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  • Sri Lanka government recoils from 'devolution' report

    Dec 12
    The Sri Lankan government has formally distanced itself from a ‘majority’ report submitted by a divided experts committee on devolution of power set up by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to solve the island’s ethnic conflict, the Hindustan Times reported.

    The move came as the ultra-Sinhala nationalist JVP, Sri Lanka’s third largest party and an ideological ally of President Rajapakse walked out of the all-party committee the report was commissioned for, in protest at suggestions power should be shared with the Tamils.

    Denying that the government backed the recommendations made by 11 out of the 17 members of the panel, cabinet spokesman Anura Priyadarshana Yapa said on Sunday that reports describing the recommendations as embodying the government’s views were mere “speculation”.

    More significantly, he also saw mischief in such an interpretation, saying that these reports could be an attempt to belittle the steps taken by the government to battle the "fascist designs of the LTTE."

    But on Tuesday, the JVP said it was withdrawing from the All Party Representative Committee (APRC), saying it was going off the track by taking into consideration ‘undemocratic’ recommendations.

    Eleven of the seventeen experts had agreed on a common report though individual members had noted reservations on certain points. This is presented as the ‘majority’ report.

    But the main ‘minority’ report reflecting a conservative Sinhala majoritarian view comes from four other members, all Sinhalese, including the top lawyer and doyen of Sinhala nationalists, H. L. De Silva, PC.

    There will also be two dissenting reports presented by two other members, also Sinhalese.

    Political observers say that the rightwing Rajapakse government’s eagerness to distance itself from the ‘majority report’ stems from an anxiety not to alienate the majority Sinhala community, which has consistently opposed substantial devolution of power to the Tamil majority North-East, seeing it as a stepping stone to secession.

    The Hindustan Times’ correspondent, PK Balachandran, says it is noteworthy that the government thinks it fit to distance itself from the majority report despite the fact that 6 of the 11 who wrote it are Sinhala.

    The majority report had recommended the retention of the present unit of devolution, namely, the provinces.

    But the "minority report" had recommended that the "village" be the unit of devolution, thus denying to the minority Tamils, the right to an autonomous North Eastern Province.

    The minority report was not against the retention of the provinces, but it said that key strategic areas like ports and airports should be with the Centre.

    The Majority Report favoured the continued unification of the Northern and Eastern Provinces to give the Tamils a unified place of habitation, though the unification effected in 1987 had been annulled this year by the Supreme Court.

    But as a concession to the Sinhalas and Muslims, it wanted the unification to be subjected to a referendum in 10 years.

    The minority report, on the other hand, was totally opposed to the unification.

    The Sinhalese fear a Tamil reconsolidation of the Northeast which could lead to secession of the traditional Tamil homeland which comprises one third of Sri Lanka’s landmass and two thirds of its coastline.

    The majority report supported the creation of autonomous enclaves for Muslims and Sinhalese in the merged Northeast.

    But the minority report said that ethnic enclaves would only tear the national fabric.

    The majority report said that any new constitution should do away with the Concurrent List in the case of the Tamil-majority Northeastern province.

    But the minority report said that the concurrent list, which allows the Centre to legislate on some devolved subjects, should be retained to prevent the provinces from breaking away from the national mainstream.

    The majority report wanted two Vice Presidents to be appointed, one each from the minority Tamil and Muslim communities.

    But the minority report said that it would be enough if key cabinet portfolios were given to the minorities.

    While the majority wanted all state land in the provinces to be vested with the provincial government, the Minority wanted all such land to continue to be vested with the Centre.

    The majority wanted Sri Lanka not to have a state religion or any religion to be given the "foremost" position. But the Minority wanted the present system wherein Buddhism enjoys "foremost position" to continue.

    The Tamils and Muslims like the State to be secular and not identified with one religion because religion in Sri Lanka is mixed up with ethnicity.

    Most Sinhalas are Buddhist, while most Tamils are Hindus. And the Muslims see themselves as a distinct religio-ethnic group with an Arab origin.
  • Driving Norway out
    In the wake of the Heroes Day speech by Tamil Tiger leader Vellupillai Pirapaharan, Norwegian Special Envoy Jon Hanssen-Bauer flew to Sri Lanka.
     
    Amid the deepening violence in the Sri Lanka, it was merely to be another round of shuttle-diplomacy, to 'sound out' President Mahinda Rajapakse's administration and the LTTE. But something very different to routine happened this time.
     
    When he met government officials, he was given a blunt directive: he was not to go to Kilinochchi to meet the LTTE until the government granted him permission. The hapless envoy cooled his heels in Colombo and waited.
     
    He eventually went to Kilinochchi - empty handed. He returned empty handed too.
     
    But something crucial had happened. By agreeing to the government's terms for Norway's involvement in peace efforts, Mr. Hanssen-Bauer had compromised Oslo's 'third party' neutrality. More importantly, Oslo's prestige as a respected actor on the international stage had been dulled.
     
    In short, his curt order to stay put was a humiliation for an international diplomat fronting not only Norway but the collective international community involved in Sri Lanka's peace process - i.e. the Co-Chairs.
     
    The neutrality of the third party is sine quo non for peace making. At the outset, despite the international intrigue in Sri Lanka, Norway treated both parties equally in the peace process and, equally importantly, was treated with dignity and respect by the parties to the peace process.
     
    Interestingly, throughout the peace process there has never been friction - at least publicly - between the LTTE, the armed non-state actor, and Norway, frontsman for the international (state) system.
     
    There have been periodic bouts of friction between the Sri Lankan state and Norway. Apart from the embarrassing and now infamous 'salmon-eating busybodies' incident, there were (unsuccessful) demands that then Special Envoy Erik Solheim be replaced.
     
    These frictions were mainly with President Chandrika Kumaratunga's office and later administration. The market friendly - and Sinhala conservative - UNP got on famously with the Norwegians.
     
    But even the moments of friction did not involve official attacks on Norway's integrity or those of its personnel by the Sri Lankan government.
     
    But that was before President Mahinda Rajapakse came to power on a surge of Sinhala-nationalist support. As he made clear last week, their mandate, as he sees it, is to 'defend the motherland.'
     
    And not only from the 'separatist terrorism' of the LTTE, but also from "whatever forces that sought to divide it."
     
    If that wasn't clear enough, President Rajapakse declared: "What satisfies me most about the past year is the ability of our government to gradually extricate our country from the great betrayal it was facing."
     
    By that he means removing Sri Lanka from the obligations incurred during the Norwegian peace process, especially the federal solution.
     
    From the outset, President Rajapakse made it clear he did not value the Norwegian help. He claimed he would solve the problem if could talk directly with Mr. Pirapaharan.
     
    Dismissed by everyone as a political stunt or mere rhetoric, the underlying corollary was ignored: just as he had promised in the election manifesto that proudly bears his personal stamp of ownership - 'Mahinda Cinthanaya' - he intended to end Norway's involvement.
     
    Why would the President, inheriting a country riven by renewed violence drive out a key international ally in peace building? Because President Rajapakse wants 'peace with dignity' - by which he means the restoration of Sinhala hegemony and an end to upstart Tamil aspirations.
     
    In short, he wants to destroy the LTTE miltiarily.
     
    The first step to doing that is to isolate them from the international community which, in his view, has given too much emphasis to the Tigers' opinions and demands.
     
    And the first step to isolating the Tigers is, in his view, to get rid of Norway or at least replace her with a more appropriate interlocutor - i.e. one that is hostile to the LTTE.
     
    Indeed, President Rajapakse didn't even mention Norway in his inaugural address as President in November 2005 - though he went through a range of international 'alternatives' to Norway.
     
    President Rajapakse began his unstated, but discernible plan at once. In December he turned publicly and pointedly to India for help with solving the ethnic question.
     
    The move failed. Not only was India unfavourable to replacing the Norwegians, an alarmed Delhi could see what many other internationals did not: Rajapakse was not intent on a negotiated solution but was instead preparing the military option.
     
    With Delhi's involvement not forthcoming, President Rajapakse had to find an alternative way of removing the Norwegians.
     
    He did not wish to simply tell them to get out: they could take much international goodwill and not a little international aid with them.
     
    However, if he couldn't ask them to go, he could certainly make it impossible for them to stay.
     
    One thing President Rajapakse was sure of is that his efforts to eject the Norwegians would draw considerable support from the Sinhalese. (It is no accident that not once has the UNP, despite its closeness to Oslo, ever publicly defended the Norwegians' efforts).
     
    Notwithstanding claims of a 'peace constituency' in the south, the insidious campaign run by the ultra-Sinhala nationalists such as the JVP, JHU and PNM - assisted by the regular criticism by President Chandrika - had laid the groundwork for President Rajapakse.
     
    Numerous protests outside the Norwegian embassy - often accompanied by the torching of the Norwegian flag - had already muddied Oslo's standing such that even very public sponsorings of Buddhist temples in the south could not fix. (Even Norway's offers to discuss their role with the JVP only lent weight to the latter's disdain for Oslo.)
     
    Indeed, shortly after President Rajapakse came to power, the JVP et al again began agitating against the Norwegians, stoking ever present suspicions amongst the people. It was by his acts of omission that President Rajapakse helped this campaign: he never spoke publicly in praise of Norway's efforts and never gave Norwegian diplomats public accolades.
     
    When the February 2006 peace talks were agreed to, amid fast rising violence, the LTTE suggested the talks could be held in Oslo. President Rajapakse refused.
     
    His opting for Geneva (disregarding an earlier demand any more talks must be within Sri Lanka itself) was not so much about contradicting the LTTE (as was commonly understood) as snubbing Norway.
     
    The peace process stalled: the Geneva I agreement on paramilitaries became a laughing stock, violence escalated.
     
    But it was the proscription of the LTTE by Canada and the European Union that fast tracked President Rajapakse's plans. If the original plan was to eject Norway to isolate the LTTE, particularly from the EU, then the wider objectives had unexpectedly come about anyway.
     
    The urgency to eject Norway thus eased temporarily. Now it was a question of stepping up military operations (particularly in the east) and destroying the peace process by escalating the conflict.
     
    The objective of marginalizing Norway remained. In July President Rajapakse sent a personal message to the LTTE to talk directly. It was conveyed by N. Vithyatharan, the editor of the Jaffna daily, Uthayan.
     
    "If the LTTE and the government can agree to put an end to all violence for two weeks, [we] could make a fresh start and develop the rapport from there on. We don't have to do it through Norway or be dependent on them, we can deal directly," the paper quoted Mr. Rajapakse as asking Mr. Vithyatharan to tell the Tigers.
     
    But the LTTE rejected the notion, insisting Norway remains as facilitator.
     
    In July the Sri Lankan government even agreed to hold talks in Oslo. But the July 'meeting' - in which Norway unilaterally invited the government and the LTTE - turned into a fiasco.
     
    The government sent a non-delegation comprising relatively junior officials. The LTTE said it came to meet with Norway, not Sri Lanka.
     
    Piqued by the LTTE, Norway held very public meetings with top Sri Lankan officials - even the King of Norway met Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister.
     
    But whilst this did not make Colombo any more amenable to Norwegian's continued role, it boosted Sinhala nationalist haughtiness about the 'white Tigers.' Meanwhile, another Norwegian-wielded thorn in President Rajapakse's side was the international ceasefire monitors' presence on the ground.
     
    Cutting them off from the LTTE was an imperative, but harder to achieve than fending of the Norwegian diplomats. And amid an expanding military campaign, it was imperative they also be constrained.
     
    Twice now the Rajapakse administration has tried to compel the SLMM to pull out of its own accord - by firing artillery barrages at SLMM chiefs when they meet with the LTTE.
     
    The first was in July at Maavil Aru and the second time was in Pooneryn in November.
     
    With neither the Norwegian diplomats nor the ceasefire monitors they appointed showing any signs of leaving, the campaign against them has escalated.
     
    When he met Indian Premier Manmohan Singh in November, President Rajapakse didn't disguise his wish to see the Norwegians depart. His very public grumble makes it clear: 'the unwelcome Norwegians are in our house; if only they would go.'
     
