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  • Donor reps inspect conditions in Northeast

    1. Background

    Bilateral Donor Group (BDG) [comprises] representatives of the British High Commission, Canadian High Commission, Australian High Commission, Swedish Embassy, Swiss Embassy, USAID and European Commission.

    Monitoring missions to Ampara, Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Mannar, Vavuniya and Jaffna districts were conducted by the BDG during the last months of 2006.

    The purpose of the field missions was to assess the humanitarian situation and aid delivery in the field and report back to stakeholders in Colombo.

    The teams met with community leaders, affected populations, government representatives, business leaders, military leaders, SLMM, ICRC, UN and I/NGOs.

    This report summarises the main findings on humanitarian access, security and protection, and the special situation of internally displaced people (IDPs). It concludes with a summary of recommendations for the implementing humanitarian agencies, the international donor and diplomatic community, the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the LTTE.

    These missions were undertaken late last year and some issues have been dealt with but others remain of concern.

    2. Access and humanitarian situation

    The representatives found varying degrees of humanitarian access in the six districts visited.

    In general, the areas controlled by the Government are accessible for implementing agencies, but bureaucratic constraints, political pressures and ethnic tensions impede free movement.

    The areas controlled by the LTTE are accessible for the UN-agencies and the ICRC, but also this access is limited and subject to lengthy government approval procedures.

    LTTE controlled areas are generally restricted for INGOs, as indicated in the work permits issued by the Ministry of Defence (MoD), allowing access only to GoSL controlled areas.

    As an exception, the MoD recently approved a select number of INGOs to resume their work in LTTE controlled areas.

    The representatives also found that there are restrictions on certain goods into LTTE controlled areas.

    Not only are fuel, cement and iron bars restricted (beyond the agreed levels in the CFA), but also tents and plastic sheets, with obvious implications for humanitarian operations.

    There are no formal restrictions on food items, but a complex set of factors such as insufficient transport capacity, fuel shortage and low levels of local food production mean that food consumption is currently below the required levels (e.g. 60% in Batticaloa).

    The IDP situation in Jaffna, Vakarai (Batticaloa) and Eechilampatu (Trincomalee) was reported to be the most severe, mainly due to the lack of access for humanitarian supplies and services.

    The situation in the Jaffna peninsula is of particular concern, where also the government controlled areas have been cut off since the suspension of commercial flights and the closure of the A9 in mid-August.

    As a result the representatives found the population in a state of near-complete isolation, dependent on only a very fragile humanitarian relief supply chain.

    The Government is transporting basic food commodities (rice, flour, sugar, dhal) via sea, but this has become more difficult with the onset of the monsoon rains.

    The representatives were informed that the flow is insufficient to meet the basic nutrition needs and that the majority of the population is food insecure.

    The health system is also suffering from a supply distribution bottlenecks of essential medicines, limiting surgery and treatment of severe cases.

    3. Security and protection

    Military confrontation between the Sri Lankan Armed Forces (SLAF) and the LTTE has increased in all districts visited.

    In the Eastern districts it was reported that the military actions of the Karuna faction have become a major destabilising factor

    The missions were informed of a steady increase this year of extra-judicial killings, abductions and disappearances.

    The abductions of mainly men and boys were attributed by local stakeholders to both the LTTE and the Karuna faction (and the PLOTE and EPDP factions in Jaffna).

    Especially worrying was the report of children being kidnapped from internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Batticaloa.

    Local observers in the Eastern districts believe the SLAF and the Karuna faction are collaborating in their campaigns against the LTTE.

    This was however consistently denied by the Government representatives interviewed by the missions.

    A special security concern, also hampering humanitarian efforts in the districts, is the report that the parties to the conflict might be using civilians and civilian installations as shields.

    For example, the civilian and IDP population in Vaharai is generally believed to be used by the LTTE as a human shield against SLAF and Karuna operations.

    In the same way, SLAF and Karuna camps tend to be located in the middle of urban or otherwise populous areas, bringing military activity dangerously close to IDP camps and civilian areas.

    Human rights observers reported that they are not aware of any serious attempt by the legal system to investigate abductions or other crimes committed against civilians. They point at a collapse of rule-of-law in the area, with full impunity as an automatic result.

    4. Recommendations

    The overall recommendations for implementing humanitarian agencies, the international donor and diplomatic community, the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), are:

    1. Respect, uphold and promote International Humanitarian Law, especially the humanitarian imperative to assist all those in need in line with the principles of humanity, neutrality and impartiality

    2. Respect, uphold and promote Human Rights Law to ensure civilian protection and security

    3. Allow free and unfettered access to all areas of Sri Lanka for the purposes of delivery of humanitarian assistance to all vulnerable populations

    4. Continually assess, monitor and evaluate the humanitarian situation in all areas and the local, national and international response, in order to reduce suffering and provide timely assistance, meeting international standards, wherever it is required

    5. Improve civil-military relations through interaction and dialogue at all levels, driven by GoSL, LTTE, other protagonists, civil-society, community leaders, implementing agencies and donors.

  • Reform or Decline?
    The United Nations Security Council is shortly to discuss the issue of underage recruitment in several countries, including Sri Lanka. The issue of 'child soldiers' has long been part of island's ethnic conflict, not least because the debate has, for far too long, been framed by the Sri Lankan state as a key part of its demonisation of its opponent, the LTTE. Exaggeration and falsehoods have fed into myth and fallacy, turning one problematic aspect of Sri Lanka's brutal war into a dominant feature. Let us be clear from the outset; the LTTE has recruited children into its ranks. But the movement has itself admitted to the practice, pledged its commitment to stopping it and worked at this, periodically released groups of underage recruits and effecting institutional changes. However, the understandable controversy surrounding this single issue has eclipsed the ongoing suffering of hundreds of thousands of children who are not soldiers. More importantly, how the international community has addressed the issue has not only contributed to this marginalisation of so many grave issues, but also unhelpfully altered the dynamics of the peace process and conflict between the LTTE and the state.

    Children's rights must, of course, be protected. But, firstly, the issue of underage recruitment has unjustly been given a primacy above those of other violations of child rights, especially by the state. This particular point was raised recently by the UN Special Envoy, Alan Rock, who visited Sri Lanka late last year. According to press reports, his report suggests: "I recommend that the Security Council expanding its focus and give equal care and attention to children affected by armed conflict in all situations of concern; and to give equal weight to all categories of grave violations beyond the recruitment and use of child soldiers to include the killing and maiming of children, rape and other grave sexual violence, abductions, attacks against schools or hospitals, and denial of humanitarian access for children." During the conflict hundreds of thousands of children suffered malnutrition, even starvation due to protracted government embargoes. Similar numbers were driven from their homes by military offensives and bombardment and remain displaced whilst Sri Lankan troops occupy their home villages and towns. And whilst the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) was meant to address these issues, Colombo's blunt refusal to honour these terms has been tacitly accepted by the international community.

    In the meantime, this plethora of issues associated with children and armed conflict has been reduced to one: child soldiers. Since the 2002 peace process began, this aspect has been one of the primary areas of friction between the LTTE and the international community - with the enthusiastic encouragement of the state. The LTTE has been responding to international pressure on underage recruitment (albeit not vigorously or quickly enough to satisfy its critics). The LTTE has committed to not recruiting under the age of 17 and not deploying soldiers under 18 in combat. (Incidentally, nothing more graphically demonstrates that politics, not morality, is at play here than states being permitted to recruit from the age of 16). There have been breaches of this commitment. But the LTTE's critics - and especially the Sri Lankan state - have seized upon these to vehemently argue that such acts stem from the organisation's essential and unchanging character. Unlike those of states (last week Britain was accused of deploying a dozen under-18s in Iraq for example), the LTTE's breaches are not taken as errant behaviour that can be improved upon. This is even though the LTTE's adoption of new practices in keeping with international expectations - including cooperation with international agencies - has been steadily increasing since 2002. Last year the LTTE passed a law outlawing recruitment of under-17s for military service and the deployment of under-18s in combat. It has been working with UNICEF on releasing those reported as underage. UNICEF has sometimes faulted the LTTE on its cooperation. But there can be little doubt that matters have substantively improved over the past five years. Nor can there be any doubt the LTTE, keen to improve its international standing, is actively trying to establish better track record on this matter.

    However, the same cannot be said of the Sri Lankan state. For far too long, Army-backed paramilitaries have been able to conscript youngsters knowing the complaints would be filed against the LTTE. Underage recruitment by paramilitary groups has escalated ever since the renegade LTTE commander, Karuna, defected to the Sri Lankan military following his abortive rebellion. Since he joined Colombo's cause against the LTTE, the Karuna Group has been receiving substantive support from the military, including forcible recruitment of youth.

    It was Mr. Rock's visit to Sri Lanka that finally led to this being accepted. Not unexpectedly, he has been vilified by the Sri Lankan government and Sinhala nationalists. All was fine when the LTTE was being lambasted by international watchdogs. But not when the Sri Lankan security forces are accused of complicity in underage recruitment. (Even Mr. Rock's report reflects the essential politicisation of underage recruitment. Whilst the LTTE, as an entity, is condemned for the practice, only "elements" of the security forces are blamed. Presumably some chains of command are considered more responsible than others.) Last month, Human Rights Watch (HRW) joined the chorus. In a hard hitting report, the group finally accepted Colombo was complicit in underage recruitment for the Karuna Group.

    Shamefully, the issue of underage recruitment has also been implicitly used by the international community to pressure the LTTE to make political concessions in negotiations with the state. Just as the threat of international proscriptions was used in this regard, penalties for underage recruitment have also cynically been used as sticks. This is, once again, not to say that there isn't a genuine issue that the LTTE needs to address. Rather, it is to say that when such issues are mobilised as part of a coercive framework to political ends, they become disconnected from concrete developments on the ground. As the international community engages with Sri Lanka, as Mr. Rock suggested, it should look at the complex interplay of factors that make up the dynamics of this conflict. The failure to think through the predictable impact on the conflict of the EU and Canadian bans on the LTTE last year meant the proscriptions contributed directly to the collapse of the CFA.

    After several years of engagement with the international community, the issue of underage recruitment is being actively dealt with by the LTTE, both in terms of contemporary practice and institutional changes. There may be room for further improvement and this will undoubtedly be pursued. However, the manner and context in which this is taking place is important. Sri Lanka has returned to all out and bloody war. Colombo is pursuing the military option with single-minded zeal. Single-issue based punitive actions will feed into this; both by encouraging the state's militarism and convincing the LTTE that its destruction, not reform is being pursued by the international community.
  • The Left and Mahinda
    President Mahinda Rajapaksa came to power using three different and somewhat contradictory campaigns.
     
    Firstly, in Sinhala majority areas he used the chauvinist campaign led by the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and the JVP.
     
    They explained that the victory of Mahinda will be the end of the peace agreement. There will be a real war against the LTTE. Hegemony of the Sinhalese Buddhists will be restored and the unitary state will be consolidated. Of course there will be discussions to make Tamils and Muslims understand how to work within this system.
     
    Secondly, he made use of the social reform campaign led by the old left and the populists of the SLFP. The JVP also helped them.
     
    They said that Mahinda will change the neo liberal economic policies continued by the [earlier] Chandrika Kumaratunga regime.
     
