President Mahinda Rajapakse is considering a national government or a snap general election to move the peace process forward, The Sunday Leader newspaper reported this week, adding a final decision on the two options is to be taken by the President after the local authority polls on March 30.

This entails a tieup between Rajapakse’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the main opposition United National Party (UNP).

The Sunday Leader, quoting “informed sources” said the President will discuss a working arrangement with the UNP at the bilateral talks between the two parties after the local polls to take the peace process forward in view of the ultimatum issued by the JVP.

The President believes an arrangement with the UNP will also strengthen the government’s hand at the negotiating table, the Sunday Leader, known for its close links with the UNP, reported.

The President will discuss the possibility of a national government with the UNP in the current parliament or forming one after a snap poll which, the Sunday Leader claimed, will also see the JVP’s strength reduced in parliament.

The SLFP-led government is hamstrung by holding a minority of seats in the 225 seat parliament, while the UNP is anxious to step a series of defections by both local government and parliamentary members to the SLFP. The ruling SLFP-led UPFA coalition won 106 seats in the 225 member parliament at the 2004 general election, of which the JVP has 39 MPs.

The President’s decision to consider the national government option first follows an ultimatum issued by the ultra-nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP) to oust Norway as facilitator of the peace process before the next round of talks in Geneva scheduled to commence on April 19, the paper said.

The President has decided to continue with Norwegian facilitation and informed the JVP of his decision, the paper said.

The JVP politburo last week decided to launch agitation campaigns calling for Norway’s ouster from April prompting the President to look at available options with several ministers keen on a working arrangement with the UNP to restore economic and political stability to the country.

The President had told confidants last week he is committed to taking the peace process forward and would not cave in to JVP pressure, the Sunday Leader said.

A top source close to the President also said the international community too was in favour of a national government with the UNP in the current context.

UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who was in Norway on an official visit was also impressed upon by the facilitator on the need for the two main parties in the south to work together on the peace process, The Sunday Leader said.

It is following the President’s decision to explore the possibility of a national government that he (Rajapakse) decided to put on hold any moves to lure more UNP members to the government fold, the paper added.

International Educational Development (IED) welcomes the resumption of talks between the parties to the armed conflict in Sri Lanka. These talks should be strongly supported by the international community as a whole. We acknowledge the efforts initiated and lead by the government of Norway to find a peaceful solution to this long war.

We sincerely hope that these talks take place with full recognition of both rights and duties under the Geneva Conventions and all treaty-based and customary laws of war. Without this basic context for talks, whether talks about cease fire agreements or other steps toward lasting peace, we fear that they will fail.

We also hope that the talks lead to a recognition of the right to self-determination of the Tamil people and full awareness that there will be no lasting peace in Sri Lanka until the Tamil people are allowed to realize that right either within a confederated state or, if this is the only way, in a separate state.

It is important at the time when the parties resume dialog that the international community takes a hard look at the causes of this conflict, and carefully reviews the reasons other rounds of peace talks have failed. In this light we draw attention to geopolitical interests from outside Sri Lanka that have played a significant role in prolonging this war.

Some of the States that have a role in prolonging the war have done so openly. For example, the government of India entered into the conflict with its own military. Other States’ involvements have been less open, such as those that have supplied the government of Sri Lanka with weapons and a wide array of military materiel. The United States, however, has kept its participation largely hidden.

The United States has substantial interests in Sri Lanka, especially as the US seeks to expand its role and power in Asia. First of all Sri Lanka has airfields, such as in Palaly, that could provide highly useful bases for the United States airpower.

In addition, Sri Lanka has several deep-water ports that would be very useful for United States naval power. United States interests in Trincomalee harbor, for example, was a major factor in the direct involvement of India in Sri Lanka beginning in 1987, as is apparent by the letter of annexure to the Indo-Sri Lanka accord of that year in which the Prime Minister of India stated that no action would take place in Trincolamee that was against the interests of India. Current discussions of widening the Palk Straights to allow large vessels to pass through are disturbing in light of United States’ interests.

Yet other United States interests in Sri Lanka are its natural resources, such as titanium, and the potential for the exploitation of natural gas and petroleum. Most of the land and resources coveted by the United States lie in the traditional Tamil areas. United States economic involvement in the Tamil areas would severely impair Tamil self-determination rights.

Understanding the interests of the United States in the Tamil areas of Sri Lanka goes a long way to explaining US overt actions in relation to the conflict in Sri Lanka, the most prominent being its harsh rhetoric against the Tamils and their leadership under the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

The United States appears determined to have the conflict in Sri Lanka viewed as terrorism and counter-terrorism rather than a war, and it continues to accuse the LTTE of acts, such as political assassinations that have either been shown to have been committed by others or that have never actually been investigated at all. The constant repetition of this political rhetoric, which is so similar to the constant linkage of Saddam Hussain with the events of 11 September 2001 and Al-Qaeda, has also been echoed by other States that, apparently, support United States goals for the region, or who simply go along without knowing.

This manifestation of the “coalition of the willing” severely impairs the possibility of a positive outcome in talks between the parties. This political rhetoric also helps to weaken still further the Geneva Conventions, viewed as “quaint” by the current United States Attorney General and so terrifyingly violated in the course of military operations in Iraq. More ominously, this steady “terrorism” rhetoric could lay the foundation for direct United States involvement in Sri Lanka affairs on the pretext of combating terrorism. Such action would, of course, obliterate Tamil self-determination.

Legal scholars and non-governmental organizations have been very vocal in their support for the right of the Tamil people to self-determination. In this regard, there have been hundreds of conferences, symposia, oral and written statements at the Commission as well as in many countries. IED has participated in perhaps 30 such sessions, joined by many NGO, political figures, and other legal experts.

Even the few experts unwilling to reach to the pre-colonial period to support self-determination due to “passage of time” and other practical and tactical concerns, urge that the failure, since 1949, of the Sinhala-dominated governments to afford the Tamil people basic rights (in spite of negotiations with various Tamil leaders), ripens the right to self-determination as the only practical remedy for repression.

The right may even ripen if, given the relative numbers of majority versus minority groups, the minority cannot effectively ever win in issues of importance to them. This, then, becomes a violation of governance rights. In Sri Lanka, in addition to the clear oppression of the Tamil minority, the Tamil people and their leadership are unable to effectively address anything of importance to the Tamil people: fishing rights, environmental concerns, or even post-Tsunami relief efforts.

The international community as a whole needs to assess properly the situation Sri Lanka in light of humanitarian law and the application of the right to self-termination and with a more complete understanding of the geopolitical interests that have long impeded resolving this conflict.

These are edited extracts of Ms. Karen Parker’s appeal to 2006 UN Commission of Human Rights on behalf of IED.

