoint in August on Kayts Island.

    It was feared they had been taken into custody by navy personnel, Amnesty said. Recently a body discovered in the seas north of Jaffna has been positively identified as that of Father Brown.

    Over 215,000 people were displaced in the north and east as a result of renewed fighting, and at least 10,000 fled to India, Amnesty said.

    The report added that although camps of tsunami affected people were well funded, "people displaced by the conflict often lacked electricity, transport and proper sanitation. Concerns remained about this disparity of treatment."

    Amnesty also warned of a global 'human rights meltdown' as powerful governments and armed groups were deliberately fomenting fear to create an increasingly polarized and dangerous world.

    Amnesty called on governments to reject the 'politics of fear' and invest in human rights institutions to maintain the rule of law at national and international level, as it present the report in London.

    'Just as global warming requires global action based on international cooperation, the human rights meltdown can only be tackled through global solidarity and respect for international law,' Amnesty's secretary-general, Irene Khan said.

    'Through short sighted, fear-mongering and divisive policies, governments are undermining the rule of law and human rights, feeding racism and xenophobia, dividing communities, intensifying inequalities and sowing the seeds for more violence and conflict,' said Khan.

    'The politics of fear is fuelling a downward spiral of human rights abuse in which no right is sacrosanct and no person safe.'

    The report singled out that so-called war on terror and the invasion of Iraq, with their 'catalogue of human rights abuses,' as having created deep divisions that cast a shadow on international relations.

    Scarred by distrust and division, the international community was too often impotent or weak-willed in the face of major human rights crises in 2006, whether in forgotten conflicts like Chechnya, Colombia and Sri Lanka or high profiles ones in the Middle East, the report said.

  • The Invisible Madeleines
    Recently four year old Madeleine McCann from Rothley, Leicestershire, disappeared from the holiday apartment in Praia da Luz, Portugal in which she was sleeping with her siblings whilst her parents had dinner less than 50 meters away.

    Since then we have seen endless footage of two young individuals whose pain, sadness and fear for their daughter’s safety can not be described nor imagined. One only has to see Gerry and Kate McCann’s faces to know that every moment since that night has been a living nightmare for them.

    11 days after the incident the reward offered to anyone with information leading to Madeleine’s safe return reached £2.5 million. The generosity of the individuals who have contributed to this fund and every other that has taken time to help in some way is a display of human kindness at its finest. Once again we have united as a nation to show our support, courage and strength. We did this after little Jamie Bulger’s brutal murder, the 2004 Tsunami and 07/07 and we will continue to do this as future tragedies take their place in history.

    Yet there is something very uncomfortable and disconcerting about the media’s reaction to Madeleine McCann. As each day passes, it is becoming harder to ignore the imbalance of their reporting. Why has precedence been given to one child and her family over the countless others in this world who are locked in endless slavery, abuse, torture and poverty?

    The media say they report News. Surely it is the media that has driven the news over the past 13 days. The momentum of this front page 24/7 reporting has created a void which is not backfilled by any measured reporting of an issue that affects thousands of children every day of every year. Once again the media have failed to give voice to the poor.

    In a report by Human Rights Watch published in January 2004, the report details child abductions in Northern Uganda as one of the most flagrant examples. ‘The Lord’s Resistance Army has abducted an estimated 10,000 children since mid 2002. These children are forced to fight against the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces, raid villages for food, slaughter civilians, and abduct other children. Children who try to escape are killed, typically by other children who are forced to beat or hack the victim or be killed themselves’.

    Around Easter this year the plight of children slaving on Cocoa farms in the Ivory Coast so that we can effortlessly eat Easter eggs was given some media attention albeit very minimal. A survey in 2002 by the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture found that 284 000 children were working in hazardous conditions on cocoa farms in West Africa. Many of these children were trafficked. Imagine Wembley Stadium filled three times over. This is how many children’s lives are at stake.

    Why has this not been drummed, hammered and stamped into our conscience by the media with daily headlines and graphic accounts of these children? Their names, their age, their smiles, their tears. We hear nothing. We see nothing. Why are we not reminded every day that bonded labour, warfare and child prostitution is an everyday reality for so many of the world’s children?

    There is no doubt that there is a lot of money being given to aid children whose human rights have and are being violated. There are many selfless and generous people in our world and every bit counts. And there is no question of the validity of the reward to bring Madeleine home. Everyone wants this beautiful little girl to be safe and back in her parents’ arms again.

    It is unfortunate that the media has isolated this heart wrenching story and have failed to frame it within a global context. Every child is priceless and most importantly every child is equal. As human beings we have a moral duty to remember the thousands of invisible children who we will never ever hear about every time we think, hope and pray for Madeleine McCann.