    There will be protection for the local industries. Development will be centred on village regeneration. Agrarian revolution through village self rule. Resources will be directed towards the peasant and the fisher men and other small producers. Social services such as education health and transport will be protected. Privatisation will be turned back. Dependency on global capital will be changed.
     
    Finally he made use of the trade union campaign for wage increase to balance the rise of cost of living.
     
    In addition to the old left trade union leaders, this campaign included Eastate Tamil leaders Thondaman (of the CWC) and Chandrasekaran (of the UPF). They believed that the victory of Mahinda will benefit the workers movement. They were of the view that he will consult the TUs regularly and that TU and media freedom will be protected.
     
    Having come to power, Mahinda turned against the social and TU campaigns but continued with the chauvinist military policy.
     
    Aerial bombing combined with missile attacks at areas suspected of LTTE activity devastated the Tamil homeland. Whole villages were uprooted while several hundreds of thousands of people were displaced and became refugees.
     
    Mahinda joyfully claims that the east is cleared of LTTE. He also boasts that once the victory is consolidated the war will be continued in the North as well.
     
    And assassinations and disappearances continue all over the country. At least 2000 have disappeared since Mahinda came to power.
     
    However he has retraced the promises given to the social and trade union movements. He has implemented the tasks given in the ‘Regaining Sri Lanka’ programme of the former UNP regime.
     
    Indirectly he has used the military chauvinist policy against the TUs. Mahinda claims that any trade union campaign at this juncture when the government is involved in a “war to defend the nation” is a crime against the nation, a treachery.
     
    Hence the anti LTTE repression can be used against the TUs as well.
     
    Mahinda assumes that the chauvinist campaign and the consolidation of the state forces can stand against the social & trade union unrest. Already he has used these against both TUs and media.
     
    Global capital is satisfied with his economic policies and the ability to face the social unrest. Mahinda was given the $3.5 bn dollars promised in 2005.
     
    Last week, at the aid meeting in Galle, the donors promised to give $4.5 bn for his future programme.
     
    They all stressed the need of peace. But this help is unconditional and there is no mention of the autonomy of the Tamil speaking people.
     
    The Galle Sri Lanka development forum showed clearly that the global capital is keen only arriving at peace as war is a hindrance to their development programme.
     
    With the backing of global capitalists UNP has almost totally come over to Mahinda’s government. With the rest of the party, Ranil will be trailing behind Mahinda.
     
    Jathika Hela Urumaya has accepted the American dictates. Hence they are in the government to implement their Sinhala chauvinist policy.
     
    Social pressure on the JVP has forced them to move out of the government, but they cannot break away form the chauvinist policy that ties them to the Sinhala educated youth. This will create a crisis in the JVP ranks in the coming period.
     
    The current attitude of the western powers and the global capital in general has created a new challenge for the LTTE leadership.
     
    It must turn to the workers movement both locally as well as internationally. It must seek support for democratic rights of the Tamil people from the workers’ movement, especially of Lankan and Indian.
     
    Thus there is a good opportunity for the left to take up the challenge.
     
    The struggles of workers in ports, petroleum, railway, telecom and plantations show that workers are not fooled by the military chauvinism. Other social campaigns are also breaking out.
     
    The Mahinda regime will not be able to cope with the break down of the system.
     
    But the Left should be prepared to take up the challenge.

    Dr. Vickremabahu Karunaratne is leader of the NSSP. This opinion was compiled from comments made in London February 2, 2007

  • Donors pledge $4.5 billion to Sri Lanka, despite war
    Sri Lanka announced securing 4.5 billion dollars worth of overseas aid pledges, but foreign donors insisted that the nation risked losing the cash unless there was peace.
     
    Investment Promotions Minister Sarath Amunugama said Tuesday that foreign donors pledged help to build roads, ports, coal power plants and highways during the final day of the two-day aid review meeting in the southern town of Galle.
     
    "International donors expressed satisfaction at our economic track record and we have got commitments up to 4.5 billion dollars this year," he told reporters.
     
    He did not specify a timeline and did not give details on the precise amounts promised by individual donors and lending institutions.
     
    The comments came after donors and international lenders warned Colombo that it could face a cut in assistance unless it made peace with the Tamil Tigers and ended the conflict.
     
    "Building on the successful response we received today, the government is now working up to raise 9.0 billion dollars in pledges for long-term development work in the next three years," Amunugama said.
     
    Sri Lanka had originally planned to convert 1.5 billion dollars in aid pledges received for this year's development work into firm commitments amid rising concern that the island was heading for more violence.
     
    The European Union, a key backer of Norwegian-led peace efforts, showed its displeasure by sending low-level diplomats for the Sri Lanka Development Forum opened by President Mahinda Rajapakse, diplomats said.
     
    The EU has also been critical of the government's human rights record in the face of escalating fighting with the Tigers. Late last year Germany announced a halt in new aid to Sri Lanka and asked others to follow suit.
     
    But the government appeared determined to resist pressure from international donors and lenders to link aid to progress in the island's faltering peace efforts with Tigers.
     
    "We are now increasingly looking at securing bilateral aid from friendly countries like China and India, who are keen to help us in our development work," Amunugama added.
     
    The United States, breaking ranks with its European partners, sent ambassador Robert Blake, but he issued a warning to Sri Lanka against pursuing a military solution to the separatist conflict.
     
    "We remain unwavering in our conviction that there can be no military solution to this terrible conflict," Blake said, raising government eyebrows at the first ever aid meeting attended by the island's military top brass.
     
    Blake urged Sri Lanka to "seize the opportunity to forge a power-sharing deal that can form the basis for talks" with the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
     
    Diplomats and lenders attending the closed-door conference feared that the government might not take their warnings seriously.
     
    "Some of the biggest lenders to Sri Lanka came out strong for a power-sharing deal," a delegate said, adding that they had the impression that the authorities were unmoved.
     
    "The tone suggests that they (the government) imply that donors should support the war," said Harsha de Silva, an economist at LIRNEasia, a regional economic think-tank.
     
    However, Sri Lanka's chief peace negotiator Nimal Siripala de Silva dismissed donor concerns, saying the government could not resume talks unless the Tamil Tigers agreed to negotiate.
     
    Sri Lanka believes that donors should separate aid from the conflict and allow the administration to press ahead with its own economic agenda.
     
    "We are not ready to accept any conditions linking aid with peace," Sri Lanka's Central Bank governor Nivard Cabraal told AFP.
  • Sri Lanka: a graveyard of pacts
    Since independence from Britain, Sinhala leaders have torn up several peace deals with Tamils.
    The abrogation of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the opposition United National Party (UNP) on Sunday, was only the latest in a series of disregarded, scuttled or torn up pacts in Sri Lanka since the mid 1950s.
     
    As most of the pacts have been on the Tamil question - the main problem plaguing Sri Lanka since independence - their abrogation has had a very debilitating effect on the country.
     
    According to the World Bank's Vice President for South Asia, Praful Patel, the war has cost Sri Lanka 2 or 3 percentage points on GDP growth annually over the last two decades - growth that could have eliminated poverty.
     
    The BC-pact signed by Prime Minister SWRD. Bandaranaike and the Tamil leader SJV Chelvanayakam in July 1957 to solve the ethnic conflict, was abrogated within a year following street protests from the UNP.
     
    Bandaranaike tore it up in public in April 1958.
     
    If it was implemented, the Tamil minority would have got regional autonomy and the right to use the Tamil language.
     
    State-sponsored colonisation of the Tamil-speaking North-East by the majority Sinhala community would have stopped.
     
    The worsening communal situation led to the Dudley Senanayake -Chelvanayakam pact in March 1965.
     
    The DC-pact reiterated the assurance on the use of the Tamil language; enunciated norms for communal colonisation and promised District-level Councils. But opposition from the SLFP scuttled its implementation.
     
    Four years of armed Tamil militancy and army action culminated in the India-Sri Lanka Accord in July 1987.
     
    But it became a dead letter within months, when the LTTE took on the Indian military, and the Sri Lankan and Indian governments failed to keep their part of the bargain.
     
    In 2006, the Sri Lankan Supreme Court annulled one of the few implemented provisions of the accord, when it struck down the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces to form a single Tamil province.
     
    In April 1997, persuaded by British Minister Liam Fox, President Chandrika Kumaratunga and opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe signed a pact to a have a bipartisan approach to the ethnic question. But destructive partisanship continued.
     
    The Ceasefire Agreement of February 2002 signed by Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and LTTE leader Prabhakaran was scuttled by President Chandrika Kumaratunga, her successor Mahinda Rajapaksa and Prabhakaran.
     
    In 2005, the Kumaratunga government and the LTTE signed a pact to set up a Joint Mechanism to manage tsunami relief funds in the Tamil-speaking North East.
     
    But the Sinhala nationalists took it to the Supreme Court which struck it down!
     
  • Abductions continue in Colombo, Puthalam
    Eight Tamils were abducted in Colombo and two in Puttalam over the course of five days. The abductors had released one victim after keeping him blindfolded for a day, but nine are still missing, the Civil Monitoring Commission reported on January 12.

    The fate of Professor S. Raveendranath, the Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, abducted December 15 in Colombo's High Security area, remains unknown.

    The following details were released to the media:

    ● Thomas Jesudason, 37, of Jampettah St in Colombo 13 was abducted on 7 January from Galpotha Street in Colombo 13.

    ● Vairamuthu Varadarasan, 40, of Stadium Gama in Colombo 14 was abducted on 7 January from near his home.

    ● Kandhasamy Soundrakumar, 27, of Grandpass Rd in Colombo 14 was abducted on 8 January Wellawatte, Colombo 06.

    ● Selavarasa Madhi of St Marys Rd, Mattakuliya was abducted on 8 January from near home.

    ● Selladorai Devendran alias Vijayan, 53, of Aluthmawatha Rd in Colombo 15 was abducted on 9 January from his home. He had been kept in custody, blind folded, for a full day. The abductors released him near his home on 10 January.

    ● Sivasubramaniyam Sridhran, 25, and M. Suvendran, 24, both of Garment watte, Karande, Puttalam were abducted on 9 January.

    ● S. N. Ketheeswaran, 31, and S. N. Kanapathy Nadar, 27, both brothers of 328/9 Aluthmawatha Rd in Colombo 15 were abducted on 10 January from near their home.

    ● Rashan Savarimuthu, 15, of 23/1 Jubilee Mawatha in Colombo 15 was abducted from near home on 11 January.

    The Civil Monitoring Commission is chaired by Srithunga Jayasooriya, leader of the United Socialist Party, and comprises Mano Ganesan, leader of the Western Province People's Front and Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne, leader of the New Left Front. It was set up by the United People's Movement (UPM) to address and intervene against abductions, involuntary disappearances, extra judicial killings and extortions.
  • Army shoots Jaffna Christian priest

    The Tamil speaking Christian community in Sri Lanka’s northern city of Jaffna is shocked by the brutal murder of a Protestant Christian Tamil pastor in broad daylight on January 13th.

    38 year old pastor of the evangelical Tamil mission church Jaffna , Rev. Nallathamby Gnanaseelan, was shot dead as he was travelling on his motor cycle along chapel street in the heart of Jaffna town.

    The incident happened near the Vembaddy road junction at about 10. 30 am on Saturday .

    Uniformed soldiers on duty near the Vembaddy - Hospital road were responsible for the brutal killing say eyewitnesses.