TamilNet: You were part of the LTTE delegation in Geneva. How do you view Colombo’s commitment to the peace process?

Nadesan: We have been involved in many talks with Sri Lanka, from Thimpu talks in India to the present one. But it has always been the agenda of Colombo to eventually opt for a military solution. The outcome of talks with the assistance of a neutral international facilitator will thus be favourable to Tamils. The International Community has now glimpsed the true face of the Sinhala Government that we are forced to deal with. In the past we have conducted talks with the Indian Government and various Colombo Governments. What we saw in Geneva was that the present Government in Colombo lacks maturity. The way their delegates spoke at the table clearly showed where they are. They also lack political maturity to deal with the ethnic question and to make use of international facilitation. For example, the Sri Lankan IGP (Inspector General of Police) [Chandra Fernando] who came to Geneva, instead of exploring ways to end the present cycle of violence launched a tirade about the early killings such as those of Alfred Duraiyappah so and on. The point about negotiations should be to resolve the problem, not just point fingers. We could also come to the talks and cite tens of thousand of grave crimes against humanity by the Sri Lankan regime. But it is not the way you go forward with the issues in the talks. Did they come to Geneva to attend a court proceeding or for serious negotiations to end the violence? The aim of these talks was to discuss and find a way to solve the issues on the table. But the IGP behaved like a policeman in Sri Lanka, who files cases without evidence under their PTA and Emergency Regulations. He did not behave like a delegate of a state trying to solve a national crisis at all. Again, after the Geneva talks, the IGP issued a premature statement to Colombo Press about our Chief Negotiator’s response to his accusations. He denies the existence of Tamil paramilitary groups. He has not understood the prevailing situation regarding the peace process in Sri Lanka. The International Community on various occasions has also raised the problem of Tamil paramilitary groups that he denies. Even the recent report issued by the US State Department names the Tamil paramilitary groups. But the Sri Lankan IGP insists that there is only one paramilitary - the Special Task Force (STF) in Sri Lanka.

TamilNet: What are the main areas of concern of the Thamileelam Police during the Ceasefire between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Government of Sri Lanka?

Nadesan: There was a big change in Police requirements in the area we administer since the peace process began. A good example is traffic management. Following the Ceasefire Agreement in February 2002, we had to strengthen traffic routines to prevent accidents. One would have observed a big difference between the number of accidents in Sri Lanka Army controlled areas and the areas we administer. Our Policing style and approach are designed to be people-friendly in attitude and conduct. We interact with various civil institutions such as schools to nurture respect for the traffic rules and practices. We set out measures to educate students, the younger generation and workers on traffic rules and regulations, winning their respect for a dedicated and effective implementation. It is the inclusive approach that helps us to enforce the procedures. Our leader, Mr. Vellupillai Pirapaharan is very specific about this user-friendly policing approach. It begins even with the blue Police uniform which was designed to symbolise a friendly approach, this is in contrast to the traditional semi-military khaki uniform worn by police in many other places. Mr. Pirapaharan is very particular about this attitude: we are at the service of the people. Another issue that we had to deal with increasingly during the CFA was that many individuals suspected of or responsible for committing serious crimes within the Sri Lanka Army controlled areas attempt to escape into our territory and vice versa. We are in the process of building structures to deal with these challenges.

TamilNet: Outside the Police, what kind of infrastructure and administration-related issues are being addressed by the Liberation Tigers?

Nadesan: New administrative structures are being developed. For example, Tamils were deprived of computer facilities during the wartime due to Colombo’s economic embargo. In particular, Tamil children need to enter the Information Age. Almost all the fields in education need to absorb new knowledge and we need structures to deal with that challenge. We can’t wait for a political solution to address these important issues. We are continuously engaged in establishing ways to address the pressing requirements of our society. For example, there are new Laws being tabled by the Thamileelam Judiciary. An example is the recent Land Distribution Law. It is our intention that no single individual should be landless in our society. Our national leader specifically urged our Judiciary to research and find out ways to ensure distribution of land to all those landless in the areas under our administration. A law has now been enacted and is being implemented. There is a structure similar to a Land Department Authority under the jurisdiction of the new Law. Another example is building construction. There are many contractors engaging in building constructions during peace - time. A law is codified and being implemented with necessary structures to ensure that adequate standards are maintained. This type of additional structures are necessary to enable the entry of our people into the modern competitive world on an equal footing with the people of any other country. It is the responsibility of a freedom movement like ours to ensure this.

TamilNet: How does the Thamileelam Police interact with the International NGOs?

Nadesan: We closely co-ordinate with the ICRC, UNHCR, and the UNICEF. The ICRC, which works with Human Rights issues and the welfare of prisoners, is provided access to all our police stations and the prisons. They have access to all the documents. They conduct regular monthly visits. We have, in our Police Training, introduced advanced Human Rights courses like the new Police Training programs in many other countries. These courses specify the interpretation and adaptation of International Human Rights practices to meet the realities on the ground. The UNHCR also conducts, from time to time, workshops and seminars on gender violence and fundamental Human Rights for our policemen. Our women Police officers participate in seminars with UNICEF on Gender Violence and Women’s and Children’s Rights.

TamilNet: What measures do the Police undertake to defend the rights of Women and Children?

Nadesan: Our leader, in his periodic briefings to me, use to remind me that the Police should be proactive, with an attitude to serve, and seek advice from competent people to acquire relevant knowledge. He would also remind that the Police, in the minds of the people, should not be viewed as an entity preoccupied with prosecuting cases. We are working on procedures and training on how to work with women related issues in urban society, in towns, and in rural areas, The awareness of certain rights need to be instilled in the minds of housewives and working women. The Police service is thus a cornerstone in creating a consciousness of Social Independence. Shedding crocodile tears, the Sri Lankan government, which readily bombed Tamil schools and caused severe malnutrition amongst our children during the war, is now talking about child soldiers and engaged in a propaganda campaign against the Tigers on child recruitment. They go around with statistics compiled before Karuna’s administration was brought to an end in the east. It was because of Karuna our leadership had to tackle with the problem of forced child recruitment. I was specifically asked by our leader to extend our Police administration in the East, as were the Chief of Intelligence [Pottu Amman] and Chief of Finance [Thamilenthi], as there were complaints and reports about irregular conduct and corruption under Karuna. That is why Karuna publicly named me and the other two as his prime enemies, soon after rebelling. The first thing our leader did after defeating Karuna’s rebellion was to secure the release of many under-aged youths in his camps. Now Karuna is with the Colombo government and we see he is still engaged with the same tactics from the opposite camp.

