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I am not a terrorist

Jul 17

I believe the Tamil people have been, and continue to be, systematically discriminated against by the Sri Lankan state.

I am not a terrorist.

After decades of non-violent, political struggle was met with violent repression by Sri Lanka, I believe that armed-resistance was the only choice left to the Tamil people.

I am not a terrorist.

I believe a just peace can only be achieved in Sri Lanka if the Tamil people’s right to self-determination is recognised.

I am not a terrorist.

The conflict in Sri Lanka is not on the radar of most people in the West. The media only pick it up when there is something particularly horrendous or spectacular, or when it impinges upon the cricket or the beaches.

The media coverage surrounding the recent arrests in Australia, the UK, France and the US reflects a global climate where the advocacy of minority rights and armed resistance to state-oppression is condemned. People who do so are labelled ‘extremists’ or ‘terrorist sympathisers’.

The Colombo government has been able to use the language of terror to criminalise the Tamil population in Sri Lanka and in the Diaspora. Today the words Tamil and tiger go together as easily as Islamic and fundamentalist; as easily as Vietnam and war; as krispy and kreme.

Like many young Tamils in the Diaspora I have struggled to reconcile my people’s armed struggle for freedom with the liberal values of my adopted home.

It is a reflection of the times that I feel the need to say upfront that what I seek is peace with justice.

Also, this is not a comment on matters currently before the courts.

However, I hope this article will help form a more nuanced picture on what is being currently played out in the Diaspora.

They need to be understood in the context of a foreign struggle. A struggle that the Western media seek to interpret through the lens of terror.

I do not claim to speak for the entire Tamil community, like any community there are a range of views and voices.

My ideas about the conflict have been shaped in two phases – the ‘angry brown man’ phase and the ‘intellectual brother’ phase.

The ‘angry brown man’ phase lasted from my teens through to my second year of university. Feelings of teenage social exclusion and ‘otherness’ were fused with stories passed down through parents and grandparents. As a young man – mine is a gendered experience – I turned to the hip hop of Public Enemy and the romanticised resistance of the Tamil freedom struggle.

However, I could not relate to the fiery passion of the older men; my liberal arts education made me question violence. I feared the label ‘radical’ or ‘extremist’.

Then I did some post-graduate study on the conflict – what I like to call the ‘intellectual brother’ phase. Here I gained a deeper understanding of the roots of the conflict and was able to form an almost dispassionate position on the struggle. In 2002 I visited Sri Lanka for the first time in eighteen years.

First the basics - the Tamils are fighting for an independent homeland in Sri Lanka following decades of discrimination. Over 70,000 of our people have been killed. A 2002 cease-fire brought a brief respite, but fighting has resumed since 2005.

For many the history of the conflict begins in 1983 with the ambush of 13 Sri Lankan soldiers, for others it is the anti-Tamil race riots in the wake of that ambush. This may have been the start of the war, but the freedom struggle and the oppression it resists pre-dates this iconic moment.

Today, the Sri Lankan government refers to `Tamil separatism’ and dare I say it ‘Tamil terrorism’. But these are but responses to the root cause of the problem-a racist ideology.

It began in 1948 when the newly independent Ceylon deprived a million Tamils, who had worked the tea plantations for about 150 years, of their citizenship and then the vote.

In 1956, the government passed the Sinhala Only Act declaring that ‘the Sinhala Language shall be the one and only official language of Sri Lanka’.

Frustrated by the government's failure to redress Tamil grievances, Tamil politicians stepped up their campaign of civil disobedience and protests.

In 1971, the Government raised university entrance marks for Tamils. A Tamil had to score 250 marks to enter medicine or dentistry, while Sinhalese needed only 229. The logic was that the Tamils were over represented at university.

In many Western countries, students of Asian origin are significantly over-represented in tertiary education. We do well because our parents see it as the only way for minority ethnians to get ahead in the white man’s world. Imagine if fifty years from now the white man feels discriminated against and ethnians have to get higher marks to get into university.

Amid heightening tension and increasing militarism anti-Tamil violence erupted when 13 Sri Lankan soldiers were killed in an ambush by Tamil militants in July 1983. More than 3,000 Tamils were killed.

These events have left a deep scar on the Tamil psyche. While the violence was not on the scale of the Holocaust – its effect on the Tamil people has been similar.

Tamil militancy led in turn to increasingly ferocious crackdowns, arbitrary and retaliatory killings of Tamils and the disappearance of young Tamils in custody.

As Tamils became vulnerable to ‘state terror’, more and more took to arms.

In February 2002 the Sri Lankan Government the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam signed a ceasefire agreement (CFA) that brought to a halt two decades of war. The CFA had held for the best part of four years. However in the past 18 months Sri Lanka has slid inexorably into an undeclared, but all out war.

The Tamil people have paid a high price for their dreams of freedom. The social fabric built on family and kin, music and dance, and an ethic of hard work has been torn to shreds as families have been separated by death and forced migration. Their homeland is dotted with orphanages and a whole generation has missed out on basic education.

Why don’t I leave my war where I came from? I am burdened by the knowledge that it is a random twist of fate that has me fighting with the pen and not a rifle. The angry brown man phase would surely have taken me there.

We are not terrorists.
Two charged in UK for supporting LTTE

Two Tamils in Britain were charged last Wednesday under the Terrorism Act 2000 with providing support to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which is proscribed in UK.

Arunachalam Chrishanthakumar, (also known as ‘AC Shanthan’), 50, and Goldan Lambert, 29 appeared at City of Westminster Magistrates Court last Thursday.

According to details released by the British Police, Mr. Chrishanthakumar is charged with five counts. Two of the charges are linked to his alleged role in organising a mass rally last July to mark the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom in Sri Lanka.

The single charge against Mr. Lambert is that he was also involved in organising the event.

The rally on July 25, 2006 was attended by 15,000 Tamils in UK.

The pair are due to appear again at Westminster Magistrates; Court on 9 August when their pleas against the charges will be entered.

At the end of the court appearance last Thursday Mr. Chrishanthakumar was remanded in custody, while Mr. Lambert was released on bail.

The charges against Mr. Chrishanthakumar are:

“1. For that you between the 1st day of June 2006 and the 26th day of July 2006 within the Greater London area assisted in the arrangement of a meeting which you knew was to support a proscribed organisation namely the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Contrary to Section 12(2)a and (6) of the Terrorism Act 2000

“2. For that you on the 25th day of July 2006 in a public place, namely Hyde Park London, addressed a meeting and the purpose of the address was to encourage support for a proscribed organisation, namely the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Contrary to Section 12(3) and (6) of the Terrorism Act 2000

“3. For that you on or about the 24th day of January 2005 within the Greater London Area received £1500 intending that it be used or having reasonable cause to suspect that it may be used for the purposes of terrorism Contrary to Section 15(2) and Section 22 of the Terrorism Act 2000

“4. For that you between the 17th day of January 2006 and the 22nd June 2007 within the Greater London Area received a quantity of literature and manuals including Underwater Warfare Systems, Explosive Ordnance Disposal and Naval Weapons Systems, six trenching spades, thirty nine compasses and a piece of ballistic body armour intending that they be used or having reasonable cause to suspect that they may be used for the purposes of terrorism Contrary to Section 15(2) and Section 22 of the Terrorism Act 2000

“5. For that you between the 23rd day of January 2005 and the 22nd day of June 2007 within the Greater London Area belonged or professed to belong to a proscribed organisation, namely the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Contrary to Section 11(1) and (3) of the Terrorism Act 2000”

The charge against Mr. Lambert is: “you on the 25th day of July 2006 at Hyde Park London assisted in managing a meeting which you knew was to support a proscribed organisation, namely the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Contrary to Section 12(2)a and (6) of the Terrorism Act 2000.”