    Rev. Gnanaseelan , a member of the National evangelical alliance clergy fellowship in Jaffna, was the pastor in charge of the Tamil mission Church in Jaffna.

    On Saturday morning the pastor had gone on his motor bike to Jaffna hospital with his wife Serena and a seven year old eldest daughter who was sick. He had left the mother and daughter at the hospital at about 10. 00 am asking them to return home by bus after medical treatment was over.

    Rev. Gnanaseelan was scheduled to be in Ariyalai where a day long prayer - fast was on at the church.

    He had then gone to the bazaar and bought a few things. Thereafter he was proceeding along chapel street on his motor cycle.

    Soldiers stationed at the Vembaddy rd - Hospital rd junction were reportedly sauntering along the nearby roads. Soldiers had signalled Rev. Gnanaseelan to stop and the pastor had promptly obliged.

    Suddenly one of the soldiers had fired from a few yards away hitting Rev. Gnanaseelan in the leg and stomach. The pastor fell with the bike too toppling down.

    The soldiers had then walked closer to the man lying on the road and shot the bleeding priest in the head at point blank range.

    They had then taken away Rev. Gnanaseelan’s bible, bag, ID card and other things in his possession and also his motor cycle.

    The priest’s body lay on the road for more than an hour till he was “officially” discovered by the Police at 11. 30 am.


    The acting Jaffna district judge Mr. M. Thirunavukkarasu went to the scene for a preliminary inquiry and instructed Police to trace the victim’s identity. The body was taken to the Jaffna hospital morgue.

    Meanwhile Mrs. Serena Gnanaseelan with her daughter had returned home not knowing that her husband had been brutally murdered in cold blood by uniformed assassins.

    She had not been perturbed even when Rev. Gnanaseelan had not returned home that night. Since a curfew was in force from 7.00 pm she had thought her husband was staying on in the church with parishioners during night.

    When distraught family members went to claim the body they were informed that the body was that of a “terrorist”.

    The Soldiers on duty at Vembaddy - hospital rd junction had reported that the victim had tried to take out a grenade from his bag and fling it at them. They had shot him dead in self - defence they had claimed.

    In a bid to frame Rev. Gnanaseelan a grenade had been placed inside the bag by the authorities.

    Upon finding that the dead man was a well - known Christian pastor the original story was amended accordingly. It was now claimed that the priest had not heeded instructions to stop. Therefore the soldiers were constrained to shoot and kill it was now said.

    http://transcurrents.com/tamiliana/archives/270

    (Edited)

  • Violence round up – week ending 14 January
    14 January

    ● SLA soldiers shot dead two young men in an ambush in Mavadi Vembu, Eravur, Batticaloa. SLA soldiers, who were hiding in the wood near the railway line in Mavadi Vembu, opened fire on the passing men, killing them on the spot. The SLA claimed that it has killed two members of the LTTE – Major Shankar and his bodyguard – in the ambush, but the LTTE denied the claim.

    ● The SLA and LTTE exchanged artillery and rocket fire at the Muhamalai FDL and other areas in Thenmaradchi, southern Jaffna from Saturday evening until Sunday morning. Small arms were also used in the clashes. There were no reports of casualties.

    ● Two male bodies with gun shot injuries were found in two locations in Inuvil, Jaffna. The naked body of Kumarasamy Thayaparan, 38, a father of five, was found near Kandaswamy Temple in Inuvil West. Residents said he was shot dead around 9 p.m. while a SLA curfew was in force. The body of Sivasubramanium Krishnakumar, 31, a father of two, was found near a railway crossing in Inuvil East. He was living with his family in Uduvil and Krishnakumar's wife said he had gone to visit his mother at Navanthurai in Jaffna.

    ● A driver with 'Halo Trust,' a humanitarian de-mining INGO in Jaffna, has been missing since Tuesday after he left his house at Kellner Road in Nallur and reported for work. C. Rajendran, 35, reported for work at Halo Trust office after leaving his son at his school near 'Halo Trust' office near Old Park Road. Nine other employees from 'Halo Trust' have been killed or abducted and disappeared in Jaffna.

    ● An employee of Danish De-mining Group (DDG), an INGO, sought refugee with the SLHRC Jaffna office fearing for his life at the hands of the SLA and collaborating Tamil paramilitary cadres.

    ● Four armed men riding two motorbikes shot and killed two Tamil masons at Kannakipuram in Alayadyvembu, Akkaraipattu. The victims, former LTTE cadres, were 300 meters from an STF camp they had just left, after presenting themselves as required by the STF. Sinnathamby Thanapalasingham, 24, and Rajaram, 26, both residents of Kannakipuram, were killed. Packiyarasa Sasikaran, 22, from Alayadyvembu, was wounded. The men had been ordered to present themselves every Sunday at the STF camp.

    13 January

    ● Four soldiers were killed in LTTE artillery fire on their position in Mankerni, Batticaloa.

    ● SLA soldiers shot dead a priest near Vembadi High School and Jaffna Central College, inside the Jaffna town HSZ. SLA soldiers claimed the victim was youth was trying to flee after attacking them when they shot him. (see separate story).

    ● Lingam Rajanikanth, 28, was shot dead near Kondavil Hospital, Jaffna, by two men who had been following him.

    ● Two men, including a former member of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), were shot dead and another injured by armed men at Maharambaikkulam in Vavuniya. Muthukumar Puvaneswaran, 29, and Arasan Yogeswaran, 28 were killed. Narayanan Selvaratnam, 25, who was injured, told the police they were attacked by a group of 5 men who spoke Tamil fluently.

    ● The body of Mohamed Naffar, 23, a Muslim man, was found near a mosque along Ganesh Lane in Palaiyootu, Trincomalee.

    ● Sri Lanka security forces, assisted by the police, arrested 209 youths in Gampaha, 36 in Nittambuwa, 22 in Minuwangoda, and 7 in Borelesgamuwa during separate cordon and search operations. Many were released after proving their identity while others were detained for further questioning. The majority of the arrested youths are Tamils. Most are natives of Trincomalee, Killinochchi, Jaffna, Batticaloa, and Upcountry, and have been working in factories and other worksites in Sinhalese dominated areas.

    12 January

    ● Former student of Jaffna Hindu College, Kanthiyalahan Srisanath, 21, abducted on Sunday allegedly by the SLA and collaborating paramilitaries, was released by his captors in front of his house. His abductors had transported him blindfolded in a white van during the curfew hours and left him in front of his house. Srisanath was abducted on Palaly Road while travelling from his house to that of a friend in Urumpirai.

    ● Unidentified persons activated a claymore device at Paalamaikal sector in Vavuniya, killing two policemen on the spot and injuring one.

    ● Armed men shot dead Periyathamby Yogeswaran, 33, a hairdresser, at Poovarasankulam in Vavuniya on his way to work.

    ● Raman Rajkannan, 28, a family man from Rajkiramam, Karavetty in Vadamaradchy, was shot and seriously wounded by two armed men on a motorcycle while riding his bicycle along Nelliyady-Kodikamam road to visit a friend in Urumpirai.

    ● A 'Grama Sevaka' (village level administration officer) was shot dead by gunmen at his office in front of the historic Sellasannithi Murugan Temple in Thonadamanaru. The body of Vellaiyan Premachandran, 46, lay outside his office for more than 15 hours until Saturday morning. The officer was killed by two men who had gone to his office on a motorbike. Four village level officers have been shot dead in Jaffna during the past 6 months.

    ● The bodies of the two men found with gun shot injuries at Nanattan-Eruvittan in Mannar were identified as Rajasankar, 23, and his brother Theivendran, 21. Police recovered the bodies with their hands tied behind their backs. Perumal Raja, their father, told Murunkan Police he had been residing with his youngest son, Theivendran in Madukarai. Rajasankar, his eldest son and a father of one, had been residing at Maharambaikulam in Vavuniya with his family. On January 11 his youngest son left to Vavuniya where he met his elder brother. “Both my sons were shot dead when they were returning from Maharambaikulam to Madukarai that same night,” he said.

    ● A SLA soldier found dead after sounds of gunfire at the 513-brigade camp in Ariyalai in Jaffna committed suicide, officials at the camp said. However, Jaffna Acting District Court Judge, Mr. M. Thirunavukkarasu, who visited the crime scene, found suspicious evidence contradicting the Camp officials' assertions, and directed further investigations into the trooper's death. The Judge found bullet wounds in areas of the body that cast doubts on the cause of his death as suicide.

    ● Tamil civilians arrested by the Sri Lanka's forces under the newly introduced Prevention of Terrorism Act are being sent to Boosa detention camp in Galle due to lack of space in Colombo jails. About sixty Tamils taken into custody in Colombo are likely to be sent to Boosa shortly. The government established the detention camp in Boosa in 1971 to detain suspects arrested following the first insurrection by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). Boosa detention camp was again used to detain suspects in 1981, following the second JVP insurrection. From 1987 many Tamil youths arrested in the North East were detained in Boosa camp.

    11 January

    ● Two SLA soldiers were injured, one seriously, in a claymore attack on SLA soldiers in Maravankulam, Chundikuli, Jaffna.

    ● A claymore attack on a SLA road patrol in Vathiri, Thikkam Road in Vadamaradchy resulted in SLA casualties according to unconfirmed reports. SLA soldiers and armed assailants exchanged gunfire for nearly ten minutes after the attack, which occurred near Thevarayali Hindu College.

    ● Armed men waylaid a fishmonger behind Valvettithurai hospital in Vadamaradchi and shot him dead. Kankesamoorthy Shanmugarasa, 35, had left his home at Oorani in Valvettithurai that morning and was on his way to begin his day's' business, when he was shot.

    ● Two armed men on a motorcycle, followed a tailor along the road at Pandiyanthalvu in Kolumbuthurai, Jaffna and shot and seriously injured him. Selvam Theepakanthan, 33, a family man, was admitted to Intensive Care Unit at Jaffna Teaching Hospital.

    ● The SLA Palaly based radio announced that the 9:00 p.m. to 4:00 a.m. curfew in the Jaffna peninsula would begin two hours earlier at 7:00 p.m. The Jaffna SLA high command also banned the use of all lightweight motor cycles in peninsula, resulting in hundreds of confiscated 50 cc motorcycles being held in various SLA camps. The owners of motorcycles wishing to continue to use them have to register their particulars at the nearest SLA camp. As a result, owners of the lightweight motorcycles were seen in their thousands waiting near SLA camps in the peninsula to have their particulars registered.

    ● Muthur Magistrate Manickavasagar Ganesharajah discharged a Tamil youth who was accused of having links with LTTE for lack of evidence. The prosecuting police officer told the court he had no evidence implicating the man in the alleged offence. Muthur Police had arrested Sivalingam Thevarajah, of Iruthayapuram, on 22 December on suspicion, while he was in Muttur town to buy provisions.

    ● Eight Tamils were abducted in Colombo and two in Puttalam within the last five days, the Civil Monitoring Commission reported (see separate story).

    10 January

    ● Arunakirinathan Niruparaj, a third year science student at Jaffna campus who was abducted from Kokuvil area on 3 January, allegedly by the SLA and collaborating paramilitaries, was released by his captors in front of his residence. Niruparaj had been subjected to severe torture, could hardly speak, and was admitted to Jaffna Teaching Hospital. Niruparaj did not reveal details of his abductors or information of his torture. Relatives said that severe wounds to his body and face bore hallmarks of extended periods of torture.