  • Court denies request for forensic tests on Allaipiddy bullets
    A Sri Lankan court has refused to allow the police to perform forensic tests on bullets recovered from eleven victims killed in Allaipiddy on May 13, 2006, citing the time lapse.

    The officials had wanted to test fire weapons obtained from the SLN and compare them to the bullets recovered from the victims.

    The CID claimed that such an examination would shed some light in identifying those involved in the killing of the eleven civilians, including eight from the same family.

    Citing the fact that more than a year had passed since the killings and that many of the naval personnel at the Karainagar Naval base had since been transferred to other locations, the Kayts Magistrate refused to allow the police to proceed.

    He also mentioned that the weapons used during the killing would most likely be different to any currently being used, and comparing these bullets will likely fail legal scrutiny, and thus would not serve any purpose.

    However, the magistrate went on to specify that if any civilian could identify those involved in the killings, then the bullets from the weapons of those identified could be compared with the bullets from victims' bodies and subjected to forensic examination.

    Stressing the critical legal need to have an identification parade, the Kayts magistrate adjourned the trial until June 25.

    He also directed the police to arrange for an identification parade of the SLN troopers who served in the area during the Allaippiddi massacre.

    On May 13, 2006, unidentified gunmen, widely believed to be SLN soldiers, entered the home of Sellathurai Amalathas in Allaipiddy and opened fire. Eight people were killed on the spot, including a four-month-old baby and four-year-old boy. Another person died later in hospital. On the same night, another two civilians were also killed, allegedly by the same group of gunmen.
  • ‘The gun is silencing the pen’ – Jaffna journalists
    Following the recent murder of another journalist in Jaffna by suspected Army-backed paramilitaries, the Journalists Union in the peninsula has appealed to the international community to defend media freedom in Sri Lanka.

    Despite international media watchdogs’ disquiet over threats to Sri Lankan journalists, paramilitaries are openly threatening media workers and civil society activists in the northern peninsula, reporters say.

    The journalists appeal was supported by an appeal to the government signed by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), Sri Lanka’s largest Tamil party.

    In a petition to the United Nations’ Secretary General dated May 9, the Jaffna journalists pleaded for the international community to act to protect media freedom.

    “The pen is being silenced by the gun. We ask the entire world why they are silent?” the letter said.

    It urged the international community to “take action … rather than merely publish annual reports about journalists’ untimely deaths.”

    “We media personnel make this request to the world at large,” the letter said. “We humbly ask you to take measures to save journalists’ lives and protect democracy in Sri Lanka.”

    The Jaffna-based Tamil News Information Centre (TNIC), a registered association of established by academics, lawyers, former parliamentarians and senior journalists said Army-backed paramilitaries are systematically targeting Tamil journalists.

    Journalists critical of government policy and those reporting on activities of the paramilitaries, are being named and openly threatened on the Army-run radio station in Jaffna, it said.

    Some of those named on the Army radio have subsequently been shot dead in the garrison town.

    The TNIC, among other civil society organisations in Jaffna, has been involved in probing abductions of youth and social activists in Jaffna and releasing gathered information and evidence to media.

    The Jaffna journalists’ petition was handed over to UN officials on May 7, after a protest march in Vanni to condemn the most recent killing of a Tamil journalist, Selvarajah Rajivarman.

    Rajivarman worked for the Uthayan newspaper, whose staff and offices have repeatedly been attacked by Army-backed paramilitaries, including those from the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP).

    The EPDP is a parliamentary ally of President Rajapakse and its cadres operate alongside the Sri Lankan military in counter-insurgency against the Tamil Tigers.

    EPDP members were suspected in the murder of journalist Mylvaganam Nimalarajan in 2000 and last year's murder of the three Uthayan employees, the international watchdog RSF (Reporters Without Borders) said in a statement on May 1.

    Rajivarman as the second journalist to be killed in a government-controlled area in the past few weeks and is the third member of TNIC to be killed in Jaffna the past few months.

    The organization lamented the killings were continuing “despite all the complaints and pleas made to Human Rights Commission, Sri Lankan Police and International Human Rights organizations regarding the public threat issued to TNIC workers.”

    Last month RSF criticized the Sri Lankan government for contributing to the climate of terror.

    "The impunity reigning in the east and north encourages the militias and death squads to continue their human rights violations. The government, several of whose members regularly threaten the press and human rights activists, is partly to blame for this violence," RSF said.

    "The people who murder journalists in Sri Lanka feel so well protected that they carry out fresh murders to mark the anniversaries of their preceding ones," RSF said.
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