The Sri Lankan press had earlier reported that two Tamils had been arrested in Britain on suspicion of connections to the Liberation Tigers, but at that time the Police in the UK would only say that two unnamed men have been detained on suspicion of providing support to a banned organisation they did not name.

The arrests were made late on Thursday two weeks ago, from two different locations in London, the BBC reported, adding the men were being held under British anti-terror laws which meant they could be held for 14 days without charge.

"Two men, aged 29 and 50, were arrested on 21 June - one in west London and the other in south-west London," Metropolitan Police spokesman Alastair Campbell told the BBC

"They were arrested on suspicion of providing support to a proscribed organisation... and taken to a central London police station, where they remain in custody,” he said.

"Some addresses in various locations in London are being searched in connection with the enquiry."

This is the first time that people of Tamil origin have been detained and charged in the UK under the Terrorism Act. But the move comes after the arrests in separate incidents of Tamils in France, Australia and the United States on charges of supporting the LTTE.
Different Tamil and Sinhala reactions

Sri Lankans have received with mixed feelings India's demand that Colombo avoid procuring arms from Pakistan and China, and that it should come to India instead, even though India will not provide offensive equipment.

Sri Lankan officials have reacted cautiously to the demand voiced by National Security Advisor MK Narayanan in Chennai on Thursday.

But Sinhala commentators are indignant, and the Tamil leaders are dismayed, if not angry.

Foreign Secretary Palitha Kohona neatly skirted the issue: "We would like to work closely with India in regard to our defence requirements. We are appreciative of the assistance that we have received so far," he told Hindustan Times over phone from Singapore on Friday.

Privately, Sri Lankan officials say that statements from India's central government often reflect the need to keep Tamil Nadu in good humour.

But if Naranayan's statement is meant to be taken seriously as a warning from a "Big Power" to Sri Lanka, then India should give Sri Lanka the offensive weapons which will otherwise have come from Pakistan and China, they say.

Sri Lankans are worried about the cost factor too. China is the cheapest source of arms. Even Ukraine or Russia is more costly, let alone the West.

Sunday Leader columnist Gamini Weerakoon said that Narayanan's statement limited Sri Lanka's sovereignty. "A sovereign government should be able to buy armaments from any source," he said.

India seemed to be going back to the Indira Doctrine of the 1980s, according to which, there was no place in the South Asian region for any power "inimical to India," he said.

Weerakoon feared that even the West would go by India's advice and refrain from selling military equipment to Sri Lanka.

"In 2000, when Jaffna was under siege by the LTTE, major nations including India, failed to come to Sri Lanka's rescue. India only offered humanitarian assistance. It was Pakistan and China which helped it stem the tide," he recalled.

"India claims to be a big power. But it cannot be a big power if it does not take responsibility for the security of the region. It has to ensure Sri Lanka's security," Weerakoon asserted.

Shamindra Ferdinando, defence analyst of The Island wondered why Narayanan had made arms procurement from Pakistan and China a big issue, when they were not big suppliers. "India has given more. It has given two ships and radars with Indian operators. Armoured Corps personnel are being trained in India."

Ferdinando felt that Narayanan's statement could either be a ploy to please Tamil Nadu or a smokescreen for an Indian military involvement as was the case in the 1980s when India intervened saying that "outsiders" were poking their noses into the affairs of its backyard.

He feared that, as in the 1980s, India could be worried that the LTTE might be crushed, and with its exit, a lever to control Sri Lanka would be lost.

Sri Lanka’s Tamils, on the hand, dread to think of the day when the Indian Leviathan will be militarily backing the Sri Lankan government, whose armed forces are now waging a no-holds-barred war in the Tamil North East.

Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP, N Sri Kantha, wondered if Narayanan's demand that Colombo approach New Delhi for its defence needs, meant that India was wanting to back Colombo's military approach to the Tamil problem.

"If this is the case, then the situation in Sri Lanka will only be further militarised and violence will increase," Sri Kantha said.

(Edited)
India to develop KKS harbour

Indian is to develop the KKS harbour in the Jaffna peninsula and boost Colombo’s air defences, reports quoting ministers from both countries said this week.

India will explore helping Sri Lanka patrol the seas between the countries, the reports said.

The Indian Government is to resume expansion of the Kankesanthurai harbour in the Jaffna peninsula following the Sri Lankan government informing Delhi that the security situation in the area had “improved considerably,” press reports said Monday.

Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama told the Indian government that the development of the harbour to its full potential will facilitate the transport of supplies to the Jaffna Peninsula, including directly from India.

Sri Lanka’s military has at least three divisions (some 40,000) on the northern peninsula which is cut off from the rest of the island by a huge swathe of territory controlled by the Tamil Tigers.

The Sri Lankan garrison in Jaffna is entirely reliant on precarious sea and air supply lines.

The expansion of KKS harbour and the prospects of resupply from India would greatly assist the Sri Lankan military to sustain its military operations against LTTE held areas in the south of the peninsula.

But while Sri Lanka announced ‘coordinate naval patrolling’ with India’s navy was to take place, India’s Defence Minister A.K. Anthony said India was “examining the idea.”

Last week Indian National Security Advisor M K Narayanan ruled out a unified command for the Lankan Navy and the Indian Coast guard, but indicated that the Indian government was willing to look at proposals for ‘coordinated patrolling.’

Mr. Bogollagama and Indian Defence Minister A.K. Anthony held discussions on the sidelines of the 6th Annual IISS Asian Security Summit in Singapore.

India had said it would continue to strengthen Sri Lanka’s air defence capability and expressed readiness to accede to the island’s request to conduct coordinated patrols of the maritime boundary between the two countries, the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry was quoted as saying Sunday.

“Modalities for this deployment will be worked out between the two sides,” the Ministry said.

However, Mr. Anthony, speaking on Colombo's long-standing proposal for coordinated patrolling by the two navies said it was put across to Sri Lanka that India "will examine that."

In turn, outlining Colombo's version of this conversation, Mr. Bogollagama noted: "Mr. Antony said they are examining it favourably."

So, it was inferred that an "agreement" on patrolling had now been reached, press reports said.

But there was agreement on air defences, reports said.

''The Indian Defence Minister assured [Mr. Bogollagama] that his government will continue to strengthen Sri Lanka’s air defence capability and noted that an Indian team was currently in Sri Lanka for this purpose,'' the statement said.

Speaking to reporters in Singapore, Mr. Anthony said he had conveyed India's willingness to extend "whatever possible help" to Sri Lanka.

He said the message to Sri Lanka was that "we are with you" on the issues of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and unity of the island state.

Saying that “rise of the LTTEair power in Sri Lanka is of concern to India,” Mr. Anthony said that India "will give Sri Lanka reasonable support for that.”

At the same time, he expressed India’s preference for a "political solution" in Sri Lanka, reports said.

Mr. Bogollagama also met earlier with Britain’s Minister for Armed Forces, Adam Ingram, the reports said.

Mr. Ingram had appreciated the efforts being made by the Government to counter the terrorist threat posed by the LTTE, it said.

Referring to the recent British House of Commons debate on Sri Lanka, Minister Bogollagama told the British Minister that regrettably many who spoke failed to appreciate the complexities of the Sri Lankan situation and that it had not been taken cognizance of by most Members.

Minister Ingram said he would personally appraise Members of Sri Lanka’s perspective on the issue, and urged that the Sri Lankan Government did so as well.
India opposes Sri Lanka buying arms from China, Pakistan

Sri Lanka should not seek weapons from Pakistan or China and it should come to India whatever might be their requirement, National Security Advisor M K Narayanan was quoted by India media as saying last week.

“It is high time that Sri Lanka understood that India is the big power in the region and ought to refrain from going to Pakistan or China for weapons, as we are prepared to accommodate them within the framework of our foreign policy,” Narayanan said.

