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  • India helping Sri Lanka to perpetrate genocide on Tamils'

    In a letter to the Indian Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, Vaiko, General Secretary of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kalagam (MDMK), accused India of “equipping the Sri Lanka Government to help its war machine to perpetrate genocidal attacks against the Tamils...throwing to winds the farsighted foreign policy adopted by Pandit Nehru and Mrs. Indira Gandhi,” and urged the Prime Minister to not participate in the SAARC Conference.

    Full text of the letter follows:

    Dear Dr. Manmohan Singh ji,

     

    Vanakkam. The betrayal being committed by the UPA Government at the centre against the Tamils, with particular reference to the ethnic Tamils of the island of Sri Lanka has been thoroughly exposed by the statements of the Sri Lanka Government, its military officials and also by the condemnable activities, open and clandestine of the Government of India.

    News have appeared in the print media in India and Sri Lanka that a top level Indian official team comprising Foreign Secretary Mr. Sivasankara Menon, National Security Advisor Mr. M.K. Narayanan and the Defence Secretary Mr. Vijay Singh has reached Colombo on 20th June 2008 for consultations with the Sri Lanka Government ''on matters of mutual interest''.

    It is reliably understood that the Indian team has met the President of Sri Lanka Mr. Mahinda Rajapakse, Defence Secretary Mr Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Secretary to the President Lalith Weeratunga. The visit was kept a top secret. A source in the Sri Lanka Presidential secretariat told the press that over Friday and Saturday, the visiting team would discuss an array of issues, including the security in the island, the ongoing military operations against the LTTE in the North, the issue of the intruding Indian fishermen in North-West Sri Lanka, and matters relating to the SAARC summit to be held in Colombo in the first week of August.

    My repeated request to you by letters and also in person to stop forthwith any sort of military assistance to the Sri Lanka racist Government which is committing the grave crime of genocide against the ethnic Tamil race in the island have been callously thrown away.

    Even though the UPA Government did not sign the proposed Defence Pact with Sri Lanka in 2004; the Indian Government has been equipping the Sri Lanka Government to help its war machine to perpetrate genocidal attacks against the Tamils.

    I accuse that the Government of India supplied radars to the Sri Lanka Air-force which is strafing and bombing by which innocent Tamil people are brutally killed, the glaring example is Sencholai massacre.

    I accuse that the Government of India gave a red carpet welcome to the Sri Lanka President and the Ministers whose hands are stained with the blood of Tamils.

    I accuse that the Government of India has sanctioned a loan of 100 million dollars at 2% interest to the Defence Ministry of Sri Lanka enabling them to purchase weapons from Pakistan and China, which would be used to decimate the Tamil race.

    I accuse that the UPA Government has deliberately derelicted in its duty to prevent the dastardly attacks and killing of the Sri Lanka Navy against the Tamilnadu fishermen. Adding insult to the injury, the Indian team is discussing with the Sri Lanka Government against the safety of Tamilnadu fishermen.

    I accuse that the Government of India has mortgaged her sovereign rights, permitting the Sri Lanka Government to lay seamines in the international waters adjacent to Indian water.

    I accuse that the Government of India, burying fathoms deep all the norms of humanism, prevented the supply of food and medicines to the suffering Tamils in that island by not giving permission to the International Red Cross to send the materials collected in Tamilnadu.

    I am pained to make the accusation that the Indian Government, particularly the abovementioned officials are assisting the Sri Lanka Government, which is making all out military offensive to liquidate the Tamil race, throwing to winds the farsighted foreign policy adopted by Pandit Nehru and Mrs. Indira Gandhi.

    The UPA Government and its constituent political parties are held responsible for the loss of Tamil lives in the island of Sri Lanka and will be held accountable and answerable in the dock of the people's court of India.

    In view of the abovementioned facts, I am registering my point of view that the Prime Minister of India should not go to Colombo to participate in the SAARC Conference.

    With regards,

    Yours sincerely,

    (Vaiko)

  • Speculation rife following secretive visit by Indian Officials

    An unscheduled visit by a high-powered delegation from the Indian defence and foreign affairs ministries to Colombo last week created a stir in political and media circles in Sri Lanka with local media speculating on the purpose of the secretive visit.

     

    The delegation headed by National Security Advisor M.K. Narayanan  and comprising Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon and Defence Secretary Vijay Singh arrived in Colombo on a special flight from New Delhi on Friday, June 20.

     

    During their two-day visit, the Indian officials held separate discussions with Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, Commanders of Sri Lankan military, the parliamentary group leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) R. Sampanthan and Minister of Social Services and leader of the paramilitary Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) Douglas Devananda.