    ● Armed men launched an attack on the Kallady office of paramilitary Karuna Group, inside a SLA HSZ. Reports said one paramilitary personnel was killed and eight others injured. The attack lasted for more than an hour, damaging the office.

    ● SLA soldiers and LTTE fighters exchanged artillery and rocket fire at Muhamalai in the Jaffna peninsula. Eight SLA troopers who were injured in the shelling were admitted to the Palaly Military Hospital. Residents said heavy gun fire was heard from the morning till evening.

    ● A SLA soldier was injured in a claymore mine attack at Koolavady in Aanaikoddai in an attack that targeted a SLA patrol.

    ● Three SLA troopers from Vavunativu camp were seriously injured in rocket fire launched by the LTTE on Vavunativu area in Batticaloa. The SLA troopers retaliated with heavy rocket fire on LTTE held areas in Vavunativu, Kurinchamunai, Navatkadu and Ayithiyamalai and other areas with civilian populations. No one was injured in the SLA attacks.

    ● Forty-nine Tamil youths were taken into custody in two cordon and search operations by the combined State security forces in the western and northwestern provinces. 31 Tamils were arrested in Kalutara and Bandaragama in the western provinces. The youths are residents of Kankesanthurai, Akkaraipattu and Bogantalawa, and were working in jewellery shops in Kalutara and Bandaragama. 18 Tamil youths, majority of them residents of Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Jaffna, were arrested in Uddapu, a Tamil village in Chilaw district in northwestern province.

    ● Forty-four Tamils were arrested in a sudden cordon and search operation by SLA soldiers and Police personnel in Mount Lavinia, Colombo. Most of the arrested were from NorthEast and Hill country areas. More than 100 security personnel were involved in this operation. The SLA and Police took into custody those who recently started residing in Mount Lavinia, and those unable to establish their identity.

    ● Another search operation was conducted in Mattakuliya with the assistance of Mutuwal police, where all buses parked at the Mattakuliya bus terminal were searched. Details of arrests made were not released.

    ● The SLA and the police cordoned off and searched Udapu area in Puthalam, arresting 45 civilians. 40 of the arrested were released after interrogation while five were detained by the police. The search operation covered Udapu Andimunai, Poonaipitty and Selvapuram villages in Puttalam district. More than 500 SLA and police personnel participated in the search operation.

    09 January

    ● Two IDPs were killed and 9 others, including two children, were wounded in artillery fire by the SLA towards Verugal. The civilians were fleeing northwards after the artillery barrage towards Vaharai the previous day. One of the civilians killed was identified as Kanthiah Ganesan, 35. Ms. Thayaparan Mathusa, 2, and Mr. Ganesan Jesu, 6, were the two children wounded in the artillery fire from Kallaru SLA base. Ms. Kathamuttu Thraupathai, 28, Ms. Chandran Vasanthy, 30, and Mr. Packiyarasa Santhiran, 32, were among the 9 wounded. The victims had been staying in Soorainagar village, near Verugal. More than 500 families have taken refuge in areas that come under Echchilampattu division, north of Vaharai.

    ● Karuna paramilitary group imposed a "ban" on selling Thinakural, Sudaroli and other Tamil language newspapers in Trincomalee district. Newsagents were summoned by the Karuna group in Trincomalee and threatened with being shot if they failed to comply. Karuna group had banned the sale of Thinakural and Sudaroli in Batticaloa and Amparai districts six months ago.

    ● Karuna paramilitary members on motorcycles shot and seriously injured two Muslim civilians standing along Kathankudy Dean Road around. The paramilitary personnel also severely attacked two more civilians, causing Tamils and Muslims living on the Kathankudy boarder to move to safer places. Sri Lanka police and STF were put on guard on Kathankudy Main Street.

    ● Gunmen opened fire on two Karuna group paramilitary members at Mahiloor in Kalavanchikudy, Batticaloa, killing one and seriously injuring the other. The assailants, following the two victims riding on a motorcycle, shot at them and escaped from the site.

    ● Armed men attacked two Karuna Group paramilitary installations in Valaichenai, north of Batticaloa. The attackers bombed and flattened one of the two houses, killing all paramilitary personnel inside. 12 Karuna Group personnel were killed. Castro, a key figure in Karuna Group, was killed in a similar attack on the group's Kalmunai office last month.

    ● The SLA claimed it had killed 4 LTTE cadres in Valaichenai, soon after the attack on two Karuna Group installations in the eastern town. The Tigers said four political cadres were shot dead by the SLA at Kannakipuram in Valaichenai and had contacted the ICRC to acquire the dead bodies of their cadres.

    ● A young man who went to purchase Panadol tablets for a sick child in his neighbourhood was killed by SLA soldiers who opened fire on him, killing him on the spot and seriously wounding another man. Yogarajah Nixon, 23, with a torch light in his hand, was killed on the spot as he was returning from a local shop 200 meters away from the house at Aththikuly village in Nanaddan, Mannar, with the medicine. An empty magazine of an automatic rifle, the torch light and a packet of Panadol tablets were lying in the paddy field beside the dead body, riddled with bullets. Murugaiah, 34, with three gunshot wounds managed to escape and notified Nixon's father. The troopers also fired at Nixon's father when he tried to approach the site.

    ● Six armed men in a white van abducted two Tamil youths from their house at Kampawathe in Puthalam. Murugaiah Surenthiran, 24, and Sivasubramaniam Sritharan, 24, both natives of Kilinochchi who had been residing in Puttalam for the last ten years, were abducted.

    ● SLA officials in Vavuniya said their troopers had shot dead two LTTE cadres in Karuvelapuliyankulam area in Vavuniya, when SLA troopers tried to surround six LTTE cadres who had entered into Karuvelapuliyankulam jungle hills, crossing Atamasgada road. One SLA trooper was injured in the fight. A male and a female LTTE cadre were shot dead while the other four had escaped, the SLA said. Many weapons including three T-56 rifles and ten claymore devices were recovered from the Tigers, the SLA officials claimed.

    ● Unidentified persons triggered a claymore device near Osmania Muslim College in Jaffna seriously injuring a member of a SLA street patrol unit. The claymore device was hidden in an abandoned house near the college.

    ● Two paramilitary installations were attacked in Valaichenai in Batticaloa district. At least 10 paramilitary members were killed and four wounded. A house at Puthukudiyiruppu and another at Vinayagapuram, were ambushed by armed men in three wheelers. Three wounded paramilitary members were rushed to Valaichenai hospital and a wounded operative was taken to Polonnaruwa hospital. More than 25 paramilitary members were stationed at the installations.

    ● More than 40 Tamils were arrested in a cordon and search operation conducted by the SLA and Sri Lanka Police from in areas of Minuwangoda, Negombo, Wattala and Gampaha in the western province following the explosion in Wattala of a transformer supplying electricity to the area. The combined search operation was carried out in areas close to several transformers. The Police said the transmitter explosion was an act of sabotage.

    ● An armed mob led by Sri Lankan Deputy Minister of Labour, Mervin Silva, arrived at the open air stage in Nugegoda, the site of the first public event organised by the newly established United People's Movement (UPM), and attacked the journalists who were present at the site to cover the event. The UPM is a political platform that seeks to establish consensus among especially the Southern polity on a Federal System of Governance, as against war and any other undemocratic, non-negotiable conclusion to the on going NorthEast conflict. Three journalists were beaten and the cameras of two were smashed by the mob, which succeeded in disrupting the meeting.



    08 January

    ● 3 civilians were killed when the SLA stepped up artillery fire on Vaharai, including the civilian refuge comprising Vaharai Hospital where thousands of Internally Displaced Persons were staying. Vaharai hospital staff sought assistance from the ICRC to transport the critically injured to Batticaloa for further treatment.

    ● One of the four civilians who were critically injured in the SLA’s artillery attack on Vaharai Government hospital succumbed to her injuries at Valaichchenai District hospital after the ICRC officials brought them in boats from besieged Vaharai to SLA controlled Valaichchenai. Ms. K. Santhirakala, 17, died and Ms. P. Mohanappiriya, 6, Mr. S. Thanojan, 15, and Ms. Meena, 20, were admitted to the Valaichchenai Hospital. The SLA carried out artillery attacks on Vaharai where thousands of civilians, including the IDPs from the neighbouring Trincomalee district, were gathered. A number of humanitarian organizations have appealed to the international community and the ICRC to declare the Vaharai hospital as a save-haven.

    ● An LTTE cadre was killed and two SLA soldiers injured in a confrontation near the SLA’s FDL in Omanthai, north of Vavuniya. The soldiers searched the area after the clashes and recovered the body of the LTTE member along with T-56 assault rifle, a magazine and food stuffs. They said the LTTE member was attached to organization's auxiliary force.

    ● Unidentified persons abducted a father of two and his friend 10 days earlier in Mannar, their relatives lodged complaint at Mannar Police. Babel Rossini Kittler, 30, of Pallimunai and his friend Mohamed Faleel Ali Raja of Uppukulam were abducted with their motorbike when they went to Pesalai on a private errand on 27 December. Since then, no news heard about them, relatives said. They have also registered complaints with the ICRC and the SLHRC Mannar district branch.

    ● Unidentified persons lobbed a hand grenade on an SLA road patrol at Salaiady on Jaffna-Point Pedro road, close to Vadamaradchy Hindu Girls' College, minutes before an SLA convoy passed the area. No one was injured in the attack.

    ● Unidentified men threw a hand grenade on a SLA road patrol at Alayady area in Polykandy, Jaffna. The SLA troopers shot dead a youth and claimed that he lobbed the hand grenade. The SLA also said that they discovered a claymore device planted by him. The body was handed to Valvettithurai police who transferred the body to Valvettithurai hospital for post mortem examinations.

    ● The SLA sentry post on College road in front of Point Pedro Hartley College, Jaffna, was attacked by unknown gunmen who lobbed hand grenade at the troopers manning the sentry, which is located inside a HSZ.

    ● Unknown men hurled hand grenades at a SLA road patrol at Vathiry in Karaveddy, Jaffna. No one was injured in this attack.

    ● Seevaratnam Niranjan was taken to his birth place Kaithaday in Navatkuli West by SLA personnel in a Buffel armoured vehicle where they arrested another civilian Poopalasingham Rameshkumar, 28, father of two. Though Rameshkumar’s wife reported her husband’s arrest to the SLHRC, the SLA has denied the accusation.

    ● The funeral of two Agricultural Department officials who were killed in a claymore attack by a SLA DPU in Nedunkerni was held in Vavuniya. A large number of people, including representatives of government offices in Vavuniya, parliamentarians and representatives of farmers' associations took part in the funeral.

    ● Seventy civilians were arrested in a search operation launched by Eravur police and the STF at Savukkady, Batticaloa district. Five Tamil youths among the arrested were detained while the rest were released after interrogation. Young men and women among the refugees were also subjected to investigation during the search.