“But it should be clear to Colombo that we cannot supply completely offensive military equipment,” he was quoted by IANS as saying.

“We are, however, willing to look at other options like better radars and tracking ordnance to (meet) the Sri Lankan government's defence needs in the light of repeated air attacks by the LTTE.”

To reporters’ query on opposition from political leaders in Tamil Nadu for providing radars to Sri Lankan government, Narayan said, "Radars are seen as a defensive capability. Hence, we have provided the Sri Lankan government with them."

Reacting to a question whether he saw air capabilities of LTTE as a threat to India's security, he said, "We are not in favour of any terrorist organisation having air capabilities."

Mr. Narayanan was speaking to media after meeting Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi in Chennai, Thursday.

On coordinated patrolling along the Tamil Nadu coast to protect fishermen, he said, "I will check with the navy if there is a problem for functioning under a unified command. I think it is a good idea."

Talking about his meeting with Karunanidhi, Narayanan said: “We discussed the security scenario and the problems faced by the Tamil Nadu fishermen.”

“The chief minister was apprised of the centre's view of strengthening the defence of our coastline in the south with special emphasis on the Tuticorin port and its hinterland,” he added.

When asked whether the fishermen should be instructed not to cross the international boundary line between Sri Lanka and India, he said, “Fishermen will go wherever there are fishes. To prevent them from crossing the boundary line is asking for too much.”

“For something as minor as that, the Lankan Navy firing on our fishermen will no longer be tolerated. I have conveyed this personally on telephone to senior officials in Colombo,” Mr. Narayanan disclosed.

“Fishermen are going there for their livelihood. We have told the Sri Lankan navy not to fire at them and they have assured us that there will be no firing. By and large they are adhering to this.”
President’s paradoxes: war, peace and talks

President Mahinda Rajapakse (l) with Army commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka. Photo TamilNet

In an extensive interview to Al Jazeera television last week, Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapakse set out his government’s policy on the island’s protracted conflict. In doing so he put forward a number of contradictory assertions and policies, which boiled down to a single overriding theme: military defeat of the Tamil Tigers.

Responding to the questions in his native Sinhala President Rajapakse slammed the LTTE as ‘terrorists’ and ‘criminals’ and vowed to wipe them out.

But at the same time he said he was prepared to negotiate with the Tigers “to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people.”

He later asserted: “we have to bring [a solution] before the people and we also have to eradicate terrorism. We cannot allow these criminals to dictate to us. We cannot have them join us.”

President Rajapakse was interviewed by Al Jazeera’s 101 East presenter, Teymoor Nabili.

Saying that defeating terrorism and giving the Tamils a solution were different issues, President Rajapakse also stated: “while we go ahead with our programme to control these people we will bring forward a solution.”

But he later also said: “a victory is essential against terrorism. … But because we need to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, I am prepared to go for talks, with the terrorists.”

But then the President also said: “This is a terrorist group. The people are aware that as long as a terrorist organisation exists, that negotiations will not be successful.”

The President said “the people” wanted him to: “defeat the LTTE and talk.”

And when asked “if the Sri Lankan people would prefer a defeat of the LTTE first?” President Rajapakse exclaimed: “First!”

But when asked again “if there must first be military victory and then peace talks?” the President insisted: “No!”

He elaborated: “That is not what I hope for. Until the terrorists are weakened, they will not come for talks. As long as they think they are strong, they will try to break up the country.”

But then the President later argued: “They are making use of the negotiations to strengthen themselves, to bring in arms.”

However, when asked if then “your military strategy is going to continue until the Tigers come to the table and ask for negotiations and lay down their arms,” President Rajapakse said: “No. I am ready to talk even while they carry arms.”

But then he also insisted: “what the LTTE wants [is] to keep their arms and divide the country into two. That I cannot allow.”

The interviewer asked: “Could you then describe a situation under which both those things can be achieved – defeat of the terrorists and representation of the Tamil people?”

President Rajapakse replied: “they must give up terrorism. They must enter a democratic framework. That is what we expect to achieve through negotiations.”

But then he also said: “Even while they fight, if they want to negotiate with me, and reach a solution, I am ready for that too.”

When asked at what point would he accept the LTTE was weakened, President Rajapakse replied: “Even under today’s circumstances. … Even today I am ready to negotiate.”

“My argument,” President Rajapakse said, “is that terrorism has to be got rid off. We cannot kneel down to that. I am not prepared to kneel down to their arms capability.”

The exasperated interviewer then asked: “I apologise, I am not really following you. You say that terrorism must be defeated but you don’t want, you don’t think that a military victory is necessary?”

To which President Rajapakse replied: “Absolutely, a victory is essential against terrorism. That is a different story. But because we need to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, I am prepared to go for talks, with the terrorists.”

But he later said the Tamils didn’t want LTTE rule, but “if they say they are opposed to the LTTE, they will be killed.”

Asked later how he proposed to bring about a solution to the conflict, President Rajapakse replied: “We have to discuss it, then we have to bring it before the people and we also have to eradicate terrorism.”

Asked about the prospects of dialogue between his government and the LTTE, President Rajapakse said in the same breath: “As a government we cannot have talks. We say that we are ready for talks always.”

“Even while the fighting goes on, I am ready for talks,” he added.

Asked if he would initiate talks with the Tigers, he replied: “Definitely.”

But then he added: “if the LTTE is ready.”

“We have offered a political solution to the people,” he said at one point, without elaborating. “Along with [this] political solution, we are prepared to talk.”

On one hand, defending his military’s perfomance, President Rajapakse said: “We have cleared the east from terrorism. Today, they (Tigers) have been limited to Killinochchi and Mullaitivu areas. We have weakened them.”

But asked about the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), he replied: “[LTTE] does not honour that. We still honour it. We still do not send our police, our army to that side.”

“This agreement is between us,” he said of the CFA, but then added: “We are prepared to renew the agreement at any time.”

When asked about concerns raised by visiting US envoy Richard Boucher about human rights abuses in Sri Lanka, Mr. Rajapakse said: “actually, today I am not prepared to accept that there are human rights violations as has been reported.”

President Rajapakse said the Sri Lankan military was “a very disciplined force” to an extent “not seen in any other country.”

He elaborated, by comparing the military to those of other countries: “We know that in certain instances when bombs are dropped in other countries, people are killed, children die. We do not behave like that. We did not do that. We protected every civilian.”

“Not a single civilian was injured when we took Vakarai,” he said, referring to a military operation in which aid workers and rights groups say scores of civilians were killed in indiscriminate bombardment.

When pressed on abductions and ‘disappearances’ and asked about Human Rights Watch’s documentation of 700 or more case, President Rajapakse replied:

“Many of those people who are said to have been abducted are in England, Germany, gone abroad.”

“Some talk of a few people abducted from Colombo. We do not know whether they are fighting [with the LTTE] in Killinochchi,” he added.

“This is all against the government,” President Rajapakse said. “We have seen this business. We have found out that under the same name, they have gone abroad.”

His response prompted the interview to ask: “So this is a conspiracy?”

“Definitely,” the President replied. “The LTTE has abducted people and killed them. The state forces do not have to abduct people because we have the law.”

“We can question them, and remand them, imprison them. We can detain them under emergency laws. So there is no need [for the state] to abduct someone,” he explained.

The President’s mood darkened when asked about the possibility of humanitarian intervention.

“Sri Lanka is not a colony of England, America or any other country. Sri Lanka is a sovereign state,” he said.

He insisted, paradoxically: “So when they get involved it is important that they do not interfere in the internal affairs of this country.”

He also argued: “Another country cannot force a solution. To find a solution for this country, it is not England of Germany that can help. It is India that can find a solution.”