     

    None of the visiting Indian officials met the press and a brief statement was read out to the Indian journalists.

     

    "India hopes that Sri Lanka can find peaceful solution to the ethnic conflict within the framework of united Sri Lanka, acceptable to all the communities. There are no military solutions," the statement read.

     

    The conflicting reasons given by Sri Lankan and Indian officials as to the purpose of the visit only did not help.

     

    “Their visit is in connection with the forthcoming SAARC summit.” an Indian diplomat told IANS referring to the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit scheduled to open August 1 in Colombo.

     

    A top official of the Presidential Secretariat played down the importance of the visit, labeling it a ‘regular one’ and said: “It is part of the regular exchange of contacts at the highest official level between the two countries. The latest Indian official visit can be termed as a return visit to a similar mission from Colombo to New Delhi in September last year.”

    A three-member delegation from Sri Lanka comprising Secretary to the President Lalith Weeratunga, Gothabhaya Rajapaksa and Senior Advisor to the President Basil Rajapaksa visited India in September last year.

    However, retired Sri Lankan diplomat K. Nanda Godage said the 'very composition of the Indian delegation itself shows the visit is something special and not just a routine one'.

     

    “I don't think it is just a return visit or courtesy visit. It certainly cannot be anything to do merely with the security arrangement for the SAARC summit either,” he said.

     

    “We hope this is a visit to convey a positive message from India that it is fully behind Sri Lanka in its effort to solve the ethnic conflict,” said Godage.

     

    Sri Lanka's opposition parties demanded the government disclose the reasons behind the 'sudden visit'.

     

    The sudden and secretive nature of the visit raised questions within political circles also with opposition parties demanding details of the visit.

     

    John Amaratunga, a parliamentarian from the opposition United National Party (UNP), claimed there was a 'crucial aspect' to the two-day previously unannounced visit, pointing out that it had came at a time when the country was 'at crossroads in economic and war fronts', the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.

     

    “Today, India is concerned about what is happening in Sri Lanka. The ongoing military campaign will have serious implications (for) Tamil Nadu (and) the Indian government. So we are eager to know the true position of the visit,” the paper quoted Amaratunga as saying.

     

    Meanwhile, the radical Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) claimed that the visit by the Indian delegation was 'similar to what happened during the Vadamaradchchi operation in 1987' and demanded the government divulge the details of all discussions held.

     

    JVP's parliamentary group leader Anurakumara Dissanayake said India intervened to halt the Vadamaradchchi military operation against the LTTE in 1987 and later forced a peace accord on the Sri Lankan government.

     

    “It is the responsibility of the government to disclose the details of the visit as conflicting reports have appeared in the media,” said Dissanayake.

     

    The JVP also regretted the continued Indian attitude of conducting important talks at the level of civil servants and intelligence officers, who are not answerable to the people of India, and for the meek submission of Sri Lankan politicians to such diplomacy.

  • South African Tamils rally for Eelam Tamil's rights

    Tamils in South Africa on Saturday gathered for Pongu Tamil rally at the Arena Park Regional Hall, in Chatsworth, where they pledged to support the Eelam Tamils' right to statehood, and urged the international community to voice for the Tamils’ rights.

    Guest speakers at the event were Deputy Mayor of Ethekwini, Logie Naidoo, and MEC for Sports and Recreation, Mr. A Rajbansi, both of whom spoke out against what they called the “selective morality” of the international community regarding the Tamil freedom struggle.

    The key speaker was Dr. Brian Seneviratne, a Australia-based Sinhala expatriate physician, who is supportive of Tamils right to self-determination.

    “My agenda is to bring peace to that country and more important than that, peace with justice,” he said. He characterised the current situation in Sri Lanka as “the slide of a democracy into a fascist dictatorship.”

    Being a member of the Bandaranaike family, he has rejected their oppressive policies against the Tamils. For more than 3 decades, he has been condemning the genocide of Tamils in Sri Lanka and has been advocating a separate Tamil state.

    Dr. Senewiratne said that South Africa has the potential to play a pivotal role in the resolution of the Sri Lankan conflict because it is one of very few countries that has no agenda where Sri Lanka is concerned.

    He also discussed the importance of India, Tamil Nadu in particular, becoming actively involved in protecting the interests of the Tamils in Sri Lanka.

    The Program Director was, Mala Lutchmanan, a local radio personality.

    A declaration was made, seeking the International Community to recognise Tamils right to self - determination and recognising the LTTE as the legitimate sole representatives also in the future negotiations.

    The declaration further urged the international community to seek a just solution and to put an immediate end to the genocide of the Tamils.