    Then there were the recent lurid allegations against Norwegian Development Minister Erik Solheim, Olso’s former Special Envoy.
     
    It was the state-owned Daily News which published allegations of financial dealings between him and the LTTE. The shocking claims compelled the Norwegian government to issue an angry denial - and this week even the main opposition in Norway felt it had to come out and back Mr. Solheim.
     
    Sri Lanka's vice-like control of state media is well known, and particularly the mass- circulating English language Daily News would not have printed the story without either receiving official sanction or being sure it would get it.
     
    Indeed, President Rajapakse's administration is yet to apologize for making the allegations - and the Daily News is yet to distance itself from them.
     
    It is in this humiliating context that Mr. Hanssen-Bauer arrived in Sri Lanka last week, to be treated, not as a key international figure, but an interfering busybody.
     
    In the past a visit by Norwegian Envoys, even when 'routine', drew considerable interest within Sri Lankan and abroad - a quick stock take and return would sometimes invoke lurid media headlines of diplomatic 'failure.'
     
    But Mr. Hanssen-Bauer's recent visit was seen more as an oddity, a curious development at this time of deepening antagonisms.
     
    Ironically, it is Norwegian persistence with the peace process in Sri Lanka is likely to draw more and more public slaps in the face from the Rajapakse administration.
     
    And it is not simply a question of Norwegian prestige in the Sri Lankan context, but globally.
     
    In the meantime, Sri Lanka's undeclared war continues at all the intensity of the late ninties.
     
    But, as President Rajapakse intended, it is Oslo which may finally pull the plug on the Norwegian peace process.
  • International Mandate
    Sri Lanka's undeclared but open war continues. Last week the Army launched its most determined push yet to capture Vaharai in the Batticaloa district. The offensive failed with at least 40 combatants killed. However it was the 40,000 Tamil civilians crowded into that narrow strip of land that bore the brunt of the Sri Lankan onslaught: at least 40 people were torn apart by artillery and naval fire. Scores more were wounded. The offensive came as Norwegian Special Envoy Jon Hanson-Bauer departed the island.
     
    But it is not only the fighting in that remote backwater that we should take note of. It is the deafening silence from around the world as Colombo unleashes an indiscriminate military campaign. The protests this week by the UN and the international monitors are, of no consequence. The United States did protest last week - but that was only after LTTE shells killed three Sinhalese civilians and caused 3000 others to flee. They were singled out, but not the 40,000 people in Vaharai. We know why. In the meantime over half a million Tamils are undergoing great hardship in Jaffna. But there is no pressure on Sri Lanka to open the A9.
     
    In fact, there is no international pressure on Sri Lanka in any respect. The government of President Mahinda Rajapakse is essentially being given a green light to prosecute its long-prepared war against the LTTE. The Tamils therefore need to come to terms with the international community's new strategy: to allow the government to attack and weaken the Tigers until whatever political solution Colombo sees fit can be imposed. The Co-Chairs statement of November 22 said as much. Apart from a mild reproach to both parties (accompanied by a vehement US attack on the LTTE) it leaves it to the Sinhala south to come up with solution. Having failed to persuade Colombo to make a genuine offer of power-sharing to the Tamils, the international community has opted for the easiest alternative: allowing the Sinhalese to proceed with a military solution. The Tamils should be under no illusions; just as during the previous 'war for peace' the international community will not be mere bystanders, but will be actively seeking ways to strengthen and support the state against the LTTE.
     
    It is thus not clear why Mr. Hanson-Bauer was in Sri Lanka last week. The lone envoy did not have a chorus of diplomatic support when he arrived. And most damagingly for the Norwegian initiative, Oslo's neutrality (at least perceived neutrality) was badly compromised when he acquiesced to Colombo's pointed curtailing of his facilitatory space. With Sri Lanka's passing of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) - and semantic hair-splitting aside, it is the draconian PTA that's been invoked anew - it appears the Norwegians will need Colombo's explicit approval to speak to the LTTE. So much for peace facilitation.
     
    Mr. Rajapakse's address last week announcing the new terrorism legislation was also a declaration of war. The President, it should not be forgotten, was voted in wholly by the majority Sinhalese. It was this constituency he began by thanking for giving him a mandate to 'defend the motherland.' The rest of his speech was a call to arms, to a new war. And it was not only the LTTE, but the wider Tamil campaign for self-determination that is the target (the original PTA, it should be recalled, was implemented in the wake of the TULF's landslide victory in the 1977 'Eelam' election; the LTTE was less than 30 strong then.) Saying that he relished the task set by his voters, President Rajapakse told Sri Lankans to choose: to stand with his Sinhala-nationalist cause or against it. The Tamils were told in no uncertain terms what was expected of them: as long as they know their place in this, the Sinhala motherland, they were of no concern to him.
     
    None of this is new. Sinhala leaders have told the Tamils such things since 1956. And, as our shattered homeland attests, this is not the first onslaught (wrapped in the rhetoric of counter-terrorism) that we have faced from the Sinhala leadership. But this time we know what Tamil hardliners have been warning all along. That international commitment to peace is wafer thin. That when the Sinhalese baulk at sharing power, the international community will again let a clash of arms settle matters. That the international community's strident advocacy of 'just solutions', 'human rights' and 'lasting peace' is mere rhetoric. Just as in 2001, international support for a peaceful negotiation can only be secured when the viability of Sri Lanka's military option is again discredited. Until then, the Tamils can expect all manner of horrors. But it is not our fault. For years we have tried our best to plead our case. But no one gave a damn.
  • Vaharai's agony continues
    Sri Lanka’s military continued its assault against the LTTE-held Vaharai region over the weekend, killing scores of Tamil civilians with air and artillery strikes. The United Nations and international ceasefire monitors protested the targeting of civilians.
     
    Ever since tens of thousands of Tamils who fled earlier Sri Lankan military offensives in Trincomalee arrived in Vaharai, in northern Batticaloa, the government has cut off supplies of food and medicine to the impoverished region, creating a humanitarian crisis.
     
    The ICRC was loading wounded refugees into boats on the Vaharai coast when Sri Lankan artillery began to explode nearby. Photo TamilNet
    There are over 45,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Vaharai area, which has been under siege for three months.
     
    But only one convoy has been allowed to Vaharai since October 30.
     
    Even then, 30 of the trucks carrying food in that convoy were not allowed by the military to proceed across the border. Those that got through brought enough food for two weeks at most.
     
    Whilst maintaining the economic embargo, despite international disquiet, the Sri Lankan government has continued daily bombardment and repeated offensives to overrun the LTTE-held region.
     
    Over 40 civilians were killed by Sri Lankan artillery over the weekend as the military launched another determined effort to capture Vaharai.
     
    A Sri Lanka Army (SLA) offensive from south of Vaharai along the costal line towards Panichchankerni was defeated Sunday.
     
    The assault failed to break through LTTE resistance. At least 28 Sri Lankan soldiers and 16 Tigers were killed based on each side’s admission of losses Sunday.
     
    The Army claimed to have killed 40 Tigers and the LTTE said 53 SLA soldiers had been killed, including 30 in Saturday’s fighting.
     
    The Army claimed it had been restrained in its use of heavy firepower for fear of killing Tamil civilians.
     
    But civilians bore the brunt of the Sri Lankan onslaught.
     
    On Sunday 19 civilians were killed by Sri Lankan shelling and 50 were wounded, 27 critically.
     
    On Saturday at least 15 civilians, including a 6-month-old baby, were killed and 41 wounded, ten critically, when the military shelled IDP camps in Vammivedduvan and Palchenai.
     
    Many more were feared dead and wounded. Refugees told medical workers that dead bodies were being buried as they were fleeing from artillery fire.
     
    On Sunday, the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO) appealed for the SLMM and aid workers to be allowed in.
     
    “Over 30 shells have landed close to the Vaharai Hospital in the past few hours and six TRO-run Camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the area have received direct hits from shells,” the TRO said.
     
    On Monday, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was allowed by the military to evacuate 30 wounded civilians, including seven children.
     
    A cluster of seven boats moved them from Vaharai to a hospital in government-controlled Valaichenai to the south.
     
    But even as the boats were being loaded, Sri Lanka artillery shells exploded nearby, compelling the ICRC to abandon another task – the recovery of the bodies of 4 SLA soldiers left behind on Sunday.
     
    "Many difficulties had to be overcome to organize this evacuation", said Martin de Boer, head of the ICRC sub-delegation in Batticaloa, who led the operation.
     
    "But thanks to the security guarantees provided by both parties to the conflict, we finally succeeded in reaching Vaharai hospital and evacuating the most serious cases. However, other more injured civilians are waiting to be evacuated".
     
    The ICRC reminded both parties “of their obligation to comply with international humanitarian law.
     
    “[We] urgently calls upon both parties to ensure the protection of the civilian population as well as to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid. Finally [we] urge the parties to respect the freedom of movement of internally displaced people,” the ICRC said.
     
    The Batticaloa district Parliamentarian, S. Jeyanandamoorthy, condemned the Sri Lankan government for waging a “coward’s war” against civilians.
     
    In comments Sunday he also condemned the international community for standing by and urged it "not to show bias in their condemnation of the attacks that targeted civilians."
     
    He was referring to the prompt condemnation Friday of an LTTE artillery attack that hit a school and houses belonging to Sinhalese near the Kallaru SLA camp.
     
    An estimated 3,000 Sinhalese fled the area and were receiving government and international assistance further away.
     
    The Sri Lankan government flew journalists to the area to photograph the damaged houses and school.
     
    "While the Government provides Sinhalese civilians of Sinhapura, Mahindapura, Somapura and Kallaru transport along the land route to the safe locations, it hesitates to even allow the critically wounded Tamil civilians in need of urgent medical treatment from Vaharai to Valaichenai or Batticaloa," Mr. Jeyanandamoorthy said,
     
    "You don't serve peace if you fail to condemn the Sri Lankan government in strongest possible terms for engaging in aggression on civilian population," he said in an appeal to the international community.
  • Violence in the NorthEast, week ending December 10

    December 10

    • An attempt by a group of 25 members of paramilitary cadres and SLA to penetrate into LTTE controlled Pendukalchenai to lau-nch attacks was foiled when the LTTE counter attacked, killing two and injuring ten paramilitari-es. Two LTTE cadres were also killed in the counter attack. SLA troopers and paramilitaries mov-ed out of Kinnaiyadi SLA camp, crossed Kinnaiyadi Lagoon, and had penetrated through villages of Murukkantivu, Pirambaditivu and Saravelli towards Pendugalchenai to attack LTTE positions when th-ey were confronted. The penetration group was nearly 5 km inside LTTE-controlled areas when they were attacked and forced to retr-eat taking the wounded and the dead. LTTE fighters Kalaiarasan and Sauntha were killed in the counter attack.

    • Two SLA soldiers were injured when gunmen triggered a claymore mine in Yaakeru, Vadamar-adchy, Jaffna. The soldiers were on a road patrol from Aayam San-thi SLA camp towards Mandaan when the claymore was triggered and gunmen allegedly also fired at the soldiers following the blast.

    • An employee at the computer section of the Jaffna Tamil daily, Namathu Eelanadu, has not been seen since Tuesday, officials from the Jaffna SLHRC. Indrakumar Mathan, 25, from Kokuvil West, set off from his home to do erran-ds and has not seen since, relativ-es said. Mathan previously wor-ked at the Tamil daily Uthayan, before he moved to work at the Jaffna Navalar Road offices of Namathu Eelanadu.

    • Five gunmen abducted a youth from his house at Pansala road in Akkaraipattu and his body was recovered the next morning, with gunshot wounds, close to Akka-raipattu SLA camp. The dead youth was identified as Vellupillai Selvakumar, 26, a daily labourer.

    December 9

    • Gunmen shot and injured two cadres of the paramilitary Karuna Group on Kallaru main road near Sinnapillayar temple in Kallaru, Batticaloa. Ranjan, 28, and Kum-ar, 26, were admitted to hospital.