“To offer a solution to this problem, according to the present situation, to help the Tamil people, India’s support is necessary,” he said without elaborating.
Sri Lanka's Human rights ‘deteriorated dramatically’ – Amnesty

Amnesty International said the human rights situation in Sri Lanka has ‘deteriorated dramatically’, as it also warned of a 'human rights meltdown' across the world.

In its 2007 report on human rights released in the last week of May, Amnesty said of Sri Lanka: “Unlawful killings, recruitment of child soldiers, abductions, enforced disappearances and other human rights violations and war crimes increased...Hundreds of civilians were killed and injured and more than 215,000 people displaced by the end of 2006...A pattern of enforced disappearances in the north and east re-emerged. There were reports of torture in police custody; perpetrators continued to benefit from impunity.”

On the issue of child soldiers, Amnesty said: "At least 50 children a month were recruited as soldiers in the north and east. According to UNICEF, the UN Children's Agency, by mid-2006 there were still 1,545 under-age fighters in LTTE forces.

"In June over 100 children were reportedly recruited in government-controlled areas in the east by the Karuna group. In November, a special adviser to the UN Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict reported that government forces had been actively involved in forcibly recruiting children to the group."

The report said the Human Rights Commission "reported 419 enforced disappearances in Jaffna for the first half of 2006. A local non-governmental organization recorded 277 abductions from April to September. Disappearances and abductions were attributed to several forces, including the security forces, the LTTE and the Karuna group."

The disappeared list included, Father Thiruchchelvan Nihal Jim Brown, a Catholic priest from Allaipiddy, and Wenceslaus Vinces Vimalathas who went missing after crossing a navy checkpoint in August on Kayts Island.

It was feared they had been taken into custody by navy personnel, Amnesty said. Recently a body discovered in the seas north of Jaffna has been positively identified as that of Father Brown.

Over 215,000 people were displaced in the north and east as a result of renewed fighting, and at least 10,000 fled to India, Amnesty said.

The report added that although camps of tsunami affected people were well funded, "people displaced by the conflict often lacked electricity, transport and proper sanitation. Concerns remained about this disparity of treatment."

Amnesty also warned of a global 'human rights meltdown' as powerful governments and armed groups were deliberately fomenting fear to create an increasingly polarized and dangerous world.

Amnesty called on governments to reject the 'politics of fear' and invest in human rights institutions to maintain the rule of law at national and international level, as it present the report in London.

'Just as global warming requires global action based on international cooperation, the human rights meltdown can only be tackled through global solidarity and respect for international law,' Amnesty's secretary-general, Irene Khan said.

'Through short sighted, fear-mongering and divisive policies, governments are undermining the rule of law and human rights, feeding racism and xenophobia, dividing communities, intensifying inequalities and sowing the seeds for more violence and conflict,' said Khan.

'The politics of fear is fuelling a downward spiral of human rights abuse in which no right is sacrosanct and no person safe.'

The report singled out that so-called war on terror and the invasion of Iraq, with their 'catalogue of human rights abuses,' as having created deep divisions that cast a shadow on international relations.

Scarred by distrust and division, the international community was too often impotent or weak-willed in the face of major human rights crises in 2006, whether in forgotten conflicts like Chechnya, Colombia and Sri Lanka or high profiles ones in the Middle East, the report said.
‘International efforts to weaken Tigers fuels war’

LTTE’s Political Wing, Mr. S. P. Thamilchelvan

Full text of the interview Sunday with the head of the LTTE’s Political Wing, Mr. S. P. Thamilchelvan follows:

TamilNet: Talks in the past were held in an environment of military balance of power between the LTTE and the Government of Sri Lanka. However, the South’s current military aggression appears to be exploiting the West’s assumption that only a weakened-LTTE will be prepared to compromise on its political stand. Can you comment?

Thamilchelvan: This is total fallacy. Since the time of independence in 1948, Tamil people took part in many negotiations to reach at agreements with the Sri Lankan Government. The armed struggle was born as a result of successive Sri Lankan Governments abrogating several such agreements, and continued ethnically motivated killing. Armed struggle born as self defense shattered the confidence of the Sinhala leaders that Tamils cannot be beaten militarily, and brought them to the talks. Therefore, only when Tamils are strong, there is a chance that the Sinhala leadership will come forward for a negotiated solution. The latest peace talks too occurred under such circumstances.

This latest tactic by the Government of Sri Lanka is also to persuade the international community to help subdue the Tamil people and commit ethnic genocide against them. LTTE and the Tamil people under no circumstances will come to the table in a position of political and military weakness.

TamilNet: South has rejected one key principle of Thimpu talks, the concept of Tamil homeland. The world powers also seem to experiment if the Government of Sri Lanka is capable of creating conditions for peace talks under such environment. What is your view of this approach?

Thamilchelvan: Sinhala leadership ought to develop a profound understanding of the aspirations and the demands of the Tamil people. Tamil people have put forward their rights for the last several decades. They took up the armed struggle for a separate state only when their demands were consistently rejected. This is the reality. Therefore, it is only when the Sinhala leadership respects the Tamil people's rights and proposes a just solution, there is a chance for moving towards an agreement. But, the ruling Sinhala elite continues to put forward unacceptable solutions that aim to exercise power over the Tamil people and maintain subservience. These acts are frustrating the Tamil people and are destroying their confidence in a negotiated solution. The latest proposal, which is the same as the one rejected and defeated by the Tamil people thirty years ago, makes it abundantly clear that the Sinhala leadership still balking at proposing a just solution. Through these actions Sinhala leadership is destroying any remnants of hopes the Tamil people have in a peaceful solution.

TamilNet: Colombo is attempting to impress upon the international community that its war is a "war on terrorism" to justify its military "needs". International community "appears" to be supporting this. This approach can also be viewed as an attempt to apply pressure on the LTTE. What do you like to tell those who think this approach will succeed in bringing about a solution?

Thamilchelvan: While the International community relies on the Sinhala leadership to take forward the peace process, Sinhala leaders have repeatedly failed to make use of the many opportunities to resolve the ethnic conflict, and has instead adopted tactics to carry out genocide against the Tamils. Sri Lankan Government is attempting to exploit the changed environment in the international scene and tarnish the Tamil people's struggle as a phenomenon of international terrorism to undermine the struggle’s moral validity. It is distressing to the Tamil people that the international community is indirectly giving support to the Sri Lankan Government that is committing ethnic genocide. International community through the involvement in the peace process during the last five years clearly knows that the Sri Lankan Government has never been ready to provide a reasonable solution to the Tamil people. Sri Lankan Government has through many attempts destroyed the foundations of the peace talks and eliminated all efforts towards peace. This good foundation for peace was laid after a long time with the facilitation of the Norwegian Government. It resulted in the signing of a ceasefire agreement. The Sri Lankan Government has destroyed this ceasefire agreement and poisoned the climate of peace. While this remains the reality, it is futile for the international community to apply pressure on the Tamils. This has encouraged the Sinhala Government to intensify its ethnic genocide. The recent banning of the LTTE in Canada and the European Union has only encouraged the Sri Lankan Government to pursue a military solution. The expectations of the Tamil people are that the international community will pressure the Sri Lankan Government to pursue peace, and will act to bring justice to the Tamil people.

TamilNet: What should the Sri Lankan Government do to convince you of its bona fides in pursuing peace?

Thamilchelvan: If there is to be a solution to the ethnic conflict then the genocidal war on the Tamil people by the Sri Lankan Government must first end. Extrajudicial killing and disappearances of the Tamil people by the Sri Lankan Government forces must come to an end. The restrictions on travel by Tamils and economic blockade must be removed. The human misery caused by the militarization must end.