    ● Tension prevailed in Jaffna when the SLA beefed up troop deployment near schools and colleges in the town as 80% of the students of Jaffna Hindu College, Hindu Ladies College, and the Hindu Primary vacated the school premises after a student mob burned a Sri Lanka Transport Board bus on Kastooriyar Road. The incident followed a warning by the Jaffna District Tamil Students Union, calling on students to agitate against the forced disappearances of students in Jaffna. Armoured cars and Buffel Armoured Personnel Carriers were seen deployed near the schools and SLA troopers were observed in large numbers in the environs of the schools. The Student Union had warned of mass protests unless Jaffna university undergrads and other students, arrested and abducted by the SLA and SLA associated paramilitaries, were released immediately.
  • Violence round up – week ending 21 January

    21 January

    ● Kandy Police arrested three Tamil youths, natives of Jaffna, as they were travelling in a three-wheeler. The Police took the youths and the three-wheeler into custody. The youths were identified as Vivekanandan Athavan, 25, and Sivalingam Sutharshan, 21, from Neerveli in Jaffna district, and Nadarajah Selvarajah, 28, from Sithamparapuram in Vavuniya. The youths had told the Police during investigation that they had come to Kandy from Colombo to lay pipelines in Harispattuwa Pradeshya Sabha area.

    ● Three civilians were abducted by Karuna group paramilitary personnel driving in white vans in two separate incidents in Kaluwanchikudy in Batticaloa district, and in Thirukovil area in Ampara district.

    ● S. Mugunthan, 27, employed in a private insurance corporation, and his assistant were abducted in the Kaluwanchikudy police division, Batticaloa, while on their official work. Their abductors were suspected to belong to the Karuna Group.

    ● SLA troopers started firing artillery air-shots into Point Pedro sea as a number of Sea Tiger boats were observed in the harbour. A cargo ship, ‘City of Liverpool’, which carries supplies to government troops and civilians in the Jaffna peninsula, was leaving Pt. Pedro harbour when the firing began. About 10 SLN personnel and 15 civilian workers were on board the ship.

    ● Gracian Panumathy, 34, a mother, was killed on the spot and her two children were wounded in indiscriminate artillery shelling from SLA camps in Palaly and Pallappai towards Vadmaradchi north in the wake of the clash between Sea Tigers and SLN in Point Pedro harbour. Fragments of shells that hit the ground near Alvai Sri Lanka School killed the mother.

    ● A Tamil civilian who was shot and seriously injured by armed men succumbed to injuries at the Trincomalee hospital. He was identified as S. Uthayasooriyan, 40, a resident of Alex Garden in Trincomalee. He was shot at Jamaliya in Uppuveli division.

    ● Residents of Kathankudy protested in front of the Regional Secretariat demanding the immediate release of a supporter of Raub Mowlavi, a leader of the Sufi sect, who was abducted – allegedly by one of the Muslim armed groups – at Methaipalli roadankudy. Hiyathu Mohamed Nasar, 35, a father of two, had gone out with two people who had gone to see him about buying a motorcycle, and had not returned. Nasar is an owner of a video shop and a part-time trader dealing in motor vehicles and hand phones.

    20 January

    ● More than eight armed robbers shot dead the owner of a house in Poothavarayar temple in Thirunelveli east, Jaffna, during SLA imposed curfew hours. The armed men opened fire when the neighbours rushed to apprehend the robbers on hearing shouts from house owners. Mahalingam Vigneswaran, 40, a teacher at Puthur Somaskanda College and the owner of the house, died from gunshot wounds. Cash, jewellery and properties costing many millions of rupees have been robbed in the last two weeks, mainly from houses in Jaffna town, Nallur and Chunnakam which are within the direct surveillance of the SLA, and during curfew hours. The armed robbers, in white vans and on foot, move about with ease despite the presence of SLA troopers in these areas. Armed men using similar white vans have abducted many youths during curfew hours in the Jaffna peninsula. The SLA says these robberies are carried out to tarnish their reputation. But no one has been arrested by the SLA or the police in connection with the escalating number of robberies, abductions and killings in the peninsula.

    ● Twenty-four Tamil refugees, including men, women and children, who were arrested by the SLN as they were returning from Tamil Nadu were produced in Mannar magistrate's court and released.

    ● Kandiah Selvarasa, 47, a father of three, a resident of Alaiyadi road in Thambiluvil, Amparai, was abducted by Karuna Group paramilitary personnel. Selvarasa was abducted from his home while he was with his family members.

    ● Four SLA soldiers were killed and three wounded in LTTE artillery fire at Panichchankerni, Trincomalee.

    ● Gunmen shot dead a farmer, Packiyasothy Jeevankumar, 24, of Kumpurupitty, at Irakkandy in Trincomalee.

    ● Two boys, displaced from Vaharai to Kannankiramam village in Valaichenai, were abducted by armed paramilitary men. Sivanandan Sivaneswaran, 15, from Ilankaithurai in Vaharai was one of the two young boys abducted. The other was not identified.

    19 January

    ● The SLA claimed to have entered Vaharai hospital without facing any resistance from the LTTE. Liberation Tigers Military Spokesman, verifying that the Tigers had relocated their positions in Panichchankerni where the SLA had obstructed the land route to Vaharai village, said LTTE had no combatants in Vaharai village where the hospital is located.

    ● An elite guerrilla unit of the Liberation Tigers in Amparai district carried out an ambush on an STF convoy, killing at least 11 Sri Lankan commandos and wounding more than 11 at Bakmitiyawa, Amparai. The STF said the Tigers carried out a combined attack, triggering a claymore and deploying gunners armed with light machine guns into a booby trapped area in the predominant Sinhala area.

    ● Four SLA soldiers were killed and 3 injured in a mortar attack launched by the LTTE at Eachchilampathu, Trincomalee.

    ● The bodies of three young men were found near Gnanavairavar temple along Mathakuvaithakulam road in Thavasikkulam, Vavuniya. The police said the victims seemed to have been tortured and killed. All of them had been strangled and there were gun shot injuries on two of them.

    ● The body of a man shot by armed men was found at Maharambaikulam, Vavuniya.

    ● Armed men shot dead a youth with pistols at Thekawatte, Vavuniya.

    ● Armed men fired at soldiers in the Navindil SLA camp in Vadamaradchi, Jaffna. Residents fled the area following the clash that lasted for 15 minutes during which 6 SLA soldiers were allegedly wounded.

    ● Two civilians transporting goods in a tractor were abducted at Pallakkadu junction in Anaicottai near Jaffna municipal area. The abduction was carried out in the presence of witnesses by men in a white van. One abducted was identified as a married man, Nagendram Thayalan, 32, whose relatives lodged a complaint with the SLHRC. The identity of the other was not established.

    ● Sivasubramaniam Regan, father of two, was abducted from his home in Kalviyankadu in Ariyapathy, Jaffna, during curfew hours. Armed men who arrived at his residence in a white van stormed into house after smashing the front door before abducting him, Regan's wife said.

    ● A cordon and search operation by the SLA and Police in Wattala, Colombo, resulted in 40 civilians, majority of them Tamils, being taken in for questioning. Many of detained allegedly failed to prove their identity and the purpose of staying in Wattala.

    ● 145 persons were arrested during a combined cordon and search operation by the SLA and Police in Puttalam, Anamaduwa and Vannathivillu in the North Western Province. Majority of arrested were Tamils. 124 were arrested in Puttalam alone and the rest in Anamaduwa and Vannathivillu divisions.

    ● A Tamil man was arrested during a cordon and search operation covering Teldeniya, Rajawella and Aluthwatte in Kandy. Velu Thiyagarajah, a resident of Hendala in Colombo, was taken in for questioning as he failed to provide his identity and reason for his presence in Kandy.

    18 January

    ● SLA soldiers at Mankerny and Kajuwatta camps continuously pounded the besieged Vaharai area with artillery shells and shells targeting Vaharai hospital resulted in 5 people being wounded. Despite an urgent message to ICRC about an attack in the morning, the hospital was again targeted in the evening. Thousands of IDPs have taken refuge around the hospital. Eight shells fell around the hospital in the morning and injured one person slightly. In the evening, six more shells fell and injured four people seriously. The continuous shelling forced the civilian population to flee the area.

    ● SLA troopers and police personnel threatened Tamil civilians at Mathavadikulam, Vavuniya, after a gang shot and killed a Sinhala civilian the previous night. SLA soldiers warned Tamil residents that they would be chased away from the area.

    ● Gunmen fired on the SLA camp near Udupiddy American Mission School at Udupitty junction and SLA troopers retaliated. Heavy exchange of fire took place for nearly five.

    ● Unconfirmed media reports in Jaffna said that a SLA trooper at Nagarkovil SLA FDL was killed in a LTTE artillery attack while SLA reports said one trooper was killed in Tiger sniper fire. It is not known whether both reports referred to the same trooper.

    ● Armed men attacked David Camp in Navindil, Vadamaradchi, just one km from the Udupiddy camp. Unconfirmed reports said that three SLA troopers were seriously injured and later two of the injured died, but the SLA claimed two troopers were injured.

    ● Unidentified persons activated a claymore device hidden on Kankesanthurai road at Inuvil targeting an SLA road patrol unit but no one was injured.

    ● Three youths belonging to IDP families were abducted by paramilitary cadres. They were living in a temporary refugee camp at Pethalai after having been displaced from Vadamunai, Uthuchenai and Punanai. One was a married man, abducted near the Valaichenai Police office, while the other two were teenagers. Paramilitary personnel who visit the IDP camps during the day, return at night to abduct the youths, residents said. Families are reluctant to complain to the police about the abductions, which occurs almost on a daily basis, following threats from paramilitaries.

    ● Unidentified persons set fire to a book shop belonging to a Muslim trader in Kathankudy town, completely destroying the building. The police suspect that the arson was the result of the intra-Muslim religious conflicts prevailing within in Kathankudy.

    ● Arayampathy STF arrested M. L. M. Makeer of Kathankudy under suspicion of instigating ethnic violence in the border area between Arayampathy and Kathankudy.

    17 January

    ● The National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka (NCEASL) said that the SLA had shot and killed Nallathamby Gnanaseelan, the head of Tamil Mission Church in Jaffna on 13 January. After shooting the pastor, the soldiers had removed his identification documents and Bible, and charged that he was an unidentified attacker. The SLA soldiers also took away his motorcycle and claimed that he was carrying explosives.

    ● Two youths surrendered to the Jaffna office of the SLHRC, adding to the 39 civilians who have already sought protection from the SLA and paramilitaries. The youths complained of serious threats and intimidation by SLA soldiers. Apart from an elderly couple from Udupiddy and their 15-year old daughter, thirty six other youths have surrendered at the SLHRC office in Jaffna, within the past few months. All 41 civilians are being kept in protective custody in Jaffna prison under the Jaffna Court's order.

    Arumugam Mayuran, 21, a mason, was abducted on Kondavil Road, Irupalai, Jaffna, during curfew hours by men in a white van. His relatives reported the abduction to the Jaffna office of SLRHC.

    ● A Sinhalese civilian, Mr. P.M. Nissanka, was shot and killed by an unknown gang in Mathavadikulam, Vavuniya.

    16 January

    ● Heavy casualties were reported in fresh fighting as SLA forces launched a three pronged ground offensive towards Panichchankerni, south of Vaharai, towards Eachilampattu and Uppooral in the north. 12 LTTE fighters were killed and 7 wounded according to LTTE Military Spokesman Irasiah Ilanthirayan who also claimed more than 40 SLA troopers were killed. Sri Lankan military authorities claimed to have inflicted a heavier casualty with more than 30 Tigers killed. They said 4 SLA troopers were killed, including an officer and 20 wounded. The next day the SLA handed over the bodies of 7 LTTE cadres to the ICRC.