    • Selliah Thiagarasa, 57, a father of six, from Kikirai Kulam in Araly, Jaffna, was walking towards Sangarathai Market to buy fish when gunmen who followed him shot him dead at close range and escaped.

    December 8

    • Unidentified persons triggered a claymore mine at Asikulam, Vavuniya, seriously injuring three SLA troopers who were on their way to fetch water from a well close to the Asikulam SLA camp. The police said that there were two claymores fixed together but only one had exploded.

    December 7

    • SLN cadres shot dead a Tamil youth and seriously injured anot-her on Crow Island beach in Mod-ara, Colombo. The SLN allege that when its cadres approached the youths to inquire about their suspicious movement, the youths attempted to pull guns, resulting in the shooting in self defence by the SLN marines.
    Both men, seriously injured, were rushed to the SLN Hospital where one of them succumbed to his wounds. The dead youth was identified as Vinoth, 27 from Pasarai in the upcountry and the injured as Sutharsan, 28, both flower garland sellers at Modara Vishnu temple.
    The two men had gone to Crow Island beach for morning ablutions and were shot from afar by the SLN cadres, locals said. They allege that the SLN was attempting to cover up the killing by claiming the men had been attempting to pull guns.

    • Eleven students and two teachers were wounded when artillery shells hit Somadevi Sinhala Sch-ool in Kallar. Soon after the incident, a group of hand picked journalists were flown to the area by the Sri Lanka military. The Sri Lankan military said the Tigers were targeting the Mahindapura SLA camp with artillery fire, but the shells had missed the target. Three soldiers were wounded an hour later when the shells hit the SLA camp, the SLA said. LTTE military spokesman Mr. Irasiah Ilanthirayan, denied artillery fire from LTTE positions towards the Sinhala school.

    • Armed men opened fire on the police sentry post in Maharam-baikulam area in Vavuniya seriously injuring a policeman.

    • Armed men shot killed a youth at Samalamkulam, Vavuniya. The dead youth, aged around 20 to 25 years, was yet to be identified. Residents of Samalmkulam said they heard gun shots from Samal-amkulam tank, the area where the body was found. Four persons riding a three wheeler were killed two months previously and before that two were shot killed, both near Samalamkulam tank.

    • Gunmen went to the home of GCE (Advanced Level) student, Monoharan Paranthaman, 17, in Madduvil East Chavakachcheri, Jaffna, called him out of his house and shot him at close range. The gunmen beat family members who tried to stop the shooting.

    • Gunmen called a building mason out of his house and shot at him with a T56 gun at Sinnaku-lam, Amparai. Sellathurai Navar-atnam, 23, of Veeramahakali Temple Road in Sinnakulam and a father of two, was seriously inj-ured and rushed to hospital where he succumbed to his wounds. Mr. Navaratnam was at home with his wife and children after dinner when the gunmen called him out and shot him at close range.

    • Sectarian violence between orthodox Muslims and an Islamic Sufi sect resurfaced in the Mus-lim town of Kattankudy, Battic-aloa, following the death of a Sufi sect leader.
    December 6
    • Thirteen civilians from the Jaffna were abducted after the Sri Lanka Government reinstated the draconian Prevention of Terror-ism Act (see separate story).

    • Assailants triggered a claymore device attached to a motorcycle parked near Pannai Bridge in Jaffna, targeting a SLA vehicle but killing four civilians and seriously injuring two others. The blast overturned the vehicle, injuring several soldiers. The claymore device blast targeted an SLA vehicle was returning from Sri Lanka Telecom Limited in the Pannai Bridge area. Two men died on the spot and a 45-year-old woman and 4-year-old child died in hospital. V. Vaseekaran, 21, of Velanai and a 4-year-old boy were admitted to the Intensive Care Unit in a critical condition.

    • Unidentified persons triggered a claymore device on Chettikulam-Madavadchi road in Vavuniya, killing two SLA troopers on the spot. The claymore attack was on the tractor taking dinner to SLA soldiers manning sentry posts along the road.

    • Unidentified armed men shot dead Thankarasa Pirabaharan at Sasthrikoolankulam in Vavuniya.

    • A gunman following a youth shot him dead at Sithandy, Batticaloa. Sithamparapillai Pathmanathan, 27, the Regional agent of a private insurance company in Batticaloa and a resident of Old Market Road in Sithandy, was killed as he was walking towards his friend's house.

    December 5

    • Two gunmen on motor cycle shot dead a trader at Viyaparimoolai in Point Pedro, Jaffna. The riders shot Manickam Jeyarasa, 36, in an area where SLA troopers had been present some minutes earlier and the killers escaped in the direction the SLA troopers had taken, witnesses said.

    • Two SLA troopers in Batticaloa were killed and 19 injured during a clash between the SLA and LTTE at LTTE held Katumurivu in Batticaloa district. The SLA also reported that they learnt from LTTE communications that five LTTE cadres were killed in the fight. The LTTE attacked the SLA troopers when they attempted to penetrate into the LTTE held area.

    • Two SLA troopers in Batticaloa, including a woman, and a policeman were injured in a LTTE mortar attack on an LTTE sentry post at Black Bridge on the Chenkalady-Badula road leading into LTTE held region. Two mortar shells fell and exploded near the sentry post injuring M. Senaratne, 39, Ms. R. Menike, 24, and W. Chandraratne, 34, a policeman, the SLA said. Following the exchange of mortar fire Chenkalady town was deserted with all shops and other establishments shut immediately while the people fled in panic from the town.

    • A youth from Avarangal, Puth-thur in Valikamam, Jaffna, who was injured in a shooting incident and was being treated at the Jaffna Teaching hospital, surrendered to SLHRC, telling officials his life will be in danger if he goes home. The number of youths surrendering to the Jaffna SLHRC, out of fear being abducted and killed by Sri Lankan forces, is increasing, with more than 30 youths from various parts of the peninsula surrendering in the last two months. The surrendered youths appear before the Jaffna Magistrate with the SLHRC's legal support and are sent to the protective custody of Jaffna prison.

    • The relatives of Sritharan Para-thithasan, 21, of Mallaham, lodg-ed a complaint at SLHRC that the SLA arrested him and some others on December 1 along Malla-ham- Alaveddi Road. Though the SLA released all the others, no concrete information regarding his whereabouts was given when contacted by the relatives.

    • Sinnarasa Sivaselvam, 26, from Puloly South, Point Pedro in Vadamarachchy, Jaffna, has disappeared after being arrested by the SLA. The soldiers in the area confiscated his Identity Card and asked him to come to their camp later. Sivaselvam was not seen after he went to the SLA camp.

    • Senthilnathan Kajendran, 25, of Siruppiddy North, Puththur and Thuraiyan Thavakkumar, 23, of Karamban, Puththur North were arrested on 29 and 17 November respectively, but their whereabouts are currently unknown, relatives said in a complaint to the SLHRC.

    • Kekirawa police recovered four dead bodies, partially burnt, in a paddy filed at Ganewella, Habarana. The bodies, with disfigured faces, appear to be of youths aged 20 to 25 years. The four dead may have been killed elsewhere and brought to the field where they had been set fire with tyres to make them unidentifiable, the police said. They may have been abducted in the villages of Thimbulagala, Wellikanda, Man-nampity, Soruvil, Sungavil on the borders of Batticaloa and Polanaruwa districts. Several cases of youths being abducted by Karuna paramilitary groups collaborating with the SLA have been reported earlier in the Battocaloa district.

    • Tension prevailed in Trincom-alee as a Ceylon Electricity Board employee was shot dead (see separate story).

    • Hundreds of Sri Lankan troopers and police cordoned off and searched Mannar areas covering Moor Street, Uppukulam, and Sinnakadai. All houses and vehicles in the area came under intensive search. Residents said the security forces also deployed female cadres in the search. No one was arrested in the operation.

    December 4

    • The LTTE repulsed a major STF offensive against LTTE held Kanchikudichanaru in Amparai from the Kanchirankuda STF camp, backed with heavy artillery fire. Four STF troopers were killed and eight seriously injured in the attack, while three LTTE cadres sustained minor injuries, the LTTE said. The STF reported that one of their troopers was killed and three seriously injured.
    Heavy artillery fire and shell-ing from the STF camps in Kanchirankuda and Sangamaan-kandy directed on the LTTE held area followed the failed offensive.

    • Heavy fighting continued between the LTTE and SLA at Kattumurivu, inside LTTE controlled Vaharai region in Batti-caloa as the two month old SLS offensive flared up again (see Vaharai story).

    • Three SLA troopers were seriously injured in a clash between the SLA and LTTE in Kadjuwathe area, Batticaloa.

    • The LTTE clashed with SLA troopers who attempted to move beyond the no-go zone towards Puliyankulam at the Omanthai FDL in Vavuniya. The SLA troopers withdrew after facing .resista-nce from the Tigers. Artillery and mortar fire was also reported fr-om the FDL in Muhamalai.

    • An ambulance with 7 patients needing advanced treatment at Vavuniya Hospital could not proceed as the Omanthai exit point remained closed following the clash. Five children, including a 6 month-old baby and a 18-month-old baby girl, were among the seven patients in the ambulance.

    • Gunmen abducted S. Thevar-asa, 50, from Satkoddai, a coastal village in Vadamarachchy, Jaffna, and shot him dead near a temple in Samarapahu, Karaveddi. Tho-ugh abducted and killed on Monday, Thevarasa's corpse was found only on Tuesday, as local residents, who had heard gunshots Monday afternoon, kept indoors out of fear.

    • Armed persons in a white van abducted four youths, including a small restaurant owner, in Alav-eddi in Valikamam, Jaffna. The armed men took the restaurant owner into the van first and then took three other customers.

    • Armed men abducted four you-ths at gun point from Santhiveli, Batticaloa, while they were sleeping. Velupillai Yogeswaran, 16, Kanagaratnam Thusanthan, 16, Kanthasamy Sivaraj, 15, and Mu-thusamy Pathmarasa, 18, are all residents of Santhiveli Palayadi Thona. Yogeswaran and Kanagar-atnam worked as building masons while Sivaraj helped his father in fishing. Pathmarasa was working in a private establishment in Batt-icaloa. Residents of the area alle-ge that the youths were abducted by Karuna paramilitary group cadres.

    • An armed SLA intelligence wing solider entered the house of Mr. K. Suntharalingam, 52, from Pannalai in Tellipallai, and forcefully took him in a white van. When the relatives inquired at the nearby Pannalai SLA camp, officials said that they were not aware of any arrests.

    • Armed men shot dead two Muslim youths at Annar Nagar in Vavuniya. Muthalib Rivai, 22 and Mohamed Salim Basil, 33, were staying at a relative's house in Vavuniya when they were shot.

    • Two armed men on motorcycle shot dead a youth and seriously injured his cousin in Point Pedro, Jaffna. Sebamalai David, 27, a fi-sherman, was killed and John Jes-udas, 37, from Kochchikadai, was injured. David was standing in front of his house with his cousin when the armed men shot at them.

  • Divided experts present four different proposals
    The panel of experts appointed by Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapakse to submit recommendations regarding power sharing and Constitutional reform has failed to formulate a unanimous report due to deep divisions within it, reports said.
     
    As a result of these divisions amongst the seventeen members, at least four separate preliminary reports had been prepared to be handed over to President Rajapakse Tamilweek.com reported Wednesday.
     
    The expert panel was scheduled to hand over its report to the All Party Representatives Council (APRC) at the Presidential Secretariat in the evening of Dec 6th. President Rajapakse himself was expected to be present but informed sources said he may “miss” the APRC meeting to avoid the embarrassment of receiving four separate reports.
     
    The All Party Council (pictured in June 2006) has been meeting all year, but has not produced a power-sharing proposal to offer the Tamils. The constitutional experts couldn't agree on either. Photo TamilNet.
    Tamilweek quoted informed sources as saying eleven of the seventeen expert panelists had agreed on a common report though individual members had noted reservations on certain points. This would be presented as the ‘majority’ report.
     