The war must be halted and a peaceful environment must be created. In my view, the full and comprehensive implementation of the ceasefire agreement (CFA) reached by both sides with the assistance of the international community is the most suitable path to achieve this.

TamilNet: Do you think the International powers, by not applying pressure to abandon Sri Lanka Government’s war efforts, are indirectly supporting the war?

Thamilchelvan: Definitely. Some of the decisions taken by the international community, trusting that the Sri Lankan Government will act in a certain way have indeed encouraged the Sri Lankan Government to act in exact opposition to what was expected. These decisions have resulted in Colombo intensifying the war. The decisions to ban in various countries, and some of the actions to restrict the political work of the LTTE, are interpreted by the Sri Lankan Government as endorsing its military approach. The international community has created the view that it is supporting Colombo’s war. I think the international community, by realizing this and by recognizing the Tamil people's struggle for their rights and by coming forward to support that struggle, can create a situation conducive for negotiations.

TamilNet: Will gentle pressures and democratic methods useful, when past successive governments have only tried to search for a solution within its constitution?

Thamilchelvan: The truth is that successive Sri Lankan Governments have conducted in various ways a genocidal war on the Tamil people. It implemented many oppressive laws and laws to deny their basic rights. It is these actions that lead the Tamil people to lose confidence and forced them to conclude that they can no longer live with the Sinhala nation. As long as the members of the majority Sinhala community hold views that are ethnically biased they will continue to vote against Tamil demands. They are continuing to adopt a stance that is also oppressive to the Muslim people. Therefore, only a solution that respects all the nations and ethnicities will make peace possible. Further, no acceptable solution can be found under the parameters of the current constitution. In recent times, in many countries, many ethnicities have been respected for their uniqueness and their rights; solutions have been put forward resulting in peaceful solutions to ethnic conflicts. The genocidal war of the Sri Lankan Government that has failed to recognize these developments cannot be the path to find a solution. In my view a solution can be found with the efforts of the international community only if it accepts the balance of power of the two sides.

TamilNet: When will the violence end?

Thamilchelvan: When the ideals of peace, self-respect, rights, and freedom respected in the civilized world as essentials for the betterment of the human race are accepted. When, on this basis a just and honorable solution is reached for the Tamil people who have been subjected to oppression and Tamils gain the confidence that they too can live in freedom and with self respect. That day will mark the emergence of two peaceful, individually strong and economically powerful nations in this island.

International community must understand this reality and take constructive steps to bring the Sri Lankan Government back to the path of peace.
Flawed Logic

Sri Lanka’s conflict is arguably one of the most internationalized today. The major powers, especially the Western states, are intimately involved and familiar with the dynamics at play in the island. The Sri Lankan state is integrated into the international system. Yet the Colombo government is today seemingly able to defy international humanitarian and human rights norms with impunity. Growing disquiet amongst some foreign governments is now manifest (after the killings, abductions and ‘disappearances’ of shocking number of innocent Tamils). But the continuing staunch support of a number of states, especially the United States, means Colombo is not unduly worried. The contempt with which the Sinhala government dismisses international concerns about the humanitarian and human rights situation in the island is underpinned by self-confidence that sufficient international support will be forthcoming for a war against the Tamil Tigers, no matter how bloody it is.

Despite claiming commitment to peace, human rights and democracy, with the emergence of a Sinhala-hardline regime under President Mahinda Rajapakse, the overarching international approach is rationalized under the (demonstrably discredited elsewhere) slogan, ‘war on terror.’ The inclusions of the LTTE in international terrorism lists were political decisions. But now these listings are taken as ‘facts’ and used to justify the foreclosure of contact with the Tigers, engagement with the Tamil demand for self-rule and, ultimately, to back Sri Lanka’s military campaign.

From the outset of the Norwegian-led peace process, the international approach to resolving Sri Lanka’s conflict has been flawed: one of carrot for the state and stick for the Tiger. Driven by a misguided belief that the events of 9/11/01 had persuaded the LTTE to seek peace (although the LTTE had offered a ceasefire and called for talks as early as November 2000), the international community has readily resorted to punitive and coercive method to discipline the Tiger. And this is despite the LTTE’s history of resisting any move sought at the point of a gun.

Even today, the international community, led by the US, is relying on ‘pressure’ to force the LTTE to the table (even though no serious analyst thinks negotiations with the Rajapakse regime is a meaningful exercise). If the arrests of Tamil activists in various countries and other forms of pressure are intended to compel the Tigers to talk to Rajapakse on his terms, they will fail. There is a misguided belief that international action can cut the supply of funds and weapons to the LTTE. We believe that as long as the fundamental problem – i.e. the oppression of the Tamils by the Sinhala-dominated Sri Lankan state – remains, the LTTE will last and thrive. The Rajapakse regime has done much to compact Tamil opinion behind hardline stances.

The international community’s hostility to the LTTE has been amply demonstrated in the past five years. Every act of ‘engagement’ was effectively a moralizing sermon on political violence and human rights. At the same time, the unrepentant Sri Lankan state has been gently chided and cajoled. These dynamics accelerated last year. Even though international ceasefire monitors warned of a ‘cycle of violence’, of a ‘shadow war’ between both sides, the European Union and Canada, following the US approach, singled out the LTTE for blame and banned it. The move emboldened the Sinhala hardliners. It did not tame the Tiger.

The most important consequence of the ‘war on terror’ is that it offers people who have taken up arms against a repressive state Hobson’s choice: fight or perish. From the outset of their struggle, there was a desperate effort by the Tamils to internationalize the conflict (and a reverse determination by the Sinhala state, using the rhetoric of ‘internal affairs’, to foreclose any international involvement, save that which contributed to crushing the Tamils). This dynamic has continued despite international hostility to the LTTE. This is because the Tamil appeal for self-determination is based on the logic of escaping state oppression.

Yet, despite rhetorical commitment to freedom, human rights and democracy, the international continues to ignore the Tamils’ core problem. The logics of ‘conflict resolution,’ ‘peace-building’ and, especially, the ‘war on terror’ all ignore the fundamental problem in Sri Lanka: the Sinhala-dominated state, fashioned on an ethos of racial and religious pre-eminence, oppresses and marginalizes the Tamils. But as long there is Sinhala oppression, there will be Tamil resistance. The current US-led approach, which ignores this basic truth, will not bring peace to Sri Lanka.
Rights abuses unsettle Sri Lanka’s allies

As widespread human rights abuses by the Sri Lankan security forces continue, even staunch supporters of the state are unable to disguise their disquiet with many governments now echoing recent protests by international human right groups against the relentless killings and abductions.

However the brazen abuses and ensuing protests right groups have so far not resulted in any significant action against Sri Lanka by the United States or other leading states.

And rather than be deterred, the Sri Lankan government has reacted angrily to protests about its human rights record, refusing permission for international rights groups and threatening to expel foreign organization and diplomats who criticize it.

The international concerns were raised most prominently last week by Pope Benedict XVI when President Mahinda Rajapakse visited him in the Vatican.

They were repeated by the Vatican Cardinal Secretary of State, Tarcisio Cardinal Bertone, who met with President Rajapaksa afterwards.

“In the course of the talks - and in the light of the current situation in Sri Lanka - the need was reiterated to respect human rights and resume the path of dialogue and negotiation as the only way to put an end to the violence that is bloodying the island,” a statement issued by the Vatican afterwards said.

Even the United States, a strong ally of Sri Lanka in the war against the Tamil Tigers is also openly expressing its concerns at the daily atrocities in government controlled areas.

Last week US Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher, whilst backing Sri Lanka’s ongoing military campaign, raised his concerns publicly.

“We are very much aware of the fact that this is a democratically elected government that is trying to fight a terrorist organisation,” he told journalists.

“At the same time, we of course continue to be concerned about the killings in government areas and urge the law enforcement authorities to adhere to codes of conduct in carrying out their duties,” he said.