    ● An elite STF commando unit that penetrated into LTTE controlled territory in Vellavely, Batticaloa, were repulsed in a counter-attack by the Tigers. During their retreat, the STF commandos left behind the body of a paramilitary cadre with his arms and ammunition. The STF commandos had launched the operation from Mandoor camp through Kakkachchiveddai.

    ● Two Sri Lanka Policemen were killed in a claymore attack inside the Vavuniya Kachcheri premises. The claymore was fixed to vehicle reported stolen a few days earlier. More SLA soldiers and STF elite troops rushed to the blast site and conducted a search. It is not known if any arrests were made. The policemen killed in the attack were identified as Janake and Geethsri.

    ● The decapitated body of a youth with cut wounds was recovered by Kathankudy police in Manchanthoduvai area along old Kalmunai road in Kathankudy, Batticaloa..
    The victim was identified as Piragasanathan Suthrasan, 23, a resident of Navakudah Pillayar road. He had been abducted on Saturday on Vanniyar road in Batticaloa by a group of armed men in a white van.

    ● Five SLA soldiers were killed and three wounded in a claymore attack on Mannar road, Vavuniya.

    ● An elderly couple from 15th mile post in Udupiddy, aged 56 and 54, together with their 15-year old daughter surrendered at the Jaffna office of the SLHRC seeking protection from SLA troops. The woman had previously been attacked at her home by unidentified men and received treatment at the Jaffna Teaching Hospital. In a recent search operation by SLA near the family’s residence a cache of arms was discovered. Consequently, the army had visited their home and assaulted the husband and ordered the wife to report at the nearby military camp for questioning. The SLHRC obtained a court order to place the family in protective custody at the Jaffna prison.

    ● Officials of the Jaffna SLHRC have requested the head office in Colombo to arrange for the establishment a special detention camp for the 36 youths who surrendered at the Jaffna office in the recent months. The official also requested the head office to take steps to provide job opportunities for these youths, some of whom are school students, and to provide plans for their future.

    ● Students of Point Pedro Velayutham Boys’ School boycotted classes demanding the release of a student who went on missing while on his way to attend tuition classes last Friday. Paranjothy Thananjeyan, 19, who set out on a bicycle from home in Manthihai to a private tuition center in Point Pedro, 4 km away, has not been seen since. Student leaders at his school said they believe that SLA soldiers are responsible for the disappearance.

    ● Armed persons shot dead the owner of a private tuition center in Chavakachcheri, Jaffna. Arumugam Markandu, 60, was at his home when two armed persons came on a motorbike, shot him dead and escaped.

    ● A gunfight between SLA soldiers and gunmen took place in Manambi area in Thikkam, Vadamaradchi. The exchange of gunfire lasted for more than 15 minutes. No casualties were reported.

    ● Six persons, including a woman and a driver attached to Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) were shot and killed, and two young men riding in a three-wheeler were killed, in two separate incidents in Vavuniya, Tuesday night.

    ● Mr. Anton Rupaseelan, 26, Mr. Clive Rohan Rajadurai, 44, a driver attached to Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), Ms. Anthonypillai Ponmani, 57, and Mr. Yoganathan Jeyanthan, 28, were shot and killed at Kurumankadu, Vavuniya. Ms. Jasmin Sivakumar, 25, who was wounded, was the only survivor at the house where the shooting occurred.

    ● Mr. Perumal Chandrasekaran, 25, and Mr. Tharatharan Ramesh, 30, were killed while they were riding in a three-wheeler on Rice Mill Road in Vavuniya. One of the victims was the driver of the auto-richskaw and one of the men was burnt inside the three-wheeler.

    ● Armed men in a white van abducted a disabled man at Thettkiyalady in Chunnakam, Jaffna, as he was riding his bicycle along Kankesanthurai road where SLA troopers were present. The footwear and prosthetic leg of Mr. Daniel Shantharoopan, 30, a family man from Mylankadu in Elalai, were found where he was abducted. Shantharoopan had been earlier summoned several times by SLA troopers at the Atchelu SLA camp where he was beaten and then released, his wife said. She added that the Chunnakam police and SLA said they will conduct investigation when she complained about her husband's abduction.

    ● Mr. Markandu Jeyarajan, 30, and Mr. Danushkodi Sivakanthan, 26, travelling in an auto-rickshaw were abducted by armed men at Maraambaikkulam, Vavuniya. The abductors had come in two motorbikes and a three-wheeler.

    ● The highly decomposed body of Anthonipillai Sagayanathan, a father of two, was located at Kallikaddaikadu, Mannar. The mason had been missing since he left for work on Friday. He was last seen by eyewitnesses being stopped and interrogated by SLA soldiers. When found, his hands and legs were bound.

    15 January

    ● A former officer in-charge of the Trincomalee Harbour Police was arrested with a suspect, allegedly belonging to Liberation Tigers, in possession of 4.5 million rupees inside a hotel in Matara in the southern province. Mr. Indika Perera, the arrested officer, had returned after a two-year leave in a foreign country. According to initial reports the suspected LTTE member is from Chelvanayakapuram, Trincomalee.

    ● Armed men shot dead Thambipillai Ramanan, 30, in the heart of Trincomalee town. He had been waylaid as he was returning home from work. The men entered a house in Huskison Road where Ramanan ran for safety and shot him dead.

    ● Batticaloa Police recovered the mutilated body of a petty trader with several stab wounds and tied with a big stone in Batticaloa lagoon. Sivalingam Rajendran, 28, of Mandapaththady, Kannankudah in LTTE controlled Batticaloa district had gone missing last Saturday. Rajendran regularly visited Batticaloa town to conduct business through Seththukkudah area, which lies between the town and Vavunathivu, one of the gateways to the LTTE controlled area.

    ● Gunmen shot dead a teacher in Thuraineeelavanai, Kaluwanchikkudy, Batticaloa. Saththiyamoorthy Keerththivarman, 31, of Seenaikkudiyiruppu in Amparai district, was shot at point blank range as he was visiting his mother for Thai-pongal festival.

    ● Two youths were taken into custody by the Police on a complaint that they had used a telescope to monitor the Dimbulagala residence of Minister Arumugan Thondaman.

    ● An advanced level student at Hartley College, Point Pedro went missing amidst an escalating number of disappearances in Jaffna. Murugananthan Paramananthan, 19, from Viyaparimoolai, was on his way to Nelliyadi, Jaffna, to attend to personal errands when he disappeared. His parents said they suspect the SLA of being behind the disappearance in a complaint filed with the SLHRC.



  • Civil war haunts Sri Lanka again

    The ceasefire declared in Sri Lanka between the government and the Tamil Tiger movement has disappeared in all but name. 

    President Rajapakse bows to a Buddhist monk of the hardline JHU party as Somawamsa Amarasinga, leader of the ultra-Sinhala nationalist JVP, another ally of the government,  takes his seat. Photo TamilNet
    Some 3,000 Tamil civilians fled from Batticaloa last month.

    International mediation has floundered and fighting has flared up again in the north and east of the island, where the Tigers want to carve out a separate Tamil state.

    I have always liked Bullers Road.

    I used to live on a lane about halfway down.

    It is one of the few places in Colombo where you can still walk under a thick canopy of old mara and mayflower trees.

    Tall, dense and dark green, they used to cover most of this part of the city, offering protection from the excessive heat of the midday sun.

    Only a few trees remain. And even they could not help protect Professor Sivasubramaniam Ravindranath.

    An agricultural scientist, he is the vice-chancellor of the Eastern University in Sri Lanka's troubled Batticaloa district.

    But last month he was abducted on Bullers Road in broad daylight.

    Despite international appeals for information, and for his release, he has not been seen since.

    Who took him, and why?

    Well no-one knows for certain.

    But the talk around town is that it was members of a breakaway faction of the Tamil Tigers known as the Karuna group - now bitterly and bloodily estranged from their former allies.

    Instead, they co-operate with the Sri Lankan armed forces, and receive their protection.

    Professor Ravindranath is not the only victim.

    In what feels like a climate of increasing political impunity, Tamil businessmen are being kidnapped for ransom.

    Rogue elements of the security forces are probably involved.

    In Colombo many people are gloomier - and in some cases more scared - than I have seen them for a long time.

    And who can blame them?

    In the north and east there has been shelling, bombing and civilian deaths.

    Just north of Batticaloa, tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee, caught in the fighting and ravaged by an epidemic of the Chikungunya virus.

    In the Sinhalese south in recent days, bombs on buses, more civilian deaths.

    When, they ask, will the next attack in Colombo come?

    What will be the response?

    And which way will the president turn?

    Mahinda Rajapakse was only elected last year.

    I first came across him more than 15 years ago.

    I was a young BBC reporter on my first foreign posting - he a member of parliament standing up for the rights of southern civilians, caught between a brutal Maoist uprising and an equally brutal military response.

    Now he has risen to the top of the political tree backed by Sinhalese nationalists.

    He has packed the presidential mansion with family members and favourites. And he is trying to create a political dynasty.

    At De Zoysa Circus, a busy road junction next to Colombo's General Hospital, a large billboard of the moustachioed president stares down at passing motorists.

    It is not the image which attracts my attention though - it is the slogan which accompanies it: "He is our leader," it proclaims, "he is our president, he is next to King Dutugemenu."

    Now every Sri Lankan child knows the legend of Dutugemenu, the mighty Sinhalese king who ruled more than 2,000 years ago - the warrior who went into battle on his elephant to conquer and defeat the usurping Tamil king Elara.

    The symbolism of the story is potent, and relevant.

    Where many Sinhalese see an old-fashioned hero who unified the island, many Tamils see the deification of Dutugemenu as proof that the majority community is determined to dominate the whole country.

    And politicians are playing to the gallery.

    "I've never known a government," muttered one Colombo old hand, "which has fallen into ethnic chauvinism so quickly."

    It does not have to be that way.

    There are different voices whispering in the presidential ear.

    Some of them, seduced by the trappings of power, are urging him on to all-out military victory over the Tamil Tigers - a solution often promised, never delivered.

    Others say no, it is time for a bold political offer to resolve the ethnic conflict once and for all.

    If the Tigers refuse to compromise on their objective of a separate state - and well they might - their intransigence will stand exposed.

    So which path will Mr Rajapakse follow? Who will he listen to?

    Big questions, no obvious answers yet.

    But there has always been one place to which Sri Lanka's political leaders have turned for advice: astrology.

    One previous president - Premadasa - hardly got out of bed before hearing the astrologers' prognosis.

    And on the day he died, victim of a Tamil suicide bomber, the advice from the planets had been to stay indoors.

    Well, the astrologers are predicting another turbulent year.

    February and March, they say, are looking particularly unstable.

    Let us hope they are wrong.

    This beautiful island could and should have the world at its feet.

    If only it could stop the killing.

    I wish I could be more optimistic. I love this place.

    But whether you believe it is written in the stars or not, this is a nervous worrying time in Sri Lanka - not an especially Happy New Year.

    And as for the whereabouts of the vice-chancellor from Batticaloa... for the moment, not even the astrologers could shed any light on that.