Our Judiciary is also working with codification of Child Rights. A dedicated division on Women and Children’s Affairs is operating in the Police service and it is to be expanded with its own building and programs. Our policemen are continuously trained and put on courses on these issues.

TamilNet: What reaction does this draw from the international community?

Nadesan: Whether the NGO representatives in Kilinochchi openly say it to media or not might be a matter of politics, but we have on various occasions received positive feedback from the visiting officials and from those I have met in my visits to Europe. Policy makers are appreciative of the effective functioning of our Police. For example, a top level ICRC official who met Mr. Anton Balasingham, myself and Mr. Thamilchelvan in Geneva, was appreciative of our working relationship with their delegates here.

TamilNet: How do you gather and incorporate knowledge into training?

Nadesan: First of all, we provide education in the history of our liberation struggle and its politico-social history to all our police personnel. Our people have undergone a lot of hardships. A policeman with political sensitivity and historical understanding would be committed to serve and safeguard the society from corruption and crime. Otherwise you will end up like the Sri Lankan Police with underworld elements inside the police itself. You get insight and maturity with knowledge. Our policemen are entirely different to the Sri Lankan police. They are polite when addressing the public and have earned the respect of the people. Acquiring expertise and adopting it and applying it to our local conditions is a continuous process. We have for example the Thesavalamai, the traditional law, which was codified in the beginning of the 17th century. These laws are specific to Tamil society and differ in significant areas from that of the Sri Lankan traditional law in the south. Our Thesavalamai gives equality to both women and men while the Sri Lankan traditional law favours men. Such traditional laws and practices are compared to modern knowledge and practice.

We also study the Training Manuals and the Code of Practice of various Police forces from around the world. How are we going to be prepared to tackle computer crime in future? The British Police has a dedicated branch to deal with Internet Crimes. We have started training selected police officials with IT knowledge. We have recently established a Computer Section. There are also sophisticated technologies that we have begun to adopt, from DNA forensics to dog handling. We have already begun using fingerprints and are in the process of acquiring the technology and tools for using and analysing photographic evidence. We are training our officers in DNA analysis. Although we don’t have organised crime as such in our areas, we need to be prepared to cope with the challenges in future. There are even probabilities of persons involved in such crimes in other countries, engaged in such crimes in the Diaspora community, entering our homeland. We are studying the crime patterns among the Diaspora communities in various countries in exile and are aware of the developments in this regard and the requirements. I have suggested to some Police officials whom I have discussed such matters in the West to actively disseminate knowledge to the youngsters via their parents to develop respect for law enforcement.

Tamil Net: Do you maintain contact with the Sri Lankan Police.
Nadesan: No. We have no contacts with them. In the Sri Lankan military occupied territories of Tamils, there are many problems. Some of the issues are caused by a pre-planned agenda of the military institutions. They distribute and allow free flow of narcotics and porno films to divert the attention of the youth in degenerative directions. There is also an environment allowed and nurtured to seduce Tamil youth into crime. These are only a few to mention. We can’t allow our citizens to be corrupted and destroyed. We have now established a Police station in Pallai to conduct investigations in Sri Lanka Army controlled parts of Jaffna. There is an efficient Judicial Courts in Pallai to attend the cases from SLA controlled Jaffna area also.

TamilNet: Three Sri Lankan Policemen who entered the LTTE controlled area in Mannar were in the custody of the Tigers for some weeks. This was interpreted as a tactic to secure the release of the LTTE cadres in Sri Lankan custody.

Nadesan: It is a misinterpretation. There were six Sri Lankan policemen who together entered the LTTE administered area in Mannar searching for an international criminal. Three of the policemen were released soon after the group was held. We do also have our intelligence sources within the Sri Lankan Police force. We had credible reports to give us sound reasons for detaining the other three. Two of them have now been released at the request of the LTTE leader. One is still in our custody.

Commenting, amongst other abuses, on the numerous killings in Sri Lanka’s northeast last year, the US State Department’s 2006 annual human rights report blamed “paramilitary forces” as well as the Liberation Tigers for “politically motivated killings” and singled out three paramilitary groups – the Karuna Group, EPDP and PLOTE – for criticism.

The State Department also said many of those killed by the LTTE were members of the anti-LTTE paramilitary groups and informants for the security forces.

The 2006 State Department report notes that “both the [Sri Lankan] government and the LTTE frequently violated the 2002 peace accord,” in reference to the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) which came into effect in February that year.

According to the CFA, which was hailed at the time of its signing by the international backers of the Norwegian peace process, Sri Lanka should have disarmed its Army-backed paramilitary forces and disbanded them or absorbed them into its regular armed forces for service outside the Tamil northeast.

The government of Mahinda Rajapakse insists this has been done, but throughout a cycle of violence that has escalated in the past two years despite the formal truce, the LTTE has insisted that Sri Lankan military intelligence is deploying five paramilitary groups in a concerted campaign of violence against its members and supporters.

The State Department’s 2006 report also raises doubts about the government’s denials.

“There were numerous reports that armed paramilitary groups, suspected of being linked to the government or security forces, participated in armed attacks during the year. These groups included the Karuna faction of the LTTE, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP), and the People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE),” the report said.

“There were reports that the government provided protection and military aid to Karuna and his cadres to assist them in their fight against LTTE cadre. The government denied any connection to Karuna and his cadres,” the report also said.

Karuna, the Tigers’ most senior commander in the east, defected to the SLA in April 2004 following the collapse of his six-week rebellion against the LTTE leadership. Since then several LTTE cadres and supporters, paramilitaries and security forces personnel have been killed in violence that has come to be characterized as a ‘shadow war’ or ‘subversive war.’

“[Although] there were no confirmed reports of politically motivated killings by the government; however, it was often alleged that paramilitary groups, sometimes with the aid of the government, engaged in targeted killings of political opponents,” the report said. “The government and the army denied the allegations.”

The State Department report also said there were “25 instances of politically motivated disappearances at the hands of the security forces during the year, and 10 instances by paramilitary forces allegedly tied to the government,” citing figures by Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Commission.

In addition “there were no developments in any of the unclassified disappearance cases cited by the 2000 UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances; neither was there any effort put forward by the government to gather information on these cases,” the US report added.

Many of those killed by the LTTE were members of anti-LTTE paramilitary groups, the State Department report said, adding that members of anti-LTTE Tamil political parties had also been targetted.

“During the year there were credible reports that LTTE killed 68 members of the police and military, more than 106 members of anti-LTTE Tamil paramilitary groups, LTTE cadres loyal to the Karuna faction, alleged Tamil informants for the security forces, and civilians,” the report said.