“We are equally concerned about violations occurring in areas under LTTE control,” Boucher, who heads the Bureau for South and Central Asian Affairs at US Department of State, said.

He said that US would continue to assist the Sri Lankan state and push for independent inquiries to be held into human rights violations.

International human rights groups, which were largely silent as the Sri Lankan security forces stepped up a terror campaign amongst Tamil civilians a year ago have become increasingly critical.

International organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and Western governments are frustrated by the Colombo government’s refusal to allow independent human rights monitoring in Sri Lanka.

And recently, Freedom House, an influential US-based organization that advocates democracy and freedom around the world, citing Sri Lanka’s human rights abuses, urged the US government to withhold US$590 million assistance through the Millennium Challenge Account.

“The serious human rights abuses and excessive restrictions on freedom of speech and association by the government of Sri Lanka merit the country’s removal from a list of eligible recipients for Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) assistance,” Freedom House said in a statement.

“These abuses by the Sri Lankan government merit a suspension of MCA eligibility status,” Freedom House’s Executive Director, Jennifer Windsor said.

“The government’s involvement in extrajudicial killings and disappearances, as well as the crackdown on speech and association, are simply not compatible with the MCA’s underlying criteria of ‘ruling justly,’ and until these deficiencies are repaired, the country should not be considered,” she said.

“Democratic governments have a responsibility - even in the midst of conflict - to respect and protect fundamental individual freedoms.”

Members of US senate and congress have also taken up the human rights abuses by Sri Lanka’s security forces, press reports say.

On March 30, Senator Richard G. Lugar, who sits in Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, conveyed to President Rajapakse in writing that many in the Senate were troubled by reports of a deteriorating human rights situation in Sri Lanka.

The senator had urged President Rajapakse to take “appropriate action to ensure that neither the government of Sri Lanka, nor any group allied to it, is a perpetrator of human rights abuses.”

Last month Democratic Congressman Tom Lantos from California, who is the co-chair of the human rights caucus and chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, criticised the growing number of disappearances in Sri Lanka.

In the strongly worded statement Lantos called for the resumption of talks under the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement (CFA).

“Further escalation will only worsen the already gross human rights abuses. I call upon the international community, including Diaspora groups, to push all parties towards dialogue rather than destruction,” Lantos wrote.

Earlier this year, a group 38 US lawmakers led by New Jersey Democratic Representative Rush Holt requested President George W. Bush to appoint a special envoy to help bring about peace in conflict-ridden Sri Lanka.

“We are writing to urge you to appoint a special envoy for Sri Lanka because we are deeply troubled by the ever-worsening situation on the ground there,” they said.

“The renewed violence and rising death toll in Sri Lanka have overtaken the fragile peace process and threaten a return to open civil war,” they said. “Further, we are troubled by the large increase in kidnappings across Sri Lanka, most of which remain unsolved.”

However calls by the Senate and Congress members and international human right organizations have so far not resulted in any significant action against Sri Lanka by the United States or other leading states.

The Sri Lankan government has reacted angrily to criticism of its human rights record.

Colombo was infuriated by Amnesty International’s campaign, using the theme of cricket and the World Cup, to promote independent human rights monitoring mission.

Amnesty international has been refused permission to send a delegation to investigate rights abuses.

In addition according to Sri Lankan press reports the government is planning to throw the German Ambassador for overstepping his mandate.

According to local media the envoy had been a key in garnering international support to target Sri Lanka’s human rights record and pushing for an EU resolution against the country.

Sri Lanka’s Defence Spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella warned envoys against interfering in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs, saying: “We don’t want to be pushed around.”

Also according to local reports UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) may also be asked to leave Sri Lanka supposedly for “overstaying its mandate.”

According to the Sunday Times the government was angered as OCHA reportedly wanted to play the role of a human rights monitor.

However Stephanie Bunker, a spokeswoman in New York, said OCHA originally went to deal with coordinating the response to the tsunami and is now involved in helping coordinate humanitarian assistance to people in need as a result of the internal conflict.

In addition to human rights abuses, harassment of the media has become another source of international disquiet.

Last week Sri Lanka’s Defence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse reportedly threatened the editor of Daily Mirror news paper over an article alleging government collusion with paramilitaries terrorizing Muslims in military-controlled parts of the east.

The British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Dominic Chilcott became the target of Gothabaya’s ire when he visited the threatened editor Champika Liyanararchi to express his solidarity.

The British envoy was immediately summoned by the Defence Secretary.

“They talked about the role of the media,” a High Commission spokesman told AFP.

“The high commissioner and the defence secretary agreed to preserve the confidentiality of the meeting.”
Sri Lanka’s probe of aid workers’ massacre is ‘flawed’ - Jurists

Seventeen tsunami aid workers were shot dead by Sri Lankan forces in Muttur.

Investigation by Sri Lanka authorities into the massacre, blamed on government of troops, of 17 aid workers in Muttur last year was seriously flawed, a group of international lawyers said last week.

The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), a collection of international legal experts based in Switzerland, accused the Sri Lanka state of a lack of impartiality, transparency and effectiveness in its investigation and warned the rule of law in island was under threat.

"We are very disappointed," ICJ Secretary General Nicholas Howen told Reuters.

"These are grave concerns that are being echoed not only in Sri Lanka but internationally. Clearly this is a great test of the ability of the criminal justice system in Sri Lanka to deliver justice."

Seventeen tsunami aid workers, 16 Tamils and 1 Muslim, from French aid group Action Contre la Faim (Action Against Famine) were found dead with close range gun shot wounds in the northeastern town of Muttur, south of port town of Trincomalee, last August after fighting between the Sri Lankan army and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

Following the discovery massacre, Sri Lankan military forces blocked off the area and prevented ACF officials and international ceasefire monitors from retrieving the bodies of the victims.

The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) later investigated the murders and said the evidence pointed to government troops being responsible.

“When NGO employees are targeted, the whole humanitarian community is directly affected. If the independence and neutrality of humanitarian workers is not respected, then their activities are undermined,” the SLMM said at the time.

The massacre was the worst attack on humanitarian workers since a suicide bombing of the UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003 killed 22 UN staff.

Later, under intense international pressure the government invited Australian forensic experts to carry out investigations. After two visits to the island the forensic experts complained of unnecessary hurdles by authorities and returned without concluding their investigations.

The French aid agency at the time lamented the delays and hurdles in the investigation and warned that if a thorough investigation is not conducted it would pull out of Sri Lanka.

In a final attempt to see an end to the ongoing case, ACF have requested another “ballistic investigation” be carried out, but this time around though with the presence of the Australian observers, The Nation newspaper reported.

“We have discussed pulling out of the country, and halting the work of our mission here, which is definitely a possibility, if nothing comes out of these investigations,” said Lucile Grosjean, ACF’s Communication Officer.

According to an agreement signed between the governments of Sri Lanka and Australia, Sri Lankan experts should have conducted a ballistic examination in the presence of Australian observers, however the investigation had been carried out without the latters’ involvement.

“The Australian observers were in the country during the previous investigation but were not allowed to participate [in the tests] and so left the country,” Ms. Grosjean added

ACF also expressed strong concerns that the Sri Lankan CID did not always follow the orders given by the investigating judge and appealed for a closer adherence to the court requests in the future to pave way for an open and proper proceedings.

The ICJ report, compiled by senior British barrister Michael Birnbaum QC, was highly critical of the authorities.

"Collection of evidence has been incomplete and inadequate. In particular, the CID has not interviewed any member of the Sri Lankan security forces, nor any Tamil, apart from the family members of those killed," the report said.