    But the main minority report will be submitted by four other members, all Sinhalese, including the top lawyer and doyen of Sinhala nationalists, H. L. De Silva, PC.
     
    There will also be two dissenting reports presented by two other members, also Sinhalese.

    Of the eleven expert panel members who agreed on the minority report six were from the Sinhala community. Four Tamil and the lone Muslim member also signed the ‘majority’ report.

    The main issues of contention dividing the majority report and other dissenting reports have been over matters like the extent of devolution and the retaining of points of the 13th Constitutional amendment.

    The 13th amendment was brought in 1987 as a result of the Indo – Sri Lanka Accord. The major achievement of that amendment was the introduction of the Provincial Council system and merger of Northern and Eastern Provinces subject to an Eastern referendum.
     
    The dissenting reports are said to be focused more on strengthening the unitary state while the majority report emphasizes a united country with 'maximum devolution,' Tamilweek said.
     
    But even the majority report, a copy of which was obtained and published by Tamilweek.com, avoids saying whether Sri Lanka should be unitary or federal.
     
    President Rajapakse convened an All Party Representatives Conference to make recommendations on Constitutional Reform allowing maximum devolution within a unitary system.
     
    He also appointed an expert panel to formulate Constitutional reform recommendations that were expected be adhered to “mutatis mutandis” by the APRC.
     
    Initially twelve members were appointed to the panel. The membership was later increased to fifteen and subsequently to seventeen.
     
    The four members submitting the minority report are Mr. HL de Silva, Mr. Gomin Dayasiri, Prof GH Peiris and Mr. Manohara de Silva. Mr. KHJ Wijayadasa and Mr. MDD Peiris will submit two other dissenting reports separately.
     
    Ms. Therese Perera, Ms. Malkanthy Wickremasinghe, Dr. Nirmala Chandrahasan, Mr. Asoka Gunawardena, Dr. K. Vigneswaran, Mr. N. Selvakumaran, Dr. Sivaji Felix,Dr. Rohan Perera, Mr. Faiz Mustapha, Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne and Mr. RKW Gunasekera agreed on the majority report. Since Dr.Wickremaratne, Dr. Felix and Mr. Asoka Gunaewardene are out of the Country at present their signatures are not on the document but their consent has been duly obtained.
     
    Tamilweek learnt that Dr. Wickremaratne, Mr.RKW Gunasekera, Dr. Rohan Perera and Dr. K. Vigneswaran had expressed reservations on particular matters while agreeing on the whole to the report.
     
    The APRC has representatives from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party , United National Party, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna , Jathika Hela Urumaya , Sri Lanka Muslim Congress , National Unity Alliance, Ceylon Workers Congress , Mahajana Eksath Peramuna . Lanka Sama Samaja Party , Communist Party of Sri Lanka, All Ceylon Muslim League, Eelam Peoples Democratic Party. National Muslim Congress, Up Country People’s Front and Western Peoples Front.
     
    The Tamil National Alliance (TNA), a coalition of Sri Lanka’s four largest political parties, was not invited to the APRC when it was convened and turned down a belated invitation.
     
    It remains to be seen as to how the APRC will react to the submission of four separate reports and how much of each report will be reflected in the final outcome.
     
    The inability of the Expert panel to finalise a single report evokes memories of the Commission on Devolution appointed by President JR Jayewardene in 1979.
     
    In that instance the majority of members in the Commission headed by Victor Tennekoon submitted one report while the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) nominee Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam presented a dissenting report.
     
    The visible divide in the expert panel also revives memories of the Supreme Court in examining the proposed 13th amendment legislation in 1987. Five Judges voted for and four against in a nine judge bench. All four who voted against were Sinhala while three of those who voted for were members of the Tamil, Muslim and Burgher communities. It was the stance of two Sinhala judges that saw the legislation approved.
  • Aid groups say Sri Lanka blocking their work
    (AFP, PARIS) Western aid groups warned of a growing struggle to help Sri Lankan victims of the Indian Ocean tsunami and of the country's war, four months after the massacre of 17 aid workers, and blamed bureaucracy for blocking their work.
     
    "The humanitarian situation is catastrophic," said Aloysius John, head of Asia for the French Secours Catholique, adding that his group can no longer work in northern Sri Lanka, particularly in Jaffna where thousands of people lack provisions after the main access road was cut off.
     
    British NGO Oxfam said work had become "extremely difficult" to help victims of the December 2004 tsunami that killed 31,000 people and destroyed 75 percent of coastal infrastructure.
     
    Nordic monitors of a truce signed in February 2002 between the military and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) say the ceasefire is holding only on paper.
     
    The LTTE has been fighting for independence for the island's Tamil community in the majority Sinhalese country.
     
    At least 3,400 people have been reported killed in the conflict this year.
     
    Amid fighting between security forces and the Tigers, the 17 mostly Tamil aid workers from Action Contre la Faim (ACF) were shot dead on August 6 in their offices in the northeastern town of Muttur.
     
    Now, four months on, thousands of civilians lack necessary help, particularly in "the most vulnerable", or Tamil, communities, said Eric Fort, head of ACF in the area.
     
    "Zones under LTTE control are inaccessible," he said. "Authorities don't want NGOs to get through."
     
    Fort complained of administrative hurdles complicating work of the group that has nonetheless decided to renew activities suspended after the massacre.
     
    Other NGOS said their work was paralysed by bureaucracy.
     
    Doctors Without Borders said three of its sections -- Dutch, French and Spanish -- were stuck in the capital Colombo.
     
    In September, "an article accused us of collaborating with the Tamil Tigers and the next day we received an expulsion letter", said Gabriel Trujillo, who supervises the region.
     
    "The management of access to humanitarian aid is obviously part of Colombo's strategy in the conflict," Trujillo said.
     
    Medical charity Medecins du Monde recently closed its French section in Sri Lanka, after the departures of the Argentinian, Spanish and US sections, said Eric Chevallier, director of international missions.
     
    Chevallier said certain ruling politicians seemed to have "a strategy of preventing the presence of international actors".
     
    Sri Lankan authorities rejected the accusations.
     
    An advisor to the Sri Lankan embassy in France, Himalee Arunatilaka, spoke of "confusion" about documents NGOs needed to provide and said that "security reasons" were behind stringent checks in affected areas.
  • Violence in the NorthEast, week ending December 3
    December 3

    ● A SLA trooper was seriously injured in a sniper attack on the Vavunativu SLA sentry post in Batticaloa. In a similar sniper attack on Vavunativu SLA camp Friday a paramilitary cadre named M. K. Rajan was seriously injured.

    ● Armed men shot dead Pakkianathan Calista Nirmala, 42, in her house at Antony Road, Palaiyootu, Trincomalee. The men had forcibly opened the doors of her house and shot her.

    December 2

    ● At least one civilian was wounded and three houses were damaged when SLAF Kfir bombers hit a civilian area providing temporary settlement for the tsunami-affected in Mullaithivu district. Another village, Vadduvahal, was attacked within the hour in another sortie, while two Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) were engaged in a reconnaissance mission over Kilinochchi. 2 Israeli built Kfir bombers dropped 8 bombs in Thevipuram.

    ● SLA DPU attackers exploded a claymore mine, damaging a Road Development Authority vehicle at Moonru Murippu in Liberation Tigers controlled territory in Vanni. No casualties were reported in the attack.

    ● The owner of a vehicle repair facility in Dutch Road, Chavakacheri, was shot dead by two gunmen riding a motorbike. Mylvaganam Thavarajah, 28, was on his way to open his garage located near the Chavakachcheri District Court when he was shot. He was earlier arrested by the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) and threatened following a claymore attack near the Chavakachcheri Court premises but was released.

    December 1

    ● Two Sri Lanka Police constables were killed when assailants triggered a claymore mine fitted to a motorcycle parked near the junction of Clock Tower road and Hospital road in the security reinforced HSZ near Jaffna town. The victims were walking towards the Police station located on the Clock Tower road when the attack happened.

    ● Three civilians abducted by armed men from their houses at Vinayagapuram, Thirukovil in Amparai, were found shot to death by Vinayagapuram residents at a junction near Vinayagapuram Tamil Maha Vidyalayam, around 200 meters from their houses. The victims were identified as Sabarathinam Raveenthiran, 31, a father of one, Mylvaganam Arulananthan, 28, and Kanthasamy Kantharoopan 35, father of five.

    ● Sritharan Kannan, 22, who was returning after a painting job, was abducted in Mallakam by SLA soldiers on motorbikes. Kannan was displaced from Valigamam North and was residing in Konappalam Lane in Mallakam. Officials at the Alaveddy SLA camp had told Kannan's parents that they had no information of any arrests.

    ● SLA soldiers travelling in a white van abducted Valyutham Gajendran, 27, a library employee at the Valigamam North Pradeshya Sabha. The soldiers entered Gajendran’s home, near the SLA camp in Mallakam Courts Road, and took him.

    ● Gunmen shot and killed S. Ramachandran, 36, a farmer, at Menkamam, a Tamil village in SLA controlled Muthur region in Trincomalee.

    ● A Sinhalese civilian, Waduge Karunaratne, 58, was found dead near Chinabay Railway Station, Trincomalee, with his throat slit and gun shot wounds on the body.

    ● Thevathasan Vimala, 56, from Oddumadam, in the suburbs of Jaffna, was called out of her residence in Araly Road, Oddumadam by a group of armed men who shot her dead on the spot.

    ● Due the death threats of the Sri Lanka forces and collaborating paramilitaries stationed in the peninsula, increasing number of youths fearing for their lives have been surrendering at the Jaffna office of the SLHRC seeking protection for their lives. Twenty eight youths are currently in protective custody at the Jaffna prison and more youths are surrendering each day.

    ● A SLA soldier was seriously injured in a sniper attack inside Vavunathivu camp in Batticaloa. The injured soldier was identified as Hettiarachi Sripala, 34. The SLA launched retaliatory mortar attacks against Liberation Tigers controlled areas close to Vavunathivu.

    ● Unidentified men triggered a claymore device along Udupiddy-Valvettithurai road killing a SLA trooper belonging to a unit returning to Valvettithurai SLA camp in Jaffna after constructing sentry posts near Ellankulam Heroes Resting Home. The SLA opened fire on the attackers and there was an exchange of firing for nearly 5 minutes but no one was injured.

    ● A young Kayts woman was injured by a stray bullet fired during SLN combat training at the Kayts SLN base. Following landing of LTTE cadres in Mandaitivu on 11 August and subsequent alleged preparations for war, SLN fears a large-scale attack by the LTTE on Jaffna Islets, and has been conducting combat rehearsals near the Kayts SLN camp the past two days, Kayts residents said. Yogan Thiruvarudchelvi 31, of Camp Road in Kayts was injured during this exercise and is recovering in Jaffna Hospital with a bullet wound in her upper body.

    November 30

    ● Three policemen, including a woman police constable, and two army troopers were killed and four wounded when a SLA truck packed with soldiers collided with a train as it crossed a railway crossing in Enderamulla, northeast of Colombo. There were 10 police and military personnel in the truck. One trooper escaped without injuries. The woman police constable was identified as Nishanthi Luxica. The other victims were an Inspector of Police Methagoda, Constable Ratnayake and army troopers Gunapala and Eranga. The troopers were returning after a cordon and search operation.

    ● Two fisher families, comprising eleven members, arrived in government controlled Kothaipiddy seashore, Mannar, by boats from Vidathaltivu village in LTTE held area. They left their village due to constant air strike and artillery attack by the SLA towards the LTTE held area. The families said that there was severe shortage of supply of food and other essentials.

    ● Ten SLA soldiers were injured when two buses carrying troopers collided near Kantalai, southwest of Trincomalee town. One bus was transporting a group of soldiers on leave and the other was taking soldiers to Trincomalee from Colombo to report for duty near Kantalai town.