“During the year 18 current and past anti-LTTE Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) members were killed. Credible sources indicated that the LTTE killed 45 members of the breakaway military leader Karuna’s group. There was also credible evidence that the LTTE killed 15 members of the military intelligence apparatus in a targeted campaign,” the report said.

“Gunmen from Karuna’s paramilitary group allegedly killed 27 LTTE cadres, including E. Kausalyan, the LTTE political leader for Batticaloa, and Sebastiampillai Jeyachandran, the LTTE political leader for Trincomalee. Karuna’s group was believed also to have killed 20 civilians, including the April 15 killing of Thirukkovil divisional secretary A.K. Thavaraja and the June 29 killing of newspaper distributor Arasakumar Kannamuthu.”

Contradicting the Sri Lankan government’s claims that paramilitary armed groups were not operating in government-controlled areas, international ceasefire monitors insisted last week that such groups were active in government-controlled areas, although there was no explicit proof if they had the assistance of the military.

Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, in an interview with BBC Television last Monday, claimed an Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) report had proved there were no armed groups operating in government-controlled areas.

SLMM spokeswoman Helen Olfsdottir strongly rejected the Foreign Minister’s claim saying the ceasefire monitors had always maintained anti-LTTE armed groups were operating in government-controlled areas.

“I’m not sure what report he is referring to. We have always maintained armed groups are operating in government-controlled areas,” she said. “However, we said there was no proof to say the armed groups had the backing of the government security forces.”

Earlier, responding to Sri Lanka military’s denials over its paramilitary units, SLMM head Hagrup Haukland insisting “there is no doubt that such groups do exist.”

Mr. Haukland said the SLMM was monitoring the activities of the armed groups and would present a report at the next round of talks in Geneva from April 19-22.

At the last talks in Geneva, the government gave a commitment to the LTTE that it would ensure no group other than the government security forces would be allowed to carry arms after the LTTE claimed that there were at least five armed groups in operation in the North and East.
Mr. Samaraweera also asserted in the BBC interview that his government would not disarm the Karuna faction, as it was “an internal problem of the LTTE”.

The LTTE responded said the government was obliged to take responsibility for disarming the Karuna Group because Colombo had meddled in the issue, which was at one time an internal problem of the LTTE, by providing arms and support to the renegade commander Karuna.

The LTTE’s Batticaloa district political head Daya Mohan speaking told the Daily Mirror if the government had not used Karuna when the LTTE put him out of the organization on disciplinary grounds, the issue would have remained an internal problem of the LTTE.

“When we put him out of the LTTE, the government gave him refuge and used him against us so now the government can’t say it is an internal problem. It should have kept its hands off. Now it is the government’s responsibility to get rid of him,” Mr. Mohan said.

The LTTE Batticaloa leader said the international community should not blame the LTTE if it pulled out of the April talks because of the government’s failure to stick to the commitment given in Geneva.

Meanwhile, LTTE’s Jaffna political head Illantheriyan met SLMM representatives on Monday and lodged a complaint that armed groups were seen operating in the Jaffna peninsula last week despite heavy army presence in the area.

Amnesty International, in an Urgent Action release, has expressed “grave concern” for the safety of the seven Tamils Rehabilitation Organization (TRO) staffers who were abducted on 29-30 January and are still missing and calling on the Sri Lankan government to ensure the safety of other TRO workers.

In its appeal on Friday (10), Amnesty urged all concerned to write to the Sri Lanka Ministry of Defence, Inspector General of Police and Sri Lanka’s President Mr Mahinda Rajapakse to “undertake and complete as a matter of urgency thorough investigations into the fate and whereabouts of the seven,” and to ensure safety of all TRO workers and the families of the missing.

“It is feared that they may have “disappeared” and there are grave concerns for their safety,” Amnesty said.

“The TRO is seen as being closely affiliated with the LTTE. However, it is a legally registered Sri Lankan charity and its mission is to provide much needed relief, rehabilitation and development for the people of the northeast of Sri Lanka,” Amnesty said.

Contradicting claims by the government, Amnesty insisted “The TRO staff have continued to cooperate with the authorities.”

Amnesty urged its members to write to the Sri Lankan government “expressing concern for the safety of the missing TRO workers [and] urging the authorities to undertake and complete as a matter of urgency thorough investigations into the fate and whereabouts of the seven, and make the findings public.”

It urged members to urge the Sri Lankan authorities “to take immediate measures to ensure the safety of all TRO workers and others involved in humanitarian relief work.”

It also sought “immediate steps to be taken to ensure the safety of the families of the seven missing TRO workers.”

Amnesty noted that “The abductions of the TRO workers, which took place shortly after [talks were announced between the LTTE and Sri Lankan government] were interpreted by some as an attempt to derail this renewed effort to put the peace process back on track.”

Several protests against abductions by Army-backed Tamil paramilitaries have taken place in Sri Lanka’s volatile eastern province since the talks in Geneva since the Liberation Tigers and the Colombo government.

The issue of paramilitaries has gained in prominence amongst all communities throughout Sri Lanka as it appears to be the single factor that could determine the success or failure of the ongoing talks.

Muslims organized a hartal in Kattankudy, Batticaloa on Saturday to protest the escalating violence by paramilitaries against their community and the Tamils.

On Friday, four motorcycles belonging to Muslims were stolen by paramilitary cadres. Angered by this theft and escalating abductions in the wider Batticaloa district, Muslims organized a village-wide shut down.

The protest was observed by transport services and business services. Angry protestors also damaged 3 government buses and burned tires along the main highway.

Muslim officials in Valaichenai said that members of the paramilitary Karuna group, posing as Liberation Tigers, have attacked Muslim civilians, accusing them of establishing a Muslim paramilitary group.

Protestors Saturday also said the most recent thefts exemplified the concerted attempt to manufacture communal violence between the Tamil and Muslim communities.

On Friday, the people of Batticaloa district protested against increasing abductions of young metn and boys by Army-backed paramilitary cadres in the district.

A hartal resulted in businesses, government offices, markets, schools, and banks being closed to decry the violence.

The protests angered paramilitary cadres, suspected to be part of the Karuna Group. Nine paramilitary cadres entered the Ceylon Transport Board depot and beat the drivers and conductors, while demanding they drive the buses in spite of the district-wide strike.

Protestors later blocked the main roads with burning tires, triggering the deployment of SLA troops and policemen.

At least nine youths were abducted from Batticaloa last week, enraging the local community and sparking concerns that the peace talks will beak down as Sri Lanka fails to honour pledges made in Geneva.

The youth were abducted last Monday by Sinhala-speaking paramilitary troops in military fatigue. They were aged between 15 and 20 and were all laborers.

Five were abducted from the Tiger-controlled Murithanai, 5 km west of where two bicycling 15-year olds were abducted later in Valaichenai. Two other youth were kidnapped in Urani later Monday evening.