"The observer made a detailed analysis of the relevant documents and reports and found many apparent inconsistencies,"

In his report Mr. Birnbaum urged the authorities to seriously consider reforms to the criminal justice system "to ensure impartial and effective investigations and independent decisions as to prosecution".

US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Robert Blake (l) and Sri Lankan Secretary for the Ministry of Finance and Planning, Dr. P.B. Jayasundera sign an agreement on a US grant of $474,000 for oil exploration. Photo TamilNet

Sri Lanka is seeking bids to develop oil fields in the Mannar basin, in the northwest of the island, having allocated one of five blocks in the Mannar basin to India and another to China.

The biding process for the remaining three blocks will open on May 1 2007 and licenses will be awarded in early 2008, according to Neil De Silva, Sri Lanka’s Director General of Petroleum Resources Development.

Meanwhile the United States is to award a grant of US$474,000 to Sri Lanka’s ministry of Finance and Planning to develop the country’s oil and gas sector.

The blocks being put up for bids are estimated to contain 1 billion barrels of oil and would significantly alter the country’s energy sector and economy.

According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, the country imports about 15 million barrels of crude each year, and also buys about 15 million barrels of oil products from abroad annually.

The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce says “the oil and gas industry has the potential to change the destiny of Sri Lanka.”

“Escalating oil and gas prices have not only led to the increase in the cost of living but also the reduction of competitiveness of Sri Lankan exports,” a CCC press release added.

However analysts feel the escalating conflict and the frequent sea clashes between the Sri Lankan Navy and the Sea Tigers off the northwestern coast would dampen the enthusiasm among major international players.

“Security is a real issue, and with there being so much exploration activity happening elsewhere, major international players could prioritize in safer areas,” says Tony Regan, consultant with Nexant Inc. in Singapore.

Meanwhile in a ceremony two weeks ago US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Robert O’Blake signed an agreement to grant of US$474,000 to the Sri Lankan ministry of Finance and Planning.

The grant is to fund technical assistance to the Ministry of Petroleum and Petroleum Resources Development in support of “its efforts to develop a comprehensive oil and gas regulatory system and establish an organizational structure for the regulatory authority.”

"A well-developed regulatory structure is essential to attracting and keeping high-quality investors in the oil sector," Mr. Blake said.

"We hope our assistance will help Sri Lanka establish an open and transparent regulatory system that both protects Sri Lanka's interests and gives investors confidence that they can earn a worthwhile return on their investment."

In addition to developing the oil and gas sector in Sri Lanka India and China are also assisting development of other energy sectors by building coal-fired power plants.

The Chinese government is helping Sri Lanka build its first coal-fired power plant at Norocholai, north of capital Colombo, as the island seeks cheaper electricity.

India's largest power company, in December 2006 signed an agreement to build a 500 megawatt coal-fired power plant in the northeast of Sri Lanka.

However there are disagreements between Sri Lanka and India on the location of this plant in the increasingly violent warzone.

Amnesty’s Sri Lanka campaign on a sticky wicket

Amnesty International’s efforts to build support for international monitoring of human rights abuses in Sri Lanka using the topical theme of cricket drew the fury of the Colombo government and, in a rare moment of southern solidarity, the main opposition United National Party (UNP) party joined the Sinhala hardline Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) in denouncing the group’s move.

Capitalising on the interest around the World Cup, Amnesty last week launched a publicity campaign - using the slogan ‘Play by the Rules’ - to urge Sri Lanka’s warring parties to respect human rights and consent to an international body to monitor abuses.

The campaign, launched in the Caribbean – where the World Cup competition is being staged – as well as in Europe and South Asia (but not in Sri Lanka), envisages getting celebrities and members of the public to sign foam cricket balls bearing the words: “Sri Lanka, play by rules.”

Explaining their choice of theme, Amnesty's deputy Asia Pacific director, Tim Parritt said: "just as all cricket teams need an independent umpire to make objective decisions, so too does Sri Lanka need independent human rights monitors to ensure the government, Tamil Tigers and other armed groups respect the rules and protect civilians caught up in the conflict."

"Currently all parties to the conflict in Sri Lanka are breaking international law by killing civilians, destroying homes and schools, or forcibly disappearing people,” he said in a statement.

“The situation has got far worse over the last year, and we decided it was time to take action.”

"The campaign is in no way aimed at the Sri Lankan cricket team," Amnesty also said.

Sri Lanka cried foul at Amnesty’s ‘Play by the rules’ campaign

But the hardline government of President Mahinda Rajapakse reacted angrily, denouncing the campaign as essentially an effort to demoralise Sri Lanka’s cricket team.

"One expects international human rights organizations to respect the spirit of cricket and not intrude the game with such slurs,"

Lucian Rajakarunanayake, director of the Sri Lankan president's Media Division, was quoted by the Associated Press as saying.

"One would like to ask Amnesty International whether it plans to take up the issue of human rights violations by the U.S. government in Iraq or in Guantanamo Bay at the Super Bowl match or the National Basketball League championship," he said.

And now Sri Lanka’s opposition parties have waded into the fray.

The Sinhala ultra-nationalist JVP was the first to raise the issue in Parliament, saying “the aim of this sinister move was to demoralize our cricket team while tarnishing the country’s reputation,” the Daily Mirror reported.

The leader of the main opposition UNP, Ranil Wickremesinghe, said his party also “condemned this act by Amnesty International,” the paper reported.

Wickremesinghe was quoted as saying, the UNP “however, would not mix politics with the game because cricket is played between teams, and not governments.”

Wickremesinghe also attacked the government, saying the UNP and the cricket team “had to undergo such suffering as a repercussion of the government violating human rights as much as the LTTE,” the paper reported.

Meanwhile, the JVP’s powerful propaganda secretary, Wimal Weerawansa, alleged Amnesty, along with NGOs depending on foreign funds, “are trying through this act to project the Sri Lankan team as a set of players from a country which does not abide by the rules.”

The JVP, Sri Lanka’s third largest party, charged “these foreign NGO activists belong to certain countries that assist the separatist LTTE,” the Daily Mirror reported.

Amnesty’s objective is to deny the Sri Lankan government’s right to save the nation from the clutches of LTTE, Mr. Weerawansa, said, calling for a joint effort by all parties to defeat this “conspiracy.”

“Lets make use of this opportunity to get together and not allow any one to lay their hands on our country,” he said.

Chief Government Whip, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle said Mr. Weerawansa had raised an important issue that deserves attention by all parties.

Earlier the government vowed to launch a massive effort against Amnesty’s campaign “to demoralize the Sri Lankan cricket team at the World Cup.”

“Sri Lankan Cricket has already informed the International Cricket Council (ICC) and Human Rights Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe is to inform the United Nations and the international human rights bodies of this unethical move by Amnesty International,” the Daily Mirror Monday quoted “a highly placed government source” as saying.

“The government is also planning to collect one million signatures from the public against the AI decision, Besides nine floats will be sent across the country and a television and print media advertisement campaign is also to be launched to create awareness about the AI decision,” the paper reported.
Fig Leaf

The Presidency of Mahinda Rajapakse has primarily been one of renewed war in the Northeast and repression in the south. Whilst the Tamils have borne the brunt of state violence in the past 18 months, the tide of rabid Sinhala nationalism that has emerged in that time has cowed the southern liberals and the Left. Nothing has contributed more to the all-pervasive sense of fear than the ceaseless killings and disappearances that have come to mark President Rajapakse’s rule above anything else. Of course, the ‘shadow war’ began littering Sri Lanka’s roadsides and fields with bound and mutilated corpses well before ‘Mahinda Chinthana’ became the state philosophy. But human rights abuses became common place only afterwards.