  • Suffering and fear on the road to Vaharai
    Following Sri Lanka's Army Commander Lt. Gen Sarath Fonseka's assertion early January that the military will evict the Liberation Tigers from the East in the next two months, the Army has intensified shelling and artillery attacks against Tamil population centres.
    Women and children were amongst the victims of the Sri Lankan air force attack,


    The people originally from the embattled Vaharai region and residents from the neighboring Trincomalee district who fled into Vaharai, swelling the Internally Displaced People (IDP) population, express fear and uncertainty about their future.

    “I have been running from place to place for the last four months to escape shelling and Kfir attacks by the Sri Lankan Forces. The international community should do something to save our lives," an internally displaced woman in Vaharai told TamilNet.

    “I am from Senaiyur in Trincomalee district and due to the heavy shelling and aerial attacks I first fled to Ilakkanthai and then to Mugaththuwaram. Later, we were compelled to move to Verugal from where moved to Vaharai unable to stand the artillery attacks and Kfir jet bombings.

    “The Government that made us displaced, wanted us to move out of Vaharai, but some of us opted to remain here. We face severe shortage of basic essentials. It is very difficult to obtain enough rice, good vegetables and even salt for rice.”

    “Kfir jets bombed Verugal Temple and destroyed the water sanitation system built by UN agency and thus depriving the people drinking water facility. The people of the area are now compelled to drink the salinated water once again," another person said.

    Another displaced person, Kannappa Sivapakkiyam explained her difficulties: “my hearing ability has been severely impaired due to the continuing artillery and shell attacks. I am scared very much. I have little food and water. I was staying at Palchenai Refugee camp and then fled towards Vaharai hospital to escape shelling. A young boy helped me to come here, as I am unfamiliar to this area. The doctor at Vaharai hospital helped me a lot.”

    “Please stop the shelling at all costs. I cannot bear this any more. I wish that the New Year will solve our problems and bring us prosperity. I have been displaced several times since 1983 and I cannot move anymore.”

    A displaced mother, Mrs. Rasa said: “We were running away to escape from the falling shells and bombs. We lie on the ground each time a shell fell. Even though we managed to reach the school building, the shells continued to fall, killing and injuring many people.

    "We could not come along Nallur road and we managed to reach Mugaththuwaram. The shelling continued there too, and a fences began burning all around. I prayed as I fled with my child to Vammivedduvan and then to Kandalady as shells continued to fall.

    “When shells started raining, I was at the mouth of a bunker and my child was inside. When a shell exploded near me, I was thrown a few meters away. My son shouted my name in panic. I could not see and hear for a while, and when I regained sight and hearing later, I could hear the sound of more shells. I am a person not frightened easily, but that day we hid in the bunker for the whole day. As soon as shelling stopped, we came to Vaharai.”

    “The education of the children is suffering. The Grade 5 Scholarship national examination was scheduled on 4 December. However, two days before, Kfir jets started the bombing raids. The Army closed the A-15 road on the day of the exam and the children and teachers waited until 1:00 p.m. for the question paper to arrive.”

    “I could not stay at home leaving my child at the school out of fear of shelling. The children took cover along the walls of the school building. Teachers asked me why I had come to the school. How could I stay home, leaving my only child at the school?

    “The Government did not send the question papers saying that there were clashes in Vaharai. I was very keen on my child's education right from the nursery class.

    “I have seen Sri Lanka's President Rajapakse with his three children on the TV. They all are grown-up children. I thought the President, being the parent of those children, would understand how another parent would feel for the children.

    “Mahinda and [Defence spokesman] Rambukwella, who are dropping bombs and shells on us, should come here and stay here for some time. Then only they would understand what pain is, suffering is and fear is.”

  • Cleansing the east of Tamils (updated)
    As he promised earlier this month, Sri Lanka’s military Chief General Sarath Fonseka has successfully captured LTTE controlled Vakarai and established a secure military hold over a large chunk of contiguous territory in the eastern province.


    With Vakarai in military hands the land from Trincomalee down to the Verugal river is now officially ‘cleared.’ At least for now.

    Although President Rajapakse has presented his latest military victory as part of a second ‘war for peace,’ Sinhala Buddhists will see the capture of Vakarai as the unfolding of a larger and more important story.

    The recent military adventure is simply the latest phase of a Sinhala Buddhist project to reclaim the northeast as part of a mythical Sinhala civilization ‘lost’ to recurrent Tamil invasions.

    The strategic importance of recent offensives in the east has to be set against the backdrop of President Rajapakse’s decision to support the demerger of the north east province.

    The 1987 Indo – Sri Lanka accord recognised the merged northeast province as the Tamils’ historic habitation.

    By sanctioning the demerger the Rajapakse government has removed the only mark that the Sri Lankan state recognises the Tamils as a distinct people with a historical right to exist on the island as a culturally and politically cohesive group.

    With the demerger in place, the Tamils are once again reduced to a minority whose claim to political and economic rights must always be at the sufferance of the Sinhala Buddhist majority, the ‘rightful owners’ of the island.

    In the mythology of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, the Buddha himself dedicated the entire island to the Sinhala race and the Buddhist faith, thus sealing the holy trinity of race, language and faith.

    From the late nineteenth century Sinhalese politicians have embraced the ideology of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism as articles of faith and have sought in different ways to reclaim the island as a pure Sinhala Buddhist land.

    During the 1920’s and 1930’s as the British slowly handed control of the island over to majority rule, Sinhala politicians used their new found power to pursue an aggressive policy of colonising the northeastern Tamil areas of the island with settlers from the Kandyan and southwestern regions of the island.

    While the policy was justified in reference to the high levels of landlessness amongst Sinhalese peasants, Tamil politicians complained of discrimination against landless Tamils and argued that the real intention was to change the demography of the Tamil speaking areas.

    Census figures bear out early Tamil fears that colonisation schemes were leading to massive demographic change.

    In the strategically and culturally important Trincomalee district alone the percentage of Sinhalese rose from 4.4 per cent to 33.6 per cent between 1921 and 1981 while in the same period the proportion of Tamils in the population dropped from 53.1 per cent to just 33. 7per cent.

    Sinhala leaders who championed the colonisation schemes projected themselves in the image of Buddhist kings reclaiming an ancient civilisation that had been lost to Tamil invaders.

    Despite his anglicised manners and appearance, D. S Senanayake, Ceylon’s first prime minister was not averse to revelling in the glory of his allegedly ancient and Aryan Sinhala heritage.

    Claiming to be the direct descendent of the mythical king Duttugemunu, who vanquished the aged Elara, the Tamil king from the north, Senanayake made colonisation of one of the central policies of his government.

    Although colonisation was justified as necessary to relieve landless and increase food production World Bank reports from the 1950’s and 60’s argued that the schemes gave very low returns on investments.

    However, as the development economist Mick Moore has argued the land polices ‘and the ideologies which support it, have in general focussed much more on the control of land than on the cultivation or use of land.’

    As the rate of demographic change increased Tamil leaders demanded that a self a governing Tamil unit in the northeast was needed to protect the economic and political viability of the Tamil - speaking peoples as distinct political entity.

    Pacts negotiated by the Tamil leader S. J. V Chelvanayagam in 1956 and 1961 with Sinhala prime ministers recognised the Tamil claim on the northeast.

    But these pacts were abrogated and Sinhala colonisation continued unabated.

    The population change in the eastern districts was so massive that in the thirty years from 1946 the Sinhalese population in the colonisation areas grew from 19 per cent of the population to a staggering 83 per cent.

    The rate of growth was so great that in 1959 the Amparai electoral district with a 91 per cent Sinhalese population was carved out of the previously Tamil majority eastern province.

    The 1977 electoral victory of the right wing and pro- western United National Party (UNP) gave a renewed momentum to the demographic cleansing of the northeast.

    Backed by massive funding from western donors, the UNP government embarked on an ambitious programme to further extend existing irrigation and colonisation schemes.

    Through projects such as the World Band funded Mahaveli diversion and the Canadian assisted Madhura Oya irrigation plan over 390, 000 acres of new land was irrigated, mainly in the eastern province and over 140,000 families were settled.

    Although the massive foreign funding for the schemes was secured using the rhetoric of liberal economics, the local propaganda made it clear that Sinhalese Buddhists were yet again the intended beneficiaries of the schemes.

    A leaflet from the Ministry of Plan Implementation, that oversaw the new colonisation schemes stated that the developments bore ‘testimony to the glorious past of the Sinhalese Buddhist civilization of Sri Lanka.’

    The leaflet went onto describe the ideal Sinhala Buddhist society that would be created with internationally funded government aid.

    “The Mahaweli authorities will not only lead the settlers towards material prosperity, but also provide them with spiritual guidance to make them morally upright. On Poya Days every family has been advised to go to temple, offer flowers, perform other rites, listen to sermons and observe sil (Buddhist precepts).”

    While the government was busy consolidating the Sinhala Buddhist hold on the northeast, voluntary efforts to resettle Tamils displaced by the state aided anti Tamil pogroms of the UNP era were violently disrupted.

    For example, between 1977 and 1981, Gandhyam a Tamil run voluntary organisation resettled 85, 000 Tamil civilians displaced from the Hill Country in the Tamil majority Vavuniya district.

    As the small co-operative farms created by Gandhyam flourished, government ministers began claiming that the settlements were hiding terrorists and helping to consolidate the Tamils’ claim on their homeland.

    The security forced began harassing the settlements and eventually in April 1983 a joint police and army operation raided the offices of Gandhiyam, arrested staff, seized documents, destroyed farm buildings and burnt crops.

    Dr. Rajasunderam, Gandhyam’s organising secretary was arrested along with the president Mr. S. A David and both were subjected to physical torture as well as cruel and sadistic treatment.

    The Tamils’ claim on their homeland was finally recognised by the Sri Lankan state when it signed the 1987 Indo – Sri Lanka Accord: the treaty designated the northeast as the ‘historic habitation of the Tamil -speaking peoples.’ 

    This recognition provided a measure of legal protection to the political and physical integrity of the Tamil - speaking peoples.

    A further measure of contemporary recognition was also given through the now infamous ‘Oslo Declaration’ of 2002 that again recognised the northeast as the Tamils’ historic habitation whilst suggesting federalism as a possible solution to the conflict.

    Although these legal measures have not protected the Tamils from Sri Lankan military onslaughts they have undermined the political viability of further demographic change by recognising a collective Tamil claim on the northeast.

    As a consequence, since the late 1980’s, when the Indo – Sri Lanka accord was incorporated into the Sri Lankan constitution, there have been no new large scale government sponsored colonisation schemes in the northeast – although illegal encroachments have continued unabated, assisted by military operations.

    Now, with the demerger in place, the government will once again pick up the pace of colonisation schemes.

    The military campaign in the east has already displaced 72, 000, mainly Tamil civilians.

    Whilst most of the Sinhalese and Muslim civilians who had been displaced by fighting around Mutur in April 2006 have been resettled, the Tamil civilians cleared out of Sampoor, Eachilampatu and now Vakarai are unlikely to return to their homes in the near future.

    As in previous pre - colonisation clearances, displaced Tamil civilians will be maintained in refugee camps and made dependent on government handouts while their fields and homes are handed over to armed Sinhala colonists.

    The international community, which remained silent whilst civilians were being bombarded in Vaharai and Sampoor, will now mobilise to build camps to intern displaced Tamils in government - controlled areas.

    Thus, once again, the international community and the aid agencies will be complicit in ethnically cleansing the Tamils from their homelands.

    In the coming months the Rajapakse government’s military and political efforts to dilute the Tamils’ presence in their historic homelands will unfold.