    ● The Head of Vavuniya Institute of Education, K. Bernard, said that 115 Sinhalese students of the institution had complained that armed men had come to the institution asking for them. As the students said they feared for their lives, arrangements were made with the Vavuniya SLA to protect the students overnight and they were escorted to their homes Thursday. Mr. Bernard said that he will be investigating the threats posed to his students.

    ● Two gunmen on a motorbike shot and killed Grama Sevakar Gilbert Anandarajah, 45, of Gurunagar West, Jaffna. Mr. Anandarajah is the third Grama Sevakar to be slain in Jaffna during the months since hostilities resumed in Jaffna on August 11. Mr. Anandarajah, father of two, was shot and killed at his office.

    ● A farmer was critically injured when a group of SLA troopers in ambush fired at him at Poonagar village in Eachchilampathu division. Muththar Kathiresan, a father of two, had gone to the area in search of his cattle.

    ● Armed men killed Jeyakumar Thiriyan, 24, of Madduvil South, Chavakachcheri in Thenmaradchchy area after he was ordered to come out of his home.

    ● The headless body of a youth of Naranthanai who was abducted from his home on Wednesday by unidentified men was found at Nerunchimunai area in Kayts in the islets of Jaffna, which is under the control of the SLN. Daniel Quinton, 24, was identified by his relatives and later taken to the hospital for an autopsy, which found he had most likely been shot dead first, and later beheaded. His head has not yet been found.

    November 29

    ● The SLA bulldozed the Alankulam Heroes' Cemetery in Muthur East, on November 25, said LTTE's Trincomalee District Political Head, S. Elian. "Sri Lankan military has once again desecrated a war cemetery. No military in the civilized world, would engage in such an act," charged Mr. Elilan. Headstones were bulldozed away and the resting place was destroyed by the military two days ahead of Heroes Day, he further said.

    ● Sri Lanka Police officials produced two catholic priests and two youths before a judge, accusing the four of indulging in activities defaming both the Government of Sri Lanka and the Sri Lanka military. Allen Vinoja and Marianayagam Godfrey Morris Gnanageethan, were arrested Friday in Passayoor by SLA troops and were later handed over to the police. On the same day two catholic priests Fr. Francis Xavier Jeyasegaram, and Fr. Jesuratnam Bernard were arrested by police.

    The priests and the two youths belong to Commission Justice of Peace (CJP), an organization directly under Rt. Rev. Dr. Thomas Savundaranayagam, Bishop of Jaffna, and were arrested for possessing pre-printed post cards to be distributed to the public. These cards detailed the current situation prevailing in the peninsula, including atrocities of the Sri Lanka military, the closure of A9 Highway, and disappearance of youths. The four were planning to obtain signature and opinions from 5000 members of the general public and forward them to the Secretary General of United Nations requesting early action to bring back normalcy to the Northeast.

    November 28

    ● Sri Lankan security forces must immediately stop assisting abductions of boys and young men by the Karuna Group and help those abducted return safely to their families, Human Rights Watch said (see separate story).

    ● Unidentified persons shot and killed a Tamil civilian and injured two others at the sixth milepost north of Trincomalee. The dead man was identified as Somasuntharam Inban, 25, a mason of Nilaveli. The two injured men were identified as Satheeswar and Suthahar, both aged 25, and residents of Sambaltivu village. All three were returning home after work when they were shot at.

    ● Unidentified gunmen following Uthayakumar Rajitha, 34, on a motorcycle, shot her dead on Aathisoody Road in Thirunelveli, Jaffna, as she was on her way out of her home.

    ● Key SLA commanding officers were said to have visited Palaly Military base as the SLA resumed reinforcing security arrangements in the Jaffna peninsula. Private air crafts flying between Ratmalana and Palaly, avoided using the regular air routes.

    ● Sounds of shell and artillery fire were heard from the Thenmaradchi Forward Defence Lines throughout Monday night, with Urumpirai residents reporting that a shell fell within the populated area in Urumpirai, but fortunately did not explode.

    November 27

    ● SLA troopers from Meeravodai SLA camp lay in ambush and shot dead Rasiah Manickavasagam, 59, a fishmonger and father of five at Meeravodai, a Tamil village in Valaichenai. Manickavasagam was shot dead on his way home after visiting his relatives. The SLA then arrested C. Yogan, a 27 year old youth from Meeravodai, implicating him in the killing of Manickavasagam, Meeravodai residents told TamilNet, adding that the Meeravodai SLA had warned three days earlier that anyone found on the roads after 7:00 p.m. would be shot.

    ● The Sri Lankan police force and LTTE exchanged mortar fire for 45 minutes in Murunkan, east of Mannar. 6th Mile Post and 17th Mile Post sentry posts manned by military trained policemen were attacked by LTTE mortar fire, according to police officials, who claimed that they launched mortar fire in retaliation. Civilians who reached Mannar from LTTE controlled areas above Murunkan said around 10 mortar shells hit civilian settlements. No casualties were reported.

    ● Armed masked men robbed cash and other valuables worth many hundreds of thousand rupees from 8 houses in Batticaloa town and its suburbs at gunpoint. The men forcibly entered the houses of A. Velmurugu, M. Letchumy, K. Perinpanayagi, K. Shanthakumari and V. Vijayaranee in Eravur Kurichi and robbed cash, jewellery, hand phones and other valuables worth around 800,000 rupees, according to complaints made by those robbed with Eravur police. Later armed masked men stole cash, jewellery and other valuables from the houses of Subramaniam Parameswary, Gnanasekaram Kumutha and Justice of Peace Ariyanayagam Kanagasundram in Mamankam, also at gunpoint.

    ● Unidentified persons lobbed hand grenades at a SLA sentry post near Puthur junction, Jaffna, injuring two SLA troopers. The SLMM in Jaffna visited the site of the attack and conducted investigations.

    ● Jaffna police recovered the bodies of two youths with knife wounds and cut injuries on throats and hands, dumped in a deserted plot of land at Thavadi North, Valigamam, Jaffna. Residents of Inuvil said the youths are suspected to be from Kodady and Kondavil and were the accused in criminal cases in Mallakam District Courts.

    ● The body of a youth who disappeared from Irupalai Saturday was found with gunshot wounds along the Stadium Road in Irupalai. K. Senthurchelvan, 23, disappeared after venturing out from his home in Milkfarm area in Thirunelvely to run personal errands.


  • Colombo bombing exposes security failings
    A daring suicide bombing against Sri Lanka's top defence official has exposed gaping security gaps, stoking fears that the Tamil Tigers could resort to more spectacular strikes, officials and analysts say.
     
    The driver of an auto-rickshaw breached the tightest security and detonated explosives packed into his three-wheel contraption Friday as defence secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse drove past in a heavily armed convoy in Colombo.
     Police blamed the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
     
    The attack was along a street where plain-clothed intelligence agents had been deployed to check for “suspicious activity.” It is also regularly patrolled by troops, a security official told AFP.
     
    Def. Sec. Rajapakse's bulletproof BMW was damaged, but he was unhurt. Photo TamilNet.
    Two motorcycle outriders and the bomber were blown to pieces while 14 others were wounded in what the security official described as a well-planned operation.
     
    “A big question is, if there was inside information, there will have to be a re-think of what has been done so far,” the official told AFP, declining to be named.
     
    Friday's attack was the latest in a string of suicide bombings over the past few months.
     
    In April, a woman pretending to be a soldier's pregnant wife infiltrated the army headquarters here in a suicide attack in which army chief Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka was seriously wounded.
     
    Two months later, the army's number three officer was killed by a suicide bomber riding a motorcycle.
     
    At least 116 people, mostly sailors, were killed while boarding buses when a suicide bomber exploded a truck full of explosives in October.
     
    The government is worried that there may have been inside help to carry out some of the previous attacks.
     
    An army officer is currently being held for allegedly providing information to the Tigers in connection with at least two attacks since April, officials said.
     
    The latest target, the defence secretary - who is also President Mahinda Rajapakse's younger brother - is accorded protection reserved for a head of state. Hitting his convoy is a serious blow to the security authorities.
     
    He travels in a convoy of several identical cars which have their windows tinted. He is also provided protection by army commandos riding open jeeps and motorcycles. Yet Friday's bomber managed to hit the right car.
     
    The bullet-proof BMW limousine saved Rajapakse, who suffered only a minor gash above his right eyebrow, but it rocked the entire government.
     
    “The government considers this suicide bomb attack by the LTTE as a serious challenge posed to the security, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sri Lankan state,” the cabinet of ministers said in a statement.
     
    The Tigers are known for trademark suicide bombings. On Monday, they honoured 299 suicide bombers, or Black Tigers, who have died while carrying out audacious strikes since 1987 along with over 18,000 other fighters killed in three decades of civil war.
     
    Assuming the Tigers carried out Friday's attack, their failure to hit their mark was unusual, AP reported, quoting analysts.
     
    "The LTTE is known for its efficiency, (but) these days targets are very closely guarded," Retired Air Marshall Harry Goonetilleke told AP. "You can't get at these people very easily."
     
    In April, escort personnel saved the Army Chief from the full force of the blast.
     
    Similarly on Friday, Rajapakse's guards had been vigilant and shielded him from harm, military spokesman Brig. Prasad Samarasinghe said.
     
    President Mahinda Rajapakse (r) hugs his brother, Gothabaya, after the Def. Sec's escape. Photo TamilNet
    But the Tigers boast of an efficient intelligence wing that they say can infiltrate the government at anytime to obtain the itineraries of would-be targets, AP reported.
     
    Friday's bombing came despite thorough car-by-car checks carried out by police and security forces, causing motorists to languish in traffic for up to six hours.
     
    “What the attack showed on Friday is that all the checking and posting guards at frequent intervals along main roads has not helped,” said freelance defence writer Namal Perera. “What is needed is better intelligence.”
     
    “One could argue that the Tigers failed to get their target and it means they will try again, go for another target or adopt different tactics.”
     
    Retired brigadier-general Vipul Boteju said the defence chief was lucky to have escaped, and believed the Tigers would try to carry out more strikes.
     
    “If the explosion took place a little closer to the BMW, it would have been a different story,” Boteju told AFP.
     
    "This (is) not at all a dilution of their (Tigers) capabilities. They are being unlucky," Iqbal Athas, a top defense journalist and analyst in Sri Lanka told AP after Friday's bombing.
     
    "They are being hampered by the security preparations. Despite the failures they are not going to give up the modus operandi," he said.
  • Sinhala leaders' duplicity has left Tamils with no choice but independence - LTTE leader
    LTTE leader V. Pirapaharan honoured fallen fighters on Nov 27,2006, when he delivered his annual Heroes' Day address. Photo LTTE
    The leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Velupillai Pirapaharan, in his annual Heroes’ Day statement, expressed extreme frustration at the unchanging attitude of successive Sinhala regimes towards resolving the burning Tamil national question and, in particular, at the deceitful handling of the current peace efforts by three successive Sinhala regimes.
     
    “Both our liberation movement and our people never preferred war to a peaceful resolution. We have always preferred a peaceful approach to win the political rights of our people. We have never hesitated to follow the peaceful path to win our political rights. That is why we held peace talks, beginning in Thimpu right through to Geneva, on several occasions, at various times, and in many countries,” he said.
     
    The LTTE leader went on to say that President Mahinda Rajapakse has rejected his final call in his Heroes’ Day statement last year to find a resolution to the Tamil National question with urgency. He said that President Rajapakse had instead intensified the war on the one hand and whilst on the other hand talking about finding a peaceful resolution. The LTTE leader said that this dual war and peace approach is fundamentally flawed. “It is not possible to find a resolution by marginalizing and destroying the freedom movement with which talks must be held to find the resolution. This is political absurdity on the part of the Sinhala leaders.” Due to this strategy of the Rajapakse regime, the CFA has become defunct, he said.
     
    The LTTE leader said that the present regime, which is denying food and medicine to the people to the extent of starving them, cannot be expected to show compassion and give the Tamil people their political rights. He said that the Sinhala nation, eternally trapped in the mythical ideology of the Mahavamsa, has failed to think afresh and has left the Tamils with only one option, political independence and statehood for the people of Tamil Eelam.
     