Batticaloa District Political Head of the LTTE, Daya Mohan, said Sri Lanka Army soldiers and paramilitary cadres took the youth to a safe house attached to a SLA 23-3 Division camp.

Two Valaichenai students abducted by paramilitaries riding in a white van on Monday were released after angry protests on Wednesday.

Valaichenai Hindu College students, Jeyaraj Kirisanth and Suthaharan Kulosan, abducted Monday in front of ZOA (a foreign NGO) office in Valaichenai, were released by the captors and arrived at the Valaichenai Veterinary Hospital in a bus.

Within ten minutes of their arrival, Valaichanai Police officers arrived at students’ homes and took the students to the Police Station for investigations.

On Wednesday, a Valaichenai-wide hartal was observed and Valaichenai Hindu College in Batticaloa was closed as protesters demanded the release of students.

Protesters burnt two buses that defied the hartal, one near Vallaichenai Police station and the other near Karuvakerni junction.

Stung by criticism by expatriate Tamils of its report last week claiming the Diaspora was gripped by ‘a culture of fear’ regarding LTTE extortion, Human Rights Watch this weekend issued a statement that stepped back from its earlier sensational claims.

Acknowledging that accusations of extortion were only being made about “a small number of individuals” who were “claiming to represent the LTTE or groups linked to the LTTE,” HRW said: “we do not suggest that significant numbers of Tamils are engaging in extortion or other unlawful activity. We also note that many Tamils actively and willingly support the LTTE.”

Last week a HRW report titled ‘Funding the ‘Final War’: LTTE Intimidation and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora,’ the New York based organization urged government authorities in Canada and the UK “to take stronger steps to protect members of the Tamil diaspora from violence, intimidation and extortion.”

“The Tamil Tigers are exporting the terrors of war to Tamils in the West,” the report’s author, Jo Becker, said. “The culture of fear is so strong that even Tamils who don’t support them still feel they have no choice but to give money.”

HRW said its 45-page report “details how representatives of the LTTE and pro-LTTE groups use unlawful pressure among Tamil communities in the West to secure financial pledges.”

However, the report triggered a storm of protest and outrage amongst expatriate Tamils.

The Toronto Star reported that at a press conference Wednesday organized by the Canadian Tamil Congress, the message was that anonymous allegations made to HRW don’t equal proof of a crime.

“At the event, attended by some of Toronto’s most prominent Tamils, the group told reporters the LTTE was the victim of a smear campaign,” the Star reported.

Pointing out there has not been a single prosecution for extortion in Canada amongst the Tamil community, the CTC questioned the basis on which such sweeping allegations could be made about a community.

HRW responded this weekend with a statement on its website.

The human rights group said it had spoken to dozens of members of the Tamil community in Canada and UK.

However, in its clarification, it said there were “credible and consistent reports … of a widespread and systematic campaign by the LTTE obtain funds from Tamils in the West.”

This, Tamil expatriates point out, is quite different from a widespread campaign of extortion or intimidation. Indeed, HRW’s clarification admits: “While a large number of Tamils are subjected to demands for money, we do not suggest that significant numbers of Tamils are engaging in extortion or other unlawful activity. We also note that many Tamils actively and willingly support the LTTE.”

“The extortion activities described in our report are being carried out by a small number of individuals claiming to represent the LTTE or groups linked to the LTTE,” the

However, HRW said the fact there have been no prosecutions did not mean it did not take place, but that people were too scared to complain to Police.

The organization denied it had been instigated by the Sri Lankan government to file the report to smear the LTTE and defended its author, Ms. Becker, as a researcher with 8 years experience.

Expatriate Tamils protested, however, that the accusations, leveled anonymously, were impractical to disprove.

“Unless you interview all 300,000 [Tamils], you’re not going to be able to counter these allegations,” Dushy Gnanapragasam, a spokesman for Toronto’s Tamil community told the Toronto Star.

The Star quoted Tamils suggesting that HRW had probably been fed bogus information by anti-LTTE Tamil groups.

Within a day of HRW’s report coming out, expatriate Tamils in Canada condemned it and called a press conference to rebut the accusations in it.

The report had characterized their entire community as one moribund by fear and questioned its integration into Canadian society, they argued.

Pointing out there has not been a single prosecution for extortion in Canada amongst the Tamil community, they said anecdotal evidence and assumptions, not sound social science research, formed the basis for HRW’s allegations.

“The report makes disparaging conclusions about our community’s ability to report extortion and casts doubts about our integrity as law abiding citizens of Canada,” said David Poopalapillai, spokesperson for the CWC.

“This report makes me sick because it is saying that we are covering something up and our community is living in fear. In Toronto alone, there are 30 independent Tamil newspapers, three 24 hour radio stations, and three 24 hour Televisions stations. There is no veil of silence – Ms. Becker simply has her facts wrong,” he said.

“Not only are the report’s findings completely false– they seem to be based on anecdotal evidence and misguided assumptions,” said Ashwin Balamohan, incoming Vice President University Affairs for the Students’ Administrative Council at University of Toronto.

HRW also suggest that Canadian police set up a task force to investigate extortion. But a spokesman for the Toronto Police told the Globe and Mail that the force has not received complaints.
Ms. Becker, who some Tamil organizations said had conducted telephone interviews in an aggressive and inquisitorial manner, alleges in her report that Tamils are silent about what she claims is widespread extortion, because of fear of reprisals against them or relatives in Sri Lanka.

Nehru Gunaratnam, a spokesman for the Tamil community in Toronto, also told local reporters the report creates a skewed and offensive image of the Tamil people.

Neither he nor other prominent community leaders were interviewed by Ms. Becker, the Canadian Press news agency quoted him as saying.

The HRW report, which appeals to Canadian and British authorities to take action on behalf of the Tamil Diaspora, was condescending towards long-settled community, the CWC said.

More seriously, by tarring the entire community as somehow distinct from Canadian society, the HRW report “potentially place Tamil Canadians at great risk of racial discrimination and harassment,” CWC protested.

“Extortion is already a criminal code offence in Canada – why has no one been charged?” the CWC asked. “If no one has been charged, how can it be determined that they belong to a particular group?”

At any other time it would have been routine and not worthy of more than a couple of column inches. But Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to Oslo last week seemed to confirm what close observers of Sri Lanka’s politics had been speculating for some time: that powerful members of the international community are keen to actively bring about a scenario where the peace process could no longer be a target for political ‘outbidding’ in the south.

In short, they want a national government between Sri Lanka’s main parties, President Mahinda Rajapakse’s ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and Wickremesinghe’s main opposition United National Party (UNP). Inevitably, this necessitates Rajapakse dumping his present ultra-nationalist allies – the Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP) and the Jeyathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) – and ending their present hold on the peace process.