    As the international community connives in these efforts the Tamils must once again ask themselves what or who will guarantee their right to exist with dignity as a people in lands of their ancestors.
  • Growth statistics mask deepening economic crisis
    Pronouncements about the high rate of economic growth in 2006 and predictions of even a higher growth rate for 2007 confuse most Sri Lankans. The realities they face do not indicate an improvement in their living conditions.
     

    In fact they are facing one of the severest erosions in their incomes at the same time they listen to the assertion of a high economic growth.

    Some may well ask ‘what is the use of economic growth if it does not benefit us?’

    Others may well ask 'who benefits from this growth?’

    Still others may say, ‘statistics statistics and more statistics- damn lies’.

    Economists, who do not like to displease the powers that be for whatever reasons, even explain the twin phenomenon of a high growth rate and a high rate of inflation as being not inconsistent.

    They cite the experience in the 1980’s when the economy reached the all time record growth of just over 8 per cent with a rate of inflation of 20 per cent as evidence of this.

    The implication is that we are going through an economic growth experience of a similar sort and that inflation should be endured in the interests of economic growth.

    Plainly, they imply that inflation has been generated by the growth momentum.

    Nothing could be further from the truth.

    The comparison of the growth cum inflation experience in the 1980’s with that of today is unwarranted.

    Paradoxically it is useful in understanding the underlying factors determining growth and inflation during the two periods. The comparison is misleading, as they are contrasting scenarios and causes for a similar result.

    In 1983 the economy grew at over 8 per cent, while inflation rose to 20 per cent for the same year.

    One economist pointed out at that time that the rate of inflation during this period was understated by the indices used and demonstrated that in fact inflation was around 26 per cent in 1983 rather that the official count.

    He demonstrated that basic items such as food and medicines were among those whose prices increased highest and therefore by implication inflation hit the poor worst.

    This is the current experience as well.

    The causes for the high rate of inflation then and now are however widely different.

    In the 1980’s inflation was caused by what economists call “overheating” of the economy.

    There was a huge thrust in investment, particularly in infrastructure, that would yield returns in the long run rather than produce results immediately. Such large expenditure was inflationary in the short run.

    They were justified in the long-run interests of the economy though some economists, such as those of the IMF, argued that stabilisation measures were needed to ensure that long term growth was not adversely affected.

    The large investments were mostly financed through foreign funds though there was large counterpart funding as well.

    The inflow of foreign funds that are converted to rupees, as well as the deficit financing of the government, led to huge increases in the money supply that fuelled inflation.

    Therefore one might say that what was a good development for the economy in the long run had rather distressing effects in the short run and particularly on the sections of the middle classes, fixed wage earners and the poor that were particularly hard hit.

    The current situation and developments are qualitatively very different. The causes for inflation are the high prices for oil, large subsidies to corporations, increased expenditure on salaries and the huge cost of the war.

    The trade deficit and the consequent strain on the balance of payments is depreciating the rupee and thereby increasing the cost of imports.

    In summary both the fiscal deficit and the trade deficit are having an inflationary impact though in different ways.

    There are also other proximate factors that account for high prices of food, an important component of the cost of living.

    These are the rains, floods and landslides that have reduced production, as well as disrupted transport of produce.

    These are to some extent temporary though there is a tendency when prices rise, they do not come down to the earlier levels when the immediate causes are removed.

    This “ratchet” effect will be further buttressed by the general inflationary pressures as well.

    The salient contrast in the two experiences of growth and inflation in the 1980’s and now is that the former was brought about by mainly large productive investments that overheated the economy, while the current inflation has been brought about by high oil prices, large subsidies, war expenditure and the depreciating currency.

    These expenditures are generally described as “unproductive”, even though some are inevitable.

    This column has repeatedly pointed out that the growth statistic itself is misleading.

    The 6 to 7 per cent growth includes a high proportion of growth that is the resultant of increased government expenditure on services such as defence, increased expenditure on security services, increased employment in the public services and increased salaries and welfare expenditures.

    The convention in the compilation of national accounts is such that the value of output of these services is computed as being the value of the expenditure on them.

    Additionally, there is a growing scepticism about the veracity of the GDP statistics. Are the figures massaged to give a higher growth figure?

    The nature of the Sri Lankan economy and the manner in which the statistics are compiled permit a high degree of kneading production statistics. It is known to have been done before. Is it being done now?

    There are many reasons why the commonsense view that all is not well with the economy is buttressed by hard statistics.

    The large fiscal deficit reaching double digit proportions, even the official price statistics indicating a 19 per cent rate of current inflation, a trade deficit that is likely to be the highest ever of over US$ 3000 million and the continuing depreciation of the currency are clear indicators of a deepening crisis.

    Hiding behind a dubious high rate of economic growth is indeed a dangerous course for the country.

  • Graft costs Sri Lanka a billion dollars a year
    Kick-backs and crooked deals cost Sri Lanka over a billion dollars last year amounting to about a fifth of tax revenue, the country's top official whistle-blower told AFP in an interview.

    The head of the parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises, or COPE, told AFP corruption and fraud runs deep in the main foreign investment promotion body and a state-agency involved in privatisation.

    COPE, which last year probed 26 of the 210 state enterprises, found fault with Sri Lanka's Central Bank too for not monitoring financial institutions properly and failing to recover large amounts due to the state.

    "As a result of these inefficiencies and corrupt deals, we estimate Sri Lanka may have lost in excess of 100 billion rupees (one billion dollars) last year alone," Legislator Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said Monday.

    The loss is about a fifth of government revenue and amounts to about four percent of the 24-billion dollar economy.

    He said he had discovered that the Board of Investment (BOI) operated without a business plan and maintained records in an ad-hoc fashion.

    "It was shocking discovery to all of us. The BOI is such an important institution and the main agency to attract foreign investments to our country," said Rajapakshe, who is also a ruling party law-maker.

    The BOI attempted to mislead parliament by submitting a "false document" under the pretext that it was their corporate plan, he said.

    There was no immediate comment from the BOI.

    Sri Lanka, is hoping to attract a billion dollars in investments this year, after securing 600 million dollars last year.

    But Rajapakshe expressed doubts over the figures quoted and the manner in which investments are secured by the BOI.

    "We are not attracting top world-class companies, but people to open Chinese restaurants, massage parlours and karaoke clubs under the BOI banner. It's an insult to our country," he charged.

    According to COPE figures, BOI approved more than 2,800 firms to operate over the past 28 years, of which it had cancelled around 1,100 licenses.

    "There's no excuses for the BOI, they are thoroughly incompetent. If these tax breaks and concessions are given to local entrepreneurs they can do better."

    Rajapakshe pulled up the Central Bank for not taking action against illegal finance companies.

    "We estimate over 20 finance companies are now illegally operating without a license, and the bank must take steps to stop it," he said.

    Privatisation of state assets had also failed to reap benefits though around 60 organisations were sold, generating over 65 million dollars in revenue, he added.

    "Privatisation has been stopped now, but what was done hardly brought in money to pay for five months of interest payments on our loans."

    He also found fault with the island's main child protection agency saying it had not utilised foreign aid properly to help children.

    The auditor-general last year found that only 13 percent of the 3.2 billion dollars in aid international donors had pledged to support Sri Lanka's tsunami recovery in December 2004 had been utilised.

    COPE also called for the replacement of the head of the Institute for Policy Studies, the country's top economic think-tank, who is seriously ill.

    "I personally represented him as a lawyer in a case where we proved that he was suffering from Alzheimer's disease and dementia," Rajapakshe said.
  • Ceaseless Dynamic
    The Liberation Tigers' withdrawal last week from the Vaharai enclave has averted an imminent blood bath amongst the 15,000 Tamil civilians trapped in the area. The Sri Lankan military occupied the enclave and moved into the area around the Verugal river over the weekend. Hailing the capture of this fertile backwater as a major victory, the government of President Mahinda Rajapakse makes no secret it intends to escalate its military onslaught. The euphoria amongst (the burgeoning ranks of) the Sinhala nationalists and the tub thumping in the south has reached fever pitch. Some seasoned observers of Sri Lanka's conflict - including a few self-described opponents of the LTTE - are urging caution, either suggesting the Tigers' recent withdrawals ahead of government offensives are tactical or pointing out that the LTTE's multifaceted war machine is very much untouched. But leading Sinhala thinkers, adamant the 'ancient enemy' is hopelessly weak, are shrilly calling for total war. We opt to leave such analysis (and speculation that passes for it) to others. However, the contemporary trajectories confronting the Tamil people deserve comment.
     
    The Sinhala oppression which (eventually) triggered Tamil demands for autonomy erupted soon after Ceylon gained independence from Britain. Tamils' peaceful political agitation for equal rights was met with rising Sinhala violence, prompting our demands for federalism and, finally, independence. Our enemy, in all that time, has been the same: the Sinhala chauvinism which captured Sri Lanka's state and polity after the British left. We return to these familiar arguments for a reason: to put contemporary developments in perspective. President Rajapakse's administration is, at its core, no different from any before it, just bolder and cruder. The mindset of the Sinhala leadership has been unaffected by sixty years of Tamil agitation, and communal strife or by thirty years of bloody war. Decades of 'globalisation' and self-government have failed to divest the Sinhala body polity of its identity insecurities.
     
    This is why Sri Lanka is still embroiled in ethnic war. It is only by annihilating the Tamil identity, occupying and dismembering the Tamil homeland and scattering our people that the Sinhala polity can find security and 'peace.' Which is why the Sinhala leadership cannot compromise politically. Even when it has offered a solution, it has abrogated its pacts and accords or destroyed them through bureaucratic sabotage. The Tamils on the other hand, are exasperatingly not reconciled to servitude. Political independence is more than a right. It is not only the sole guarantee of our security against the vagaries of Sinhala anxiety. It has also become the form by which justice can be attained for the increasing deprivations visited on our people by every Sinhala leadership since 1948.
     
    The Norwegian peace process of 2002 held such promise initially because, for once, it seemed the Sinhala leadership had abandoned its efforts to eradicate our identity. But history has proven that Colombo’s commitment to accommodation and equality of peoples was a mirage. And now President Rajapakse's administration has brought into relief the ceaseless dynamic between the Sinhala and Tamil body polities: the former seeks to crush the latter; the latter seeks to separate from the former. It was not some new found enlightenment but war weariness that compelled Sri Lanka's leaders to pursue the peace process. But the objective of the peace process was not power-sharing. Rather, the objective was to undermine and dismantle the Tamil struggle through means other than war. They were still committed to Sinhala hegemony The effort failed however and, once again, the southern leadership has opted for war.
     
    The point is that the entire post-independence history of the Tamils is one of intensifying resistance to rising Sinhala oppression. In that struggle, we have always been, at face value, the weaker protagonists. The Sinhalese have always had control of the state and all that entails. They have always had international allies supplying arms and money under the rubric of 'fighting terrorism.' The state has always had more firepower, securing ever more powerful weapons when those already accumulated proved insufficient. The present is no different. Sri Lanka's new leaders have decisively abandoned the path of peace, confident, as their predecessors were, that at last the Tamil challenge can be smashed. But never has the relative advantage of the state over the Tamils been smaller.
    Once again, Sinhala leaders are offering us a choice: enduring the deprivations of their total war or acceptance of their hegemony. But that decision was made so long ago.
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