    The full text of the official translation of his speech follows:
     
    “We are at a cross roads in our freedom struggle. Our journey has been long and arduous, and crowded with difficult phases. We are facing challenges and unexpected turns that no other freedom movement had to face. Unprecedented in history, we are dealing with war and peace talks at the same time.
     
    Six years have passed since we dedicated ourselves to find a solution to the ethnic conflict through peace talks. In this long time span, has a solution been found to the burning Tamil national question? Was there any visible change in the mindset of the Sinhala leadership that continues to inflict unrelenting cruelty on the Tamil people? Were any of the justifiable requests of the Tamils been fulfilled? Were our people able to find relief from the daily harassment and misery at the hands of the occupying military? Were the daily basic problems of our people resolved? None of these has happened. Instead, death and destruction were heaped on the Tamils who hoped that they would receive justice.
     
    While the countries that preached peace maintain silence without conscience, a great tragedy is unfolding in the Tamil homeland. The Sinhala government has imprisoned the Tamils in their own land after closing its main supply routes. Having removed their freedom by restricting their movement and constrained their lives, it is inflicting great suffering on them. It has split the Tamil homeland, set up military camps, bound it with barbed wire, and has converted it into a site of collective torture.
     
    The Sinhala government has unleashed a two pronged war, military and economic, on our people. Our people are subjected to unprecedented assaults. Arrests, imprisonment, and torture, rape and sexual harassment, murders, disappearance, shelling, aerial bombing, and military offensives are continuing unchecked. At the same time our people are subjected to an inhuman economic embargo on essential items including food and medicine.
     
    Even after the ceasefire, negotiations and the five years of patiently keeping peace, the dividends of peace have not reached our people. Instead our people are faced with unbearable burdens in their daily lives. Thousands of our people have been forced out of their homes and are languishing with disease and hunger in refugee camps. No one should expect that this Sinhala government which is denying food and medicine to our people to the extent of starving them would show compassion and give them their political rights.
     
    The monumental growth in knowledge and the resulting global outlook is taking humanity into a new era. Ideas, views and philosophies are changing in tandem with this growth in knowledge and this is resulting in changes in society. Yet, within the Sinhala nation, there is little change in its ideas and philosophies. The Sinhala nation is refusing to broaden its thinking and take a new approach. The Sinhala nation remains mislead by the mythical ideology of the Mahavamsa and remains trapped in the chauvinistic sentiments thus created. Unable to free itself from this mindset, it has adopted Sinhala Buddhist chauvinistic notions as its dominant national philosophy. This notion is spread in its schools, universities and even its media. The domination of this Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism is preventing its students, intellectuals, and writers from stepping out of and thinking free from its domination. This, unfortunately, is preventing the Sinhala nation from undertaking a genuine attempt at resolving the Tamil national question in a civilized manner.
     
    Both our liberation movement and our people never preferred war to a peaceful resolution. We have always preferred a peaceful approach to win the political rights of our people. We have never hesitated to follow the peaceful path to win our political rights. That is why we have tried to hold peace talks beginning in Thimpu right through to Geneva on several occasions, at various times, and in many countries. The current peace efforts, with Norwegian facilitation and with the blessings of the international community, taking place in the capitals of various countries are unique.
     
    This peace journey began on 31st October 2000, when the then Norwegian special envoy Eric Solheim visited Vanni and met us. This peace journey is taking place in a unique period, under unique historical conditions, in a unique format and on a unique path. It is moving on two fronts, peace talks, on one hand, and a war of occupation by the Sinhala government, on the other.
     
    During the six years when we kept peace, we were sincere in our efforts. Indeed, we initiated the peace efforts. We created a strong foundation for peace efforts by unilaterally declaring a ceasefire. We refrained from putting conditions or time limits for peace talks. We did not undertake these efforts from a position of weakness. We had recaptured the Vanni mainland and the Iyakkachchi-Elephant Pass military complex. We had beaten back the ‘Operation Fire’ of the Sinhala military. We carried out great military feats in the history of our struggle. It was from this position of strength that we undertook this peace effort.
     
    The situation was just the opposite in the south. The south had faced defeat after defeat and was losing its will to face war. Its military had lost its backbone. The economy was very shaky. It was only under such conditions that the Sinhala nation agreed for peace talks. In this five years since the peace efforts began, three governments have come to power, that of Wickremasinghe, Bandaranayake and Rajapakse. Each time the government changed, the dove of peace moved from one cage to another but it was never able to fly freely. Stabbed many times, the dove is now struggling for its life.
     
    We held talks with the Wickremasinghe government for six months after signing the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) with him. Like all previous Sinhala regimes, the Wickremasinghe regime dragged time without implementing the clauses in the CFA and the agreements reached at the talks. Its military failed to move out of people’s homes, schools and hospitals and instead declared these vast areas of land as military security zones and permanently prevented the people from returning to their land. The sub-committee for De-escalation and Normalization became dysfunctional. The sub-committee created to solve immediate humanitarian needs of the people also become defunct due to planned sabotage by the government.
     
    The Wickremasinghe government that refused to solve the humanitarian problems facing our people, secretly worked to marginalize our movement on the world stage. Even before setting up a working administrative structure in the Tamil homeland, it conducted donor conferences to obtain aid for the south. By failing to facilitate our participation in the donor conference held in Washington, it marginalized and humiliated our movement. As a result we were forced to stay away from the Tokyo conference. The Wickremasinghe regime did not stop with this. It plotted to trap our freedom movement in an ‘international safety net’ and destroy us.
     
    When we put forward the proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA), startling changes occurred in the southern politics. The Kumaratunge government took over the reins of power. While refusing to hold talks on the basis of our proposal, her government, using the paramilitary phenomenon, intensified the shadow war against us. The paramilitary factor turned the Tamil homeland into a violent blood stained theatre. Intellectuals, political leaders, journalists, LTTE members, supporters and civilians were all murdered. We were forced to halt the political work, carried out according to the CFA clauses by our members in Sri Lankan military occupied areas of the Tamil homeland. As a result, our people were left alone in the cruel grip of the occupying military. Finally the Kumaratunge regime failed to implement even the Joint Mechanism (PTOMS) agreement signed by her regime for tsunami rehabilitation. The Supreme Court, unable to step outside the Sinhala chauvinistic notions, rejected this purely humanitarian focused agreement citing the unitary constitution.
     
    It was at this time that the Sinhala nation elected Rajapakse as its new President. Like the Sinhala leaders of the past, he too is putting his hopes in a military solution. He rejected our final call in our last year’s Heroes’ Day statement, to find a resolution to the Tamil National question with urgency. Instead, he intensified the war, on the one hand, with the view to destroy our movement and, on the other hand, he is talking about finding a peaceful resolution. This dual war and peace approach is fundamentally flawed. It is not possible to find a resolution by marginalizing and destroying the freedom movement with which talks must be held to find the resolution. This is political absurdity on the part of the Sinhala leaders.
     
    The Rajapakse regime hopes to decide the fate of the Tamil nation using its military power. It wants to occupy the Tamil land and then force an unacceptable solution on the Tamils. Due to this strategy of the Rajapakse regime, the CFA has become defunct. The Rajapakse regime, by openly advocating attacks on our positions, has effectively buried the CFA. The Rajapakse regime’s attacks have expanded from land to sea and air. It has given a free hand to the paramilitary groups to kill at will. It has occupied Mavilaru and Sampur blatantly breaking the terms of the CFA. The Sinhala military misjudged our strategic withdrawal from Mavilaru and Sampur. It used heavy firepower and launched large scale offensives to bring Tamil lands under its control. Tamil land was soaked in blood. It is at this time we decided to give a shock to the Sinhala regime. Our forces conducted a massive counter-offensive on the Sinhala forces that attempted to move from Kilali and Muhamalai. The military sustained heavy losses and was forced to abandon its offensive temporarily. This, however, did not persuade the Sinhala regime to give up its military plans. It continues on its military path.
     
    The Rajapakse regime, while conducting genocide of the Tamils, is portraying our movement which is waging a struggle to save the Tamils from this genocide as a terrorist organization. It has launched a malicious propaganda campaign to defame our movement. Ignoring the unanimous opposition of our people and the objection of the Sri Lankan Monitoring Mission (SLMM), the European Union and Canada have yielded to diplomatic pressure from the Sri Lankan government and listed our movement as a terrorist organization. They isolated us as undesirables.
     
    This hasty decision, arrived at without considering the prevailing context, has created serious repercussions. It has gravely disturbed the parity of status and balance of power we held with the Sinhala regime. It encouraged the hard line stance of the Sinhala regime. It weakened the SLMM and facilitated the war plans of the Sinhala regime. Some countries that proclaim to be helping the peace efforts, have not only failed to condemn the genocidal attacks on our people but are also giving military and financial aid to the Sinhala regime to support its war plans. These are external factors that are encouraging the Rajapakse regime to carry on with its brutal military offensives in the Tamil land with absolute impunity.
     
    The Rajapakse regime is not giving due importance to the peace talks because it has confidence in its military approach. The two Geneva talks were unproductive because of its lack of interest in the peace front. At the first Geneva talks, we placed evidence of military-paramilitary cooperation in the form of documents, statistics and incident reports. Unable to reject the solid evidence, the Sri Lankan government agreed to implement the CFA clause by removing the paramilitary groups from the Tamil homeland. After this first Geneva talks, there was only one change. State and paramilitary terror in the Tamil homeland escalated.
     
    The second Geneva talks were also a failure. At these talks, we gave priority to the humanitarian issues facing our people and requested that the A9 road be opened and the SLMM be given freedom to function. The Sri Lankan government, putting military advantage ahead of humanitarian concerns, rejected both requests.
     
    The Sinhala government that failed to show mercy to the people affected by a natural disaster is never going to budge on a humanitarian crisis that it planned and created. How could the peace talks move forward when the peace delegation is made up of people who proclaim that they will wage war and hold peace talks at the same time? How can trust be built? How can peace be arrived at like this?
     
    To improve his posturing as a peace dove, President Rajapakse staged a deceptive ‘All Party Conference’. The Sinhala leaders have practiced this infamous political tradition of initiating commissions of inquiry, parliamentary select committees, all party conferences, or round tables to procrastinate whenever it is unable to face up to a situation and wants to drag time until attention is diverted. This is exactly what he is doing now. Rejecting our call to speedily find a resolution to the Tamil national question, he is hiding behind the All Party Conference. For the last ten months, the all party committee is looking for the Tamil question, like searching for a black cat in a dark room.
     
    Once the All Party Conference lost its deceptive power, President Rajapakse has taken up his next card, the MoU between the two major parties. These two major parties that effectively have hegemonic control over the south are both essentially chauvinistic parties. Both these parties are born of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism and compete with each other to carry out genocide of the Tamils. This MoU is a temporary opportunistic move by Rajapakse regime to avoid the multiple problems of international pressure to find a peaceful solution, the declining economic situation, and the opposition of his political partner, Janatha Vimukthi Perumuna (JVP). There is no sincere motive in this MoU agreement. These two parties will never put forward a just solution to the Tamil issue. Despite this, the Rajapakse regime continues to show interest in keeping the all party conference alive simply to deceive the world.
     
    My beloved people,
     
    A long time has elapsed since we embarked on this journey for peace with Norway’s facilitation. We have tried our best to take forward this peace effort. We have practised patience. We gave innumerable opportunities for finding peaceful resolution. We postponed our plan to advance our freedom struggle twice to give even more chances to the peace efforts, once when the tsunami disaster struck and again when President Rajapakse was elected.
     
    It is now crystal clear that the Sinhala leaders will never put forward a just resolution to the Tamil national question. Therefore, we are not prepared to place our trust in the impossible and walk along the same old futile path.
     