The national government story ‘broke’ in The Sunday Leader this week – though most political actors, not least the shrewd leadership of the JVP, had figured out what was going on the moment Wickremesinghe left the island (even though, UNP officials insist, the trip was scheduled a long time ago). Yet, the Leader, known for its close links with the UNP, claimed the idea of a national government originated from President Rajapakse himself and noted only that the international community was ‘in favour’ of the idea.

For President Rajapakse, a tie-up would not only guarantee the parliamentary stability of his minority government, but would end some of his other difficulties, not least the reluctance of foreign investors and the incessant pressure from international actors to push on with the peace process.

For the UNP, a tie-up would stem the relentless flow of defectors from its divided ranks to the SLFP - Rajapakse, assured of a stable majority in parliament, would desist from his highly effective campaign of wooing them over. Wickremesinghe, whose position as UNP leader has been under severe pressure, would be also relieved. As for the UNP rebels, a tie-up might undermine their pressure to make Wickremesinghe step down, but they too would welcome an end to the debilitating defections. The UNP, as a whole, would welcome a rift between Rajapakse and his JVP/JHU allies.

The only loser in this scenario, it appears, is the JVP and, understandably, the Marxists are beside themselves with rage. Having backed Rajapakse’s Presidential campaign – more effectively than even his own divided SLFP – the JVP has had a grip on the levers of power (whilst not being responsible for the Rajapakse’s mistakes) and had taken a commanding position on the flank of the peace process and other key matters of state. Now that grip is being prised away.

One of the immediate consequences of the Wickremesinghe visit, therefore, has been the vehement campaign unleashed last week by Sinhala nationalist forces against Norway. Both the JVP and its support organisations such as the Patriotic National Movement (PNM) have come out in full fury against Oslo. The charges are not new – that Norway is biased against the Liberation Tigers, that there is a Norwegian conspiracy against Sri Lanka, and so on.

But the JVP knows full well that Norway is merely the visible tip of a powerful international iceberg. And it also knows that it cannot take a strident line against those actors without significant consequences, not least it if expects (as it undoubtedly does) to govern Sri Lanka one day. Thus Oslo serves as the only viable target.

In any case, the matter of a national government can only be decided after the outcome of March 30 elections is known. But some questions about its salience to a peace process are already showing through.

The logic behind a tie up between Sri Lanka’s two main parties is hardly novel. It was raised most famously in the late nineties by visiting British officials Liam Fox and, later, Minister Derek Fatchet. But that initiative failed as neither the UNP nor the SLFP-led People’s Alliance (PA) saw much mileage in it for themselves. Also, with every expectation that President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s ‘war for peace’ was going to wipe the LTTE out once and for all, the international community was not inclined to use pressure to ensure the tie-up came through.

What is different between then and now is the JVP. The party has grown in parliament (indeed, it is now challenging the disintegrating SLFP for the number two slot), in grassroots reach, in other capacities. But it has also become a political phenomenon. A powerful standard bearer of Sinhala nationalism, the JVP has positioned itself as cure for the myriad of ills afflicting Sri Lanka. As a result, the bipolar politics of yore have been replaced by a system that is almost tripolar. And there is nothing to suggest this process is going to be arrested. If anything, a national government presiding over the same corrupt, inefficient state is likely to enhance the JVP’s argument on the street that it is the one and only answer to Sri Lanka’s ills.

This is the first reason why the notion of a national government being a panacea for the competitive outbidding that has undermined past peace efforts becomes questionable.

In the recent past it is the JVP, not the main opposition, that has spearheaded strong resistance to any effort to advance the peace process. Be it the sharing of tsunami aid (P-TOMS) with the Tigers, or even of holding talks with them, the JVP has been the most vocal and the most effective opponent.

True, the UNP-led government that signed the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) and then held six rounds of talks with the LTTE struggled against Kumaratunga’s resistance to its efforts. And the UNP, once ejected from power in April 2004, has subsequently been less than helpful, not least in defending the peace process. But true resistance to peace efforts have come from the JVP and JHU and their supportive organisations.

Ironically, it is the ferocity of their opposition that has led to recent calls for greater inclusivity in the peace process (and the logic that such political actors are better brought into the process, rather than left to mobilise against it from outside). The demonstrable weaknesses of that approach (note the circumstances of the last Geneva round) have no doubt helped build the case for a more forceful stab at the national government approach.

But, secondly, a close look at the compulsions of both President Rajapakse and the UNP suggest that whilst a national government serves their present needs, it does not suit their longer term interests.

Rajapakse wants to be re-elected. The UNP wants to win the next Parliamentary election and its leader – Wickremesinghe or whoever else – also wants to be the next President. How would a national government help either?

A quick skim through Sri Lanka’s history makes it obvious that the main political parties have (since 1956) consistently put their own electoral interests above a solution to the ethnic question. Wickremesinghe’s UNP resisted the PA’s devolution package of 1995 till it was gutted to be utterly meaningless (no one, quite rightly, took the UNP’s own devolution proposals seriously). Last year, President Rajapakse was elected on – even by Sri Lankan standards – an unashamedly anti-peace process ticket.

And therein lies the rub. Rajapakse was elected. Of course, there is the question of what might or might not have been if the LTTE hadn’t called a boycott. But Rajapakse, even without the Muslim or Estate Tamil vote, won over the majority of the Sinhala voters (despite a divided SLFP with a resentful outgoing President as its leader) to a sufficient degree to come home by a clear margin.

Both Rajapakse and Wickremsinghe, moreover, offered generous subsidies to the Sinhala voter (even though Wickremesinghe had to share his promised largess amongst his minority backers).

It was undeniably the JVP with its peerless party machine and its strident, compelling platform, which delivered Rajapakse to office (the JHU meanwhile provided an invaluable moral legitimisation). The point is unlikely to be far from his mind, particularly if he mulls his chances at the next Presidential. (Moreover, for Rajapakse, despite the self-reassuring claims of some his erstwhile liberal backers, this is not simply a question of rational calculation, there are core beliefs too.)

The JVP has grown through war and peace, through economic growth and decline, whilst in government and in opposition, and through a myriad of international positions on how to solve Sri Lanka’s national question.

The push for a national government is thus, a sign of the lack of a suitable international response to the JVP and its powerful political message amongst the Sinhalese.

Indeed, the JVP’s growth has arguably been helped by the international community’s failure to confront – rather than manoeuvre around - the complex processes by which Sinhala nationalism has, since prior to independence from Britain, worked its way into the very fabric of the state and Sri Lankan society.