What has been striking, however, is the feeble response of the international community, led by the West. The 2002-3 Norwegian peace talks were heavily laced with the liberal ethos of human rights. Indeed the pressing humanitarian needs of hundreds of thousands of Tamils – the stated primary concern of the LTTE were marginalized by the internationally backed peace process whilst human rights protection was held aloft as the magic pill for Sri Lanka’s ethnic crisis (a quick read of the joint statements issued after the last four of the six rounds will illustrate our point). So what happened to that international commitment to human rights when President Rajapakse resumed the war? The international indifference to the cascade of bloodied corpses speaks volumes: the priority is to ensure Sri Lanka defeats the LTTE and ends the Tamil challenge to the state. Which is why, apart from occasional handwringing, there is no credible effort to restrain the Sri Lankan state.

But amid this inaction, a curious international campaign is underway: a call to establish an international human rights monitoring body. For much of the past year a coalition of international and local human rights groups, including the recently unfairly vilified Amnesty International, and activists have been agitating for such an independent body. They argue, correctly, that the Sri Lankan state cannot be entrusted with monitoring. This pressure compelled President Rajapakse last year to appoint a Commission of Inquiry (COI) and accept the appointment of a panel of international observers, the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP). A number of international actors- including the European Union and India - have appointed prominent individuals to it.

But that has been the sum total of international action. The COI itself is an eyewash, as any seasoned observer of Sri Lanka’s politics will attest. The IIGEP has been inaugurated, but its profile is so low-key as to be almost invisible. For the past two decades, the primary driver for continuing abuses by the state armed forces has been the heavily institutionalized culture of impunity in Sri Lanka. In short, the security forces are certain that anything goes in the name of national security. Their confidence is entirely justified. Not only is the Sri Lankan state unconcerned, provided the war is won, neither, really, is the international community. Whilst doing nothing else and simply appointing an individual to the IIGEP, the leading states involved in Sri Lanka have effectively (and knowingly) provided Sri Lanka with a fig leaf behind which to approach international fora like the UN Human Rights Council.

In the meantime, the campaign to establish international human rights monitoring meanders along making much noise but little progress against effective resistance by the Sri Lankan state. This resistance has less to with Sri Lanka’s arguments (indeed the country with the second most recorded disappearances after Iraq doesn’t really have a case) than lacklustre international commitment to protecting rights against this state. In a despicable appeal to the Sinhala chauvunism now riding high in the south, some advocates such as Human Rights Watch (HRW), have even argued that a monitoring mechanism would be primarily be useful in cornering the LTTE.

The assumption that the Tamil liberation movement is antithetical to international human rights protection is erroneous. The central Tamil grievance is state oppression. For decades we have argued ourselves hoarse that it is the slow genocide by the state that we are resisting. Any mechanism that will effectively restrain the Sinhala dominated state from continuing its violence against our people would be welcome. As such, an effective independent monitoring mechanism would be an important first step. But beyond monitoring lies the true problem: the lack of commitment by leading international states to restrain friendly states crushing rebellious peoples, no matter how brutally.

Australian Tamils mourn veteran activist

The death of Mr. T. Jeyakumar was mourned in the Vanni and marked by a parade there, while his public funeral was held in Melbourne, Australia. Photo TamilNet

Tamils in Australia and across the Pacific last week said farewell to a stalwart of the Diaspora Community, Mr. Thillainadarajah Jeyakumar, 54, who died unexpectedly on March 29 at his home in Melbourne, Australia.

Over 3,000 Tamils from across Australia and the Pacific filed past Mr. Jeyakumar’s body at a state funeral held in Melbourne on April 3.

Many mourners broke down in tears as they said farewell to a man they had come to know over the past 20 years as a Tamil nationalist and strong advocate for the Eelam cause.

During his 20 years at the head of the Tamil Coordinating Committee in the Asia Pacific, Mr. Jeyakumar united the Tamil Diaspora in the region behind the Tamil cause and built such a momentum that when the tsunami struck the Tamil homelands in 2004 Australian Tamils flew to the island in unprecedented numbers to assist their people.

Tributes were also received from India, Sri Lanka, UK, and other locations where Mr. Jeyakumar’s services to his people had taken him.

(top) Several thousand people filed past Mr. Jeyakumar's casket in Melbourne, Australia; (above) the long-serving Tamil activist is survived by his wife, Yoga, and son, Karthic. Photos TamilNet

Mr. Jeyakumar’s casket was taken to the hall at 3:00 pm and people gathered outside started filing past the coffin. The funeral concluded at 8:00 pm, after everyone had had the opportunity to file past the coffin and pay their respects.

With an LTTE flag draped over the body, thousands of Tamils paid floral tributes with red and yellow roses. Many wreaths and bouquets brought by mourners were also placed behind the casket.

A service was also held in the Vanni, with the head of the LTTE’s political wing, Mr. S. P. Tamilselvan lighting the ceremonial flame.

The leader of the Liberation Tigers, Velupillai Pirapaharan, conferred the Maamaniathar (Great Human) award on Mr. Jeyakumar.

Praising him as the leading force behind the Australian Tamils Co-ordinating Committee for the last two decades, Mr. Pirapaharan credited Mr. Jeyakumar with uniting Australian Tamils towards supporting the Tamil Eelam struggle.

"Jeyakumar was a cultured human being. Honest and unselfish, he dedicated his life to serve his people. He was soft spoken and had exemplary qualities," Mr. Pirapaharan said.

The Australasian Federation of Tamil Associations (AFTA) said it “salutes Maamanithar Jeyakumar's selfless contribution to the Eelam Tamil cause and takes a pledge to continue to work for justice to achieve lasting pea-ce in Sri Lanka.”

LTTE Political Wing head, Mr. S. P. Tamilselvan lit the lamp of remembrance. Photo TamilNet.

Mr. Jeyakumar "selflessly worked to mobilise the Tamils in the Australasian region since 1983 to increase the awareness of the wider Australian and New Zealand Communities, particularly the parliamentarians and the NGO community of the conflict in Sri Lanka and has worked tirelessly to alleviate the terrible sufferings of the Tamils in Sri Lanka caused by the brutal oppression of the successive Sri Lankan Governments," AFTA said.

Mr. Jeyakumar was from Vannarpannai in Jaffna. He is survived by his wife, Yoga and son, Karthik.

LTTE confers Maamanithar award on Thillainadarajah Jeyakumar

The English translation of the Letter from Mr Vellpillai Pirapaharan, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, awarding Mr. Thillainadarajah Jeyakumar the title of Maamanithar (Great Human).

We have lost today a great human being who worked relentlessly to support our struggle, leading the Australian Tamils Co-ordinating Committee for the last twenty years. The whole of the Tamil Nation is mourning his death.

Jeyakumar was a cultured human being. Honest and unselfish, he dedicated his life to serve his people. He was soft spoken and had exemplary qualities. His innocent smile captivated all who came to know him.

Jeyakumar was a patriot. Although he was based in Australia, he continued to deeply love the land of his birth. He strongly felt that the oppressive Sinhala leadership will never willingly offer a just solution to the Tamil people. His experiences convinced him that a separate state is the only way open to the Tamil people to live in peace with honour. His deep knowledge of our struggle, and clear vision for the future lit the flame of liberation in his consciousness.

Across the oceans, beyond several continents, away from his homeland, Jeyakumar contributed the maximum possible by an expatriate Tamil towards the liberation of his homeland. He understood the political climate and the need to obey the law of the land of his adopted country and functioned diligently within this framework.

He united the Australian Tamils to provide moral support and help to the people in his homeland. He set up institutional structures that will continue to strengthen Diaspora engagement with the destiny of Tamil people in Northeast.

Recognizing Jeyakumar's love for his land and his people, and his services to his community, I take great pleasure in awarding the Maamanithar title to him.

Death never destroys great men who lived to uphold truthful goals. They will forever live in the psyche of the Tamil Nation.

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