    The uncompromising stance of Sinhala chauvinism has left us with no other option but an independent state for the people of Tamil Eelam. We therefore ask the international community and the countries of the world that respect justice to recognize our freedom struggle. At this historic time when the Tamils are recommencing their journey on the path of freedom, we seek the unwavering support and assistance of the world Tamil community. We express our gratitude to the Tamil Nadu people and leaders for voicing their support and ask them to continue their efforts to help us in our freedom struggle. We express our gratitude to the Tamil Diaspora, our displaced brethren living all around the world, for their contribution to our struggle and ask them to maintain their unwavering participation and support.”
  • Rajapakse dismisses Pirapaharan's assertion
    Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse Tuesday dismissed Tamil Tiger leader Vellupillai Pirapaharan’s declaration Monday that Colombo’s intransigence has compelled Tamils no option but to seek an independent state.
     
    Expressing frustration at the intransigence of successive Sinhala regimes towards resolving Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict, Tamil Tiger leader Velupillai Pirapaharan said this week that there was alternative for the Tamils but political independence.
     
    In his annual Heroes’ Day statement, Mr. Pirapaharan criticised the deceitful handling of the current Norwegian peace efforts by three successive Sinhala regimes.
     
    President Mahinda Rajapakse inspects a Sri Lankan warship. Photo Daily Mirror.
    He said President Mahinda Rajapakse has rejected his final call in his Heroes’ Day statement last year to find a resolution to the Tamil National question with urgency.
     
    President Rajapakse had instead intensified the war on the one hand and whilst on the other hand talking about finding a peaceful resolution, he said.
     
    The LTTE leader said that this dual war and peace approach is fundamentally flawed and due to this strategy of the Rajapakse regime, the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) has become defunct, he said.
     
    “It is not possible to find a resolution by marginalizing and destroying the freedom movement with which talks must be held to find the resolution. This is political absurdity on the part of the Sinhala leaders.”
     
    The LTTE leader said that the present regime, which is denying food and medicine to the people to the extent of starving them, cannot be expected to show compassion and give the Tamil people their political rights.
     
    “The Rajapakse regime is not giving due importance to the peace talks because it has confidence in its military approach,” he said.
     
    The Sinhala nation, eternally trapped in the mythical ideology of the Mahavamsa, has failed to think afresh and has left the Tamils with only one option, political independence and statehood, he said.
     
    President Rajapakse, who is visiting India this week, on Tuesday dismissed Mr. Pirapaharan’s comments, saying “I have not taken it seriously. Because he has always been saying these things,”
     
    President Rajapakse’s comments came after belligerent and contradictory responses by Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayaka, government defence spokesman Rumbekwella and government Peace Secretariat chief Palitha Kohana.
     
    President Rajapakse told the CNN-IBN television channel in India that he was ready for direct talks with Pirapaharan instead of involving ‘others’ to end an ethnic conflict.
     
    He also attacked Mr. Pirapaharan.
     
    “He has been talking like this from the start. He has been saying these things even though he came for talks. He always wanted to kill people. He has killed more Tamils than Sinhalese. Just count the number and you will know,” President Rajapakse said.
     
    Asked what can Sri Lanka do to convince the LTTE leader to return to the negotiating table, the President replied: “I don't know.”
     
    “I can talk to him straight. So let us talk,” he then said.
     
    “I always tell him 'why do you want others to get involved in Sri Lanka?'“ President Rajapakse said, without elaborating how this had been done, but referring to Norwegian facilitators.
     
    “I am taking a political risk by offering to negotiate with [him],” the president also said, referring to the Sinhalese-nationalist groups supporting him and which are opposed to peace talks and Norway’s role.
     
    Reacting to Mr. Pirapaharan’s comments earlier, Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake, who visiting Vietnam, said: “negotiations will go on.''
     
    Norwegian brokered negotiations are stalled amid soaring violence after acrimonious and inconclusive talks in Geneva in October.
     
    “There is terrorism and there is negotiations,'' Prime Minister Wickramanayake said.
     
    “Let the LTTE react in the way they want,” he said. “Terrorism must be stopped by them, not us. We are not terrorists.”
     
    “Ultimately the Tamil people must decide whether they accept terrorism or not, not we,” he said.
     
    Echoing President Rajapakse, the Premier also said: “I am not aware of what the Tamil leader said so far. I haven't read it. I haven't seen it.”
     
    Sri Lankan spokesman on defence matters, minister Keheliya Rambukwella, said President Rajapakse would adhere to the CFA and would continue with the peace process.
     
    Mr. Rambukwella also attacked Mr. Pirapaharan.
     
    “Duplicity is all over the speech. Every word, every sentence is duplicity,” he said of the LTTE leader’s Heroes Day address.
     
    The head for the government's peace secretariat, Palitha Kohona, was the first government official to react Monday to Mr. Pirapaharan’s comments.
     
    “I don't have to listen to a terrorist in the jungle,” he snapped. “If they provoke us, we will take appropriate measures to counter that.”
     
    He then added: “we have said very clearly we want to solve this problem by negotiations.”
  • Lost Point
    The much anticipated annual Heroes' Day speech by LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirapaharan has triggered a storm of controversy and speculation. Inevitably, his declaration that the uncompromising Sinhala chauvunism permeating Sri Lanka's establishment leaves the Tamils no option but an independent state has been  widely interpreted as a 'declaration of war.' This analysis is flawed. Not only does it ignore the prevailing ground reality (that a devastating war is already underway), it ignores the central message: in the four years of ceasefire and peace efforts, the Tamil community has repeatedly been treated with callous disregard and contempt by successive Sri Lankan governments. The possibility of Tamil political aspirations being met by such a political establishment is practically nil, leaving the Tamils no alternative except to seek political independence.
     
    To begin with, a devastating and vicious war is already underway. That this war has largely not affected the Sinhala south does not mean it is not taking place. This year alone, thousands of Tamil civilians have been killed, along with 800 LTTE cadres and many Sri Lankan soldiers. Over two hundred thousand people have been displaced. Over 650,000 people in Jaffna and, especially, in Vaharai are suffering as blockaded food and medicine run out. Sri Lanka's air force and artillery blasts LTTE-controlled territory each day. LTTE artillery responds while there are frequent clashes at sea. Is this not war? And this war actually began in 2004, when the Kumaratunge regime escalated its murderous paramilitary campaign against the LTTE and, especially, its civilian supporters. Tamil protests were simply ignored by the international community. The confrontations are now between the uniformed armed forces of both sides.
     
    But it is the nature of the Sri Lankan state's campaign that says it all. The humanitarian crisis engulfing the Tamil people has been deliberately engineered. The mass displacements, the blockades on food and medicine, the targeting of refugee centers and other civilian sites - frequently with horrific casualties, are all premeditated steps to crush Tamil defiance. The question Mr. Pirapaharan posed on Monday is this: Is a Sinhala political establishment which is prepared to do this likely to agree to an amicable powersharing agreement with the Tamils?
     
    Just as it used the suffering of Tamil civilians against the LTTE during the times of war, the Sinhala establishment has done so in times of peace also. The 'peace dividends' which flooded the south were deliberately denied to the north. Rehabilitation and reconstruction aid was made conditional on the shortening of Tamil political goals. Even when the LTTE agreed to explore federalism, the aid did not come - whilst the south thrived. Despite the Northeast bearing the brunt of the 2004 tsunami, it had to struggle to get Colombo's attention. Despite the P-TOMS being signed in 2005, it was promptly discarded by the Kumaratunga regime - and no aid came.
     
    Despite their individual and political differences, all three Sinhala leaders - Ranil Wickremesinghe, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapakse - used Tamil suffering as political leverage against the LTTE. All three abrogated deals with the Tamils (SIHRN, PTOMS, Northeast merger) and all three oversaw violations of the ceasefire (from sinking LTTE ships to the 'shadow war'). And all this amid a peace process - an internationally brokered and monitored one, at that. The international community has proven unwilling to ensure Sri Lanka honours even international humanitarian law, let alone the micro-deals it has struck with the Tamils. India's impotence over the abrogation of the 1987 Northeast merger says it all. On what basis are the Tamils expected to sign a peace deal with the Sinhala establishment?
     
    This is not to say the peace process, like the truce, is beyond salvage. As the international monitors of the SLMM formally ascertained this week, the LTTE is still committed to the 2002 CFA - something the Rajapakse regime could not bring itself to say at the Geneva talks. But to be revived there have to be concrete changes in the dynamics of the peace process. In short, peace will be possible only if the Sri Lankan state can be held to its pledges. That responsibility lies with the international community, especially Sri Lanka's many donors and military allies. If the Norwegian peace process is to have any prospect of progressing, there must be a tangible reining in of the state. It should now be very clear to the international community that staunchly backing the Sri Lankan state is not going to deter a war, it is going to fuel it instead.
  • It's the global economy, stupid
    Sri Lanka plans to become Asia’s hub port. Photo Sena Vidanagama/AFP/Getty Images
     
    The Co-Chairs’ statement of 21 November 2006 was an eyeopener for the Sri Lankan Tamil community.
     
    The international community’s position, attacking the LTTE and defending the Sri Lankan state, was bluntly set out by US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs ,Nicolas Burns, with representatives of the other Co-Chairs - EU, Japan and Norway - standing shoulder to shoulder with the US.
     
    Inevitably, as has been noted by Indian analysts amongst others, the Co-Chairs' strong support for the Sri Lankan government has lead to desperation and total disillusionment with the international community amongst the Tamils.
     
    But if the Tamils are bitter, it is about time.
     
    Mr Burns was nothing if not forthright last week. And if they want to understand the international community’s perspective, the Tamils only need pay close attention to his words.
     
    To begin with, for the international community, Sri Lanka is a unique collaborative project. Differences amongst international actors on other issues are set aside in pursuit of a common goal here.
     
    Because that goal is one from which all international actors can benefit: to boost the global economy by turning Sri Lanka into a stable and secure commercial and economic hub.
     
    Thus, from a geopolitical and geoeconomic perspective, the international community’s key objective in Sri Lanka is stability.
     
    Mr Burns was explicit: “the Sri Lankan government has a right to protect the stability and security in the country.”
     
    In short, Sri Lanka is an important site for the global economy. That doesn’t mean Sri Lanka’s own economy is important. Rather, it is what Sri Lanka can contribute to the global economy.
     
    At a crucial location in the Indian Ocean (in the middle of important sea routes), Sri Lanka holds enormous promise for enhancing and enlarging commercial flows between Asia, the Middle East and the West.
     
    If only it were stable.
     
    Without guaranteed stability, Sri Lanka cannot benefit international trade in the long term (the point, again, is not whether Sri Lanka benefits from international trade, though that might be a bonus, expanding, as it does, the global market slightly).
     
    In the short term, without stability and security the investment atmosphere in Sri Lanka cannot be conducive to the kinds of development needed to turn the island into a commercial hub for global trade.
     
    Thus for the custodians of the global economy – US, EU and Japan, ensuring Sri Lanka’s stability is a pressing priority. The urgency is fuelled by accelerating global trade.
     
    But the Tamil armed struggle violently disrupts this stability.
     
    Indeed, the very existence of the LTTE, an armed non-state actor running a de-facto state in a large piece of the island and fielding a large naval force, is deeply antithetical to the international vision for Sri Lanka.
     
    The resurgence this year of the simmering violence (mistakenly thought to have been banished by the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement), has also disrupted the international community’s hasty efforts also launched that year to resume Sri Lanka’s delayed transformation into a commercial hub.
     
    This is no conspiracy theory. The international community has been always been clear that this is their goal (though of course it is the potential benefit to Sri Lanka that is pointed out, not that to the global economy or the national economies of the major powers).
     
    The frustration for the Co-Chairs is that the Tamils seem oblivious to all this.
     
    In fact, the ignorant Tamils are vociferously demanding things that are antithetical to this goal: asking for recognition of their right to self-determination, for independence, for acceptance of their violence and for the LTTE.
     
    In reality, Tamil protests of oppression by Sinhala-dominated state are largely irrelevant to the international community’s calculations for Sri Lanka.
     