Whilst nominally a welcome contribution to the peace process, a national government will merely defer this dilemma: how can Sinhala nationalism (which reproduces itself through the guidance of the Sangha, the practice of the military, the curriculum of schools, academic research, and so on) be contained and marginalized?

Undoubtedly only international pressure that can forge a national government in Sri Lanka today. More importantly, it is only continuing international pressure that will keep it together. But for how long? Particularly with the JVP continuing its project on the outside?

Singapore has laid to rest one of its founding fathers - the former Deputy Prime Minister and senior statesman, Mr. Sinnathamby Rajaratnam. Born in Jaffna, Sri Lanka on Feb 25, 1915, Rajaratnam, of Tamil descent, grew up in Malaysia.

More than 1,000 people attended the state funeral on Saturday February 25, culminating in a solemn service at the Esplanade. They included President S.R. Nathan, Cabinet ministers, members of parliament and foreign dignitaries.

Mr Rajaratnam died the previous Wednesday of heart failure. He would have turned 91 on the day of his funeral.

An anti-colonial firebrand under British rule, Rajaratnam became a journalist and political activist. He went to King’s College, London to pursue a law degree, but due to World War II, unable to receive funding from his family to continue his studies. So, instead, he turned to journalism.

He threw in his lot as a founding member of the People’s Action Party (PAP) in November 1954 together with Lee Kuan Yew, who subsequently became Singapore’s first prime minister.

The PAP still rules the city-state.

He became the “ideas man” as culture minister from 1959 to 1965, through racial riots, merger with Malaysia and then independence.

Among his visions was a “Singaporean Singapore” - a multi-racial society whose citizens lived in harmony and progressed on merit - an ideal he enshrined into the Singapore pledge of allegiance.

Rajaratnam was Singapore’s first foreign minister, following its abrupt independence in 1965 and remained in the post until 1980, also taking on the position of labour minister from 1968 to 1971.

Rajaratnam was one of the five “founding fathers” of ASEAN in 1967.

From 1980 to 1984, he was second deputy prime minister and then became senior minister in the prime minister’s office. He left politics in 1988.

“On my identity card, it says my race is Indian,” Mr. Rajaratnam often said in his later years. “But I don’t care if you call me an Indian or an Eskimo. What is important is whether you consider me a good man.”

Rajaratnam was a strong believer in multi-racialism in Singapore, and when drafting the Singapore National Pledge in 1966 just two years after the 1964 Race Riots, he wrote the words “One united people, regardless of race, language or religion.”

In the 1980s and 1990s, when the government began implementing several policies to promote the use of “mother tongue” languages and ethnic-based self-help groups such as Chinese Development Assistance Council (CDAC) and Mendaki, Rajaratnam expressed his opposition to these policies which, in his view, ran counter to the vision of establishing a common Singaporean identity where “where race, religion, language does not matter”. He advocated for greater racial integration which he felt was still lacking in the country.

In his eulogy, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong hailed Mr. Rajaratnam as a Singapore hero and a champion for multi-racialism.

Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew also spoke at the funeral, and gave an emotional tribute to the man who was one of his oldest friends and colleagues.

Giving his eulogy at the service, Prime Minister Lee called Mr. Rajaratnam an extraordinary leader with the ideals, courage and passion.

He said Singapore would not be here today if not for men like the late politician who fought and changed history.

Prime Minister Lee said: “Throughout his years in public life, Raja would continue to think deeply and speak ardently about Singapore - our values, our future and our relevance to the world.

“He was an idealist and a visionary. He believed profoundly in a multi-racial, multi-religious society. The National Pledge which he drafted has helped to shape the nation’s psyche and entrench a core value for Singa­pore.

“In this age of extremist terrorism and tensions between Islam and the West, multi-racialism and harmony is more vital than ever to our very survival, both as a nation and a civilised society.”

Prime Minister Lee remembered the late statesman fondly - as “Uncle Raja” and said that he had benefited much from his political guidance.

One of his most vivid memories were of Mr Rajaratnam’s impassioned speeches both at home and defending Singapore’s interests abroad.

Prime Minister Lee said: “His speeches not only convinced the mind but stirred the soul. He was genuine and considerate; he spoke with conviction and passion, and even when he stuck a stiletto into an opponent - for he knew how to defend himself - it was done so nicely that the victim would smile with him.”

In his eulogy, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew recalled his first meeting with Mr Rajaratnam in April 1952 just as the postman’s union was striking.

He spoke of how they had worked together to form the PAP, and remembered Mr Rajaratnam as a tireless fighter who enjoyed stringing words together to influence the people.

Minister Mentor Lee said: “His strength was as a thinker and a writer, a man of honour, with great moral courage. He had a way with people, enormous charm, integrity and character. He was self-possessed, had a good strong voice, and won the confidence of those who dealt with him.

“With his passing, Singaporeans have lost a patriot, a man of deep conviction and principle. His contribution was not in bricks and mortar, or concrete and glass, but in ideas, sentiments and spirit. Everyday when the pledge is recited in our schools, our children are reminded to live up to our aspirations as Raja expressed them.”

The leading European representative of an anti-Tamil Tiger paramilitary group who travelled to Geneva to protest outside the peace talks in Geneva last month was arrested by Swiss authorities on long-standing criminal charges, reports said last week.

UK resident Virajah Ramaraj, reportedly a leading member of the ENDLF paramilitary group, was arrested outside the United Nations offices in Geneva on Wednesday February 22 Tamil sources said.

Ramaraj, who is the program director of the London-based TBC radio which campaigns against the Tamil Tigers, is said to have travelled to Switzerland to participate in an anti-LTTE protest timed to coincide with the Norwegian brokered talks and been picked up when the protest drew police attention.

Press reports said that the demonstration in Geneva which, like a similar event Ramaraj had helped organise in UK three days earlier, had drawn only a handful of people.

Some of the protestors had chanted abusive comments, drawing police attention and investigating officers had nabbed Ramraj, who the reports said, is wanted on numerous criminal charges dating from a period he had been resident in Switzerland.

Organisers of the demonstration in Geneva, meanwhile claimed LTTE supporters had attempted to kidnap one or Ramraj’s associates, . Investigating Swiss police have found no evidence to substantiate the claim.

The family of one of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchchi (ITAK) contestants, an ethnic Muslim, at the forthcoming poll for the Jaffna Municipal Council was attacked last week amid a general campaign of intimidation against the party.

ITAK is the name under which the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), an alliance of Sri Lanka’s four biggest Tamil parties and which is strongly supportive of the Tamil Tigers, is competing in the island-wide local government polls this month.

Mr. S. M. Suhaib’s family was attacked on Friday morning by armed men, suspected to belong to one of the Army-backed paramilitary organisations operating in Jaffna.