    Asked about suggestions that some US officials sympathised with the Tamil demand for self-rule in their homeland, Mr. Burns replied: “we support the government. The government has a right to protect the [country’s] territorial integrity and sovereignty. [It] has a right to protect the stability and security in the country.”
     
    Stability and security for Sri Lanka essentially means defeating and dismantling the LTTE. A political solution is a secondary issue.
     
    This is also what stability and security mean for the international community: it is the LTTE’s armed struggle which is the prime impediment to Project Sri Lanka.
     
    The oppressive policies of the Sri Lankan state may be distasteful to the international community, but are not necessarily a problem. These are not likely to disrupt the island’s investment atmosphere or disrupt Sri Lanka’s transformation.
     
    When Mr. Burns says “we hold the Tamil Tigers responsible for much of what has gone wrong in the country,” he is thinking of Sri Lanka, the unrealised global commercial hub, not Sri Lanka, the Sinhala-chauvinist state.
     
    In short, the two visions of Sri Lanka –the global trade hub and the Sinhala-Only land – are perfectly compatible.
     
    This is why the Tamils have such a hard time getting their case heard. Indeed, the Tamils and their protests about discrimination are merely a nuisance to the international community.
     
    Whilst we see the racial violence, the deaths of 90,000 civilians by state violence (including by blockade of food and medicine), and the systematic marginalisation of our people as central life-or-death issues, the international community sees these as unfortunate matters to be dealt with (non-violently) on the edges of the main business of facilitating global trade.
     
    A quick overview of international engagement with Sri Lanka in the past three decades demonstrates the point.
     
    In the late seventies it was clear that given its geographical location and strong, social indicators, that Sri Lanka had the potential to contribute to the global economy to an extent that Singapore has, possibly even more.
     
    Sri Lanka’s staunchly pro-West first President, J. R. Jayawardene, visualised Sri Lanka as a free trade hub to rival Singapore. And that was long before China and India mushroomed as drivers of the global economy.
     
    Jayawardene’s embrace of the IMF and World Bank drew in a flood of developmental funds that was proportionately greater than any other developing country, despite the mounting human rights violations, discrimination and repression
     
    Even the state-sponsored anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983, a horrific catastrophe for the Tamils which caused international dismay, did not slow the inflow of foreign aid.
     
    Since then, there has been consistent and ever-increasing support for the Sri Lankan military to wipe out the growing Tamil rebellion. This international support culminated in the endorsement of the ruthless ‘war for peace’ of the late nineties.
     
    But the growth of the LTTE and its armed struggle has made Tamil outrage an unavoidable obstacle for the international community’s efforts.
     
    It was only when Sri Lanka’s military failed to destroy the LTTE that the Norwegian-fronted international peace process was rolled out in 2000.
     
    But even that initiative had containment and dismantling of the LTTE as its primary objective, not resolution of the conflict per se.
     
    Tamil incredulity at international behaviour over the past four years stems from our confusion as to what the international community, led by the Co-Chairs, were focussed on.
     
    Security for us meant protection from the Sinhala armed forces. Security for them meant no more LTTE attacks in the south.
     
    Stability for us meant the return of normal life for our war-savaged community. Stability for them meant no return to violence by the LTTE.
     
    Peace for us meant a lasting just solution. Peace for them meant the permanent disarming of the LTTE.
     
    In short, it is Sri Lanka’s economic potential that matters most to them, not its domestic treatment of the Tamils.
     
    Even despite its civil war Sri Lanka’s economy has expanded given its peerless position right in the middle of the expanding global trade flows.
     
    In 2004, the Colombo port was the world’s fourteenth largest port by volume for transhipment. There’s also Galle and, of course, Trincomalee.
     
    Last month Sri Lanka began expansion of a small airport in the south into a massive site capable of handling the world’s largest commercial jets.
     
    The Malacca straits adjacent to Singapore are the shortest sea route for oil tankers travelling between the Middle East and Asian markets. This route allows shipment of nearly 80% of the oil to China, Japan, and South Korea.
     
    Sri Lanka is halfway between the Middle Eastern oil producers of Iraq, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Malacca straits.
     
    Even in security terms, Sri Lanka provides an excellent staging post for US or European military powers interested in Asia or Australasia (in the late nineties, fifty British warplanes once transited through Katunayake airbase enroute to exercises in South East Asia).
     
    The United States’ military has for several years been seeking bases across the world from which to project its awesome power, vital to protect global commercial lanes. Places like Sri Lanka are excellent sites.
     
    But even without its potential as an ideal location for US/Western force projection abroad, a stable and secure Sri Lanka invaluable to the global economy and thus to its custodians.
     
    Which explains the manifest lack of international interest in addressing the Sinhala-dominated nature of the Sri Lankan state. It explains the international eagerness to stabilise the state, irrespective of its acts against the Tamils.
     
    In 1983, President Jayawardene infamously said before the July pogrom: “I am not worried about the opinion of the Tamil people. We cannot think of them. Not about their lives or of their opinion about us.”
     
    In the rush to realise Sri Lanka’s commercial potential, this is also how the international community feels about the Tamils.
     
    And it is the LTTE’s violence, not international goodwill, that, by holding up Project Sri Lanka, keeps the Tamil issue on the international agenda.
  • Dozens of youths seek protection with Rights Council
    Jaffna youths threatened by the Sri Lanka Army SLA and allied paramilitary cadres are increasingly seeking security in the protective custody of Jaffna prison through the offices of the Human Rights Commission (HRC).
     
    At least 24 youths have sought protection with the Jaffna HRC in the past two weeks, fearing their lives are in danger from SLA and collaborating paramilitaries.
     
    Those seeking protective custody arrive at the HRC Jaffna office with their parents and relatives.
     
    They are mostly from the villages of Thirunelveli, Kokuvil, Kondavil and Inuvil villages.
     
    “The majority of the cases of abducted and killed in recent times are from these villages," Thirunelveli residents said.
     
    4 youths from the Kondavil area surrendered to the HRC on Wednesday (Nov 22), HRC officials said.
     
    Earlier six more youths from the Kondavil area surrendered Tuesday (Nov 21), and another four youths surrendered on Monday (Nov 20).
     
    These 14 youths appeared at the Jaffna Magistrates courts Wednesday before being taken to Jaffna prison for protective custody on the orders of the Magistrate, press reports said.
     
    But with Sri Lanka Army and Police personnel assigned responsibility for the security of the Jaffna prison, the danger to the lives of the surrendered youths still remains even inside the facility, rights activists in Jaffna said.
     
    With the additional 8 youths in kept in protective custody earlier, 24 youths are currently held in the prison, HRC officials and parents of some of the youths said.
     
    Placing those below 18 years of age in protective custody of Jaffna prison may cause legal complications and many local civil society organisations have requested the Jaffna office of the UN’s children’s agency, UNICEF, to make urgent arrangements to safeguard the lives of those below 18 threatened by the SLA and paramilitary groups.
     
    "Most of the youths abducted and killed by the SLA are between the ages of 15 to 18, and the Organisations working to safeguard the welfare of children, including UNICEF in Jaffna, are yet to raise alarm, civil society leaders in Jaffna said.
     
    There needs to be awareness of the escalating incidents of abductions and the fear and trauma of parents with teen age children in Jaffna, they said.
     
    "Abductions and killings of the youth in the Jaffna peninsula have increased at an alarming rate. In the last 50 days from October first week to November 20, more than 130 documented cases of abductions and killings alleged to be perpetrated by the SLA soldiers," a local NGO official said on Nov 21.
     
    Escaping a hail of bullets
     
    A youth abducted by Sri Lankan troops at gun point from his house at Sebastian Lane, Kondavil East, Jaffna sought sanctuary Friday Nov 17 at the Jaffna office of the HRC, after surviving their efforts to shoot him.
     
    Abducted on Nov 11 along with two other youths, Thambyaiyah Jegan 26, a bachelor and a painter, escaped from an SLA vehicle and went into hiding for week before surrendering to the HRC officials for safety.
     
    In a statement to the HRC, Jegan said that he and two other youths were abducted by the SLA troopers of the Urelu SLA camp and were tortured at the camp premises for alleged links to the Liberation Tigers.
     
    Later the three were taken in a Buffel armoured car to Anaipanthy, where soldiers opened fire at them.
     
    Jegan had managed to escape amid a hail of gunfire while the other two were shot dead by the troopers, Jegan said in his statement.
     
    During his arrest, armed soldiers had assaulted Jegan's mother when she had tried to stop the soldiers from taking her son.
     
    Jegan was forced to get inside the Buffel armoured vehicle waiting in front of his house, and he saw two neighborhood youths, Ravi Rajivan , 14, and Thankaroopan Jeeva, 21, already held captive inside the vehicle.
     
    The three abducted youths were severely tortured by the SLA troopers at the Urelu SLA camp and then taken to Anaipanthy where the SLA troopers pushed Ravi Rajivan to the ground and shot him with a pistol.
     
    When Jegan was pushed to the ground he managed to free himself and fled the area narrowly escaping several rounds of fire aimed at him.
     
    He took refuge inside a house and went underground till Friday, Jegan said in his statement.
     
    He learnt later that the bodies of other two youths were found near Anaipanthy junction Sunday, where two SLA Intelligence Officers were killed in claymore attack on Thursday November 9.
  • Viral fever spreads in Jaffna, Northeast
    Viral fever, suspected to be Chikungunya, is spreading rapidly amongst people in Jaffna, medical experts said Sunday.
     
    “In Jaffna, this viral fever which has the symptoms of Chikungunya is spreading very fast. I find that more than 5,000 people have been infected," Dr. A. Ketheeswaran, director of provincial health services there, told Reuters. The disease has been confirmed spreading rapidly in Kalmunai, Mannar, Batticaloa, Puttalam and parts of Colombo.
     
    Food and medical supplies are in short supply in the northern peninsula, which remains cut off with the government refusing to open the A9 highway which it closed during heavy fighting in August.
     
    Jaffna residents told Reuters doctors had recommended paracetamol as a fever preventive, but most shops had run out.
     
    An epidemic of the mosquito-borne Chikungunya viral fever has been confirmed elsewhere in the island, a top health official told Reuters Saturday.
     
    Dr. Nihal Abeysinghe, director of the state Epidemiology Department, said pockets of the fever had been detected in Sri Lanka's northwest, south and east, but could not say how many cases had been reported.
     
    "We have got some samples down to Colombo and we handed them over to five different laboratories. All five have reported it as Chikungunya," Abeysinghe said. "You could say it is (an epidemic)."
     
    "We have confirmed there is an outbreak going on in Kalmunai, Mannar, Batticaloa, Puttalam and some parts of Colombo city," he added. "It is in densely populated pockets."
     
    Abeysinghe said he believed up to 60 percent of reported fever cases were due to Chikungunya.
     
    "There are several different fevers. Not all fevers reported are Chikungunya," he said, but added that bird flu was "very, very unlikely because there are no respiratory symptoms, no cough or cold or anything like that".
     
    However laboratories had yet to confirm whether an outbreak of viral fever in the northern Jaffna peninsula, cut off from the rest of the country for months was Chikungunya as suspected.
     
    The outbreak comes as Sri Lanka also grapples with a sharp increase in dengue fever cases as monsoon rains create breeding conditions for mosquitoes which carry the diseases, Reuters reported.
     
    Symptoms of Chikungunya include high fever, joint and muscular pain, severe headaches, body aches and a rash similar to that seen in dengue patients.
    While the disease is painful, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) says no deaths from Chikungunya have been documented in scientific literature.
     
    Abeysinghe said it was very unlikely that Chikungunya caused the death on the peninsula of a Tamil woman suffering from viral fever on Friday.
     
    "It is very unlikely to be (due to Chikungunya). There may be a lot of other disease conditions associated with these people who are reported to have died due to Chikungunya," he said.

    Chikungunya, Swahili for "that which bends up", was first isolated in the blood of a febrile patient in Tanzania in 1953, the CDC said.

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