Moulavi S. M. Shahil, a co-contestant for the Jaffna Municipal Council, said in a statement Saturday that “the attack on Suhaib’s family is an ‘act of State terrorism’, and exposes the political bankruptcy of the paramilitaries assisting the chauvinist State.”

“We are certain that the Tamil speaking people will express their aspirations in the local council elections, and will demonstrate that efforts of many nefarious forces to destroy the increasing amity between Muslim and Tamil people cannot succeed,” Shahil, who is also a Muslim, said.

“The attack … is a provocative attack planned to worsen the climate of fear that has already been created by the Sri Lanka Military and collaborating paramilitaries,” said the Secretary of Jaffna Consortium of Welfare Associations, Mr. E. Parvatharajah, in a communiqué issued Saturday.

“While the TNA is keen on using the local elections as an instrument to highlight the aspirations of Tamil speaking people, the violence on Suhaib’s family portends ominous signs that anti-democratic forces are bent on suppressing the democratic rights of the Tamil people,” the communiqué added.

“We strongly condemn this attack and are confident that Tamil speaking people will teach a harsh lesson to the perpetrators of the crime during the forthcoming local council elections,” the communiqué said.

Army-backed paramilitaries have been threatening dozens of ITAK local government election candidates ever since their names were announced last month. ITAK is now contesting ten local councils excluding Padavi Siripura PS and Gomarankadawela PS.

The head of the Karuna Group, one of the paramilitary organisations operating in the NorthEast, has urged Tamils in the NorthEast to boycott the upcoming polls, alleging that the LTTE is attempting to use the election to promote its “gun culture.”

In leaflets distributed in Batticaloa by the political arm of the Karuna Group, the Tamil Eela Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), Karuna, who is leading a violent campaign against LTTE supporters and members says he does not support the holding of the polls in the north and east at this point. He says that his party would not contest the elections as it would be neither free nor fair. Sri Lanka’s election commission disagrees.

Meanwhile ITAK has appointed Mr. Sabapathipillai Soundararajah as Chairman, and Mr. Vairan Nagendran as Vice Chairman of the Verugal Pradesiya Sabah in the Trincomalee district. ITAK was returned uncontested in the Verugal PS when the nomination closed on February16 for the thirteen local authorities in the district.

The other members named include Mr. Veerakutti Ariyanesarajah, Mr. Nallathamby Arasaratnam, Mrs. Santhamathy Thevathas, Mr. Subramaniam Thurairasa and Mr. Paransothy Disayakumar.

Residents of this thin strip of Tamil Tiger-held territory look across to government-held land, just a few hundred meters away across a no-man’s land of mined scrub and lagoons, and regard it with a mixture of envy and fear.

A 2002 truce halted 20 years of civil war in Sri Lanka and left the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in control of a seventh of the island in the minority Tamil-dominated north and east.

“We need proper peace,” 24-year-old Tamil fisherman Santhalingam Povarajah told Reuters through a translator. “We are safe because the LTTE is here. But we need more. We cannot go out and fish in case the navy take us away.”

Passing the Tiger checkpoint on the southern edge of government-held Trincomalee harbor, the roads become worse, the houses more basic and the poverty more serious. On the beach near the village of Karakadaichani, in sight of Sri Lanka army positions, women scrabble in the sand to collect tiny shellfish to eat.

The war left the north and east much poorer than the rest of the country. Some aid workers describe it as “Africa poor”.

The Tiger-held east is visibly less developed than the rebels’ northern heartland, but the contrast with the richer, boutique and hotel-lined roads along the majority-Sinhalese south and west coasts is striking.

The Tigers say the government is keeping development aid for the south, including funds donated after the 2004 tsunami. But some officials say the Tigers continue arming for war and cannot be trusted with development cash, and a post-tsunami aid sharing deal was blocked by the courts.

In the meantime, local government officials report to both LTTE and state authorities, but checkpoints hamper trade and residents say recent violence made things worse.

A string of suspected LTTE attacks on the military in December and January pushed the island to the brink of war, with new restrictions imposed on fishermen after an apparent LTTE suicide attack sank a naval gunboat and killed 13 sailors.

Fishing and farming are the only significant industry in LTTE territory, which the Tigers hope will one day be the economic foundation of a separate Tamil homeland.

But in Karakadaichani, fishermen say they dare not take out large new fishing boats donated by aid agencies after the tsunami for fear of arrest or harassment by the Navy, and some have temporarily given up fishing for manual work.

Tensions fell after the two sides agreed to meet last week in Geneva, and residents on both sides of the lines say they hope a new war has been averted. But restrictions remain and tales of military abuse, denied by the army, scare many Tamils.

In January, five young men were found dead on the beach in Trincomalee. The army initially said they were Tiger sympathizers who accidentally blew themselves up, but truce monitors found they had all been shot in the head.

“You can go to school here but there is no higher education,” says Santhalingam, who himself missed formal education because of the war. “You have to go to the university in Trincomalee and that is dangerous. Two of the five who were killed were students from here.”

But some do go and others will leave Sri Lanka, joining the vast Tamil diaspora in Europe, Canada or elsewhere. The Tigers say overseas Tamils help fund development in their areas, but deny they are also financing a LTTE military buildup.

With LTTE spies said to be everywhere, no-one will criticize the Tigers -- indeed, almost without exception, young men pledge loyalty and say they would fight for them if war comes. But for many, economic progress is most important.

“It is not about the government or the LTTE,” says 38-year-old grocer Velu Sathyan in Sampoor, the local Tiger headquarters, a dusty town of a couple of streets dominated by memorials to the rebel war dead. “It is my native place and I want to see it developed.”

Starting in April there will be at least one thing that Sri Lanka’s government and the Tamil Tigers will be able to agree on - the time.

Sri Lanka will turn its clocks back by 30 minutes and revert to its old time zone after a nearly 10-year experiment aimed at maximising daylight failed, the government said Sunday.

The Tigers, who control a large swath of land in the north of the island, had refused to make the change when the experiment was introduced.

Starting on April 14, the country’s traditional new year, the official time will be 5 1/2 hours ahead of Greenwich Mean Time instead of the current six hours, government spokesman Anusha Pelpita said.

In 1996, Sri Lanka advanced its clocks by an hour and then later that year brought that back by half hour with the aim of maximising the use of daylight amid a power crisis.

Officials believed that electricity consumption would fall if sunlight lasted longer in the evening.

However, electricity use did not decline significantly, and children who had to wake up early to travel long distances to school did not get enough sleep because they went to bed later, Pelpita said.

“The public, especially parents, have complained about the hardships faced by children,” Pelpita said.