  • Symptom, not the Problem

    It has now become widely accepted internationally that human rights abuses by the Sri Lankan security forces and allied paramilitaries are widespread and routine. Sri Lanka has come under intense criticism by international human rights groups as well as some leading Western states. The Tamil Diaspora, which has for the past quarter century been protesting and lobbying international capitals, has understandably gained some comfort from the strongly worded criticism from some host states. However, firstly, this should not be taken as a reduction in support for the Sinhala-dominated state. Secondly, and more importantly, we should not equate ending Colombo's rights abuses with ending Sri Lanka's oppression of the Tamil people. Abuses are only an element of oppression and only a symptom of state racism.

     

    For sixty years, the Sinhala-dominated state has discriminated against and violently repressed the Tamils. In 1972 the Constitution was changed to set up a permanent racial hierarchy that posits the Sinhala-Buddhist majority as having a 'first and foremost' place in the island with the other minorities as subordinate. In short, Sri Lanka is deemed a Sinhala country in which the minorities - Tamils, Upcountry Tamils and Muslims - are allowed to stay, provided they understand their place in this hierarchy.

     

    Since independence from Britain, Tamil protests against the deepening Constitutional and legislative privileging of the Sinhalese have been met with increasingly violent state repression. This led inexorably - from Tamil demands for equal treatment, to demands for federal autonomy - to insistence on outright independence. That was in 1977. It was when state repression intensified thereafter that militancy emerged. It was following the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom - the worst of five or more such mob attacks - that the Tamil armed struggle turned into a fully fledged war of national liberation.

     

    There are several dimensions to state repression of the Tamils. There are the human rights abuses - murder, 'disappearance', torture and rape by the security forces and allied paramilitaries. There is the violent and militarized Sinhala colonization of the Tamils' homeland. For example, whilst the Eastern province had less than 9% Sinhalese in 1948, by 1981 (i.e. before the 1983 pogrom and the mass displacement and killings of Tamils throughout the war) state-backed colonization had ensured Sinhalese comprised 30%. Then there is the way in which the Sinhala military - assisted by the West-led international community - has waged war: massacres of Tamils, mass displacement of Tamils (often followed by settling of Sinhalese in abandoned lands), indiscriminate bombardments of Tamil population concentrations and embargos on food and medicine. Sinhala racism manifests in almost every state decision. For example, after the tsunami, almost all foreign aid was diverted to the Sinhala south, rather than the Tamil and Muslim dominated Northeast.

     

    None of all this is new to the international community; it has been integral to the Tamil-Sinhala relationship for decades. Quite apart from the incessant lobbying by Tamil expatriates (most of whom arrived in the West as fleeing refugees), the regular reports from Western embassies, research by countless academics, reports from international human rights groups and media reports, have chronicled the Tamils' persecution in detail. Yet, prioritizing its geopolitical and economic interests, the West-led international community has aided and abetted this Sinhala repression - whilst sometimes making much noise about rights abuses (and usually when the Sinhala leaders resist external interests).

     

    There are specific consequences to focusing on human rights as opposed to state oppression. To begin with, reducing the Tamils' suffering to human rights is tantamount to rejecting the Tamils' demand for self-determination; this is because the way to address human rights, in international eyes, is to reform the Sri Lankan state and not 'divide' the country. Secondly, the massive military and economic assistance being extended to the Sri Lankan state is justified under this logic of reform. Supplying further training to the Sri Lankan military means it will be 'more disciplined' and 'less likely to commit abuses', the argument goes. Strengthening the economic base of the Sri Lankan state means 'reducing ethnic tensions'. The state should not be weakened by sanctions, but 'encouraged', by giving it even more aid, to 'improve' its 'governance', its 'accountability' and so on. In short, the logic of 'human rights abuses' thus makes strengthening the Sri Lankan state the solution to Tamils' 'grievances'.

     

    This is why when Tamils protest using the language of 'oppression', racism' and 'genocide', the international community responds in the language of 'stopping human rights abuses'. Which is why the Tamils are told to forget about self-determination or Eelam and to focus on making the state 'more accountable'. This is also why, when we speak of 'state repression', the international community instead blames the 'government' - the problem, we are told, is the Rajapaksa regime, not the state per se. Thus, it is to justify and facilitate the ongoing international support for the Sri Lankan state that Tamils are being encouraged to agitate in Western capitals - again, provided they use the language of 'human rights', and not that of 'national self-determination'. In short, our role is to plead with the international community to take up our 'grievances' and to become our 'representatives' vis-à-vis the Sri Lankan state.

     

    Which leads to the question of Tamils' support for the Liberation Tigers. When the crisis in Sri Lanka is reduced to 'human rights abuses' and the solution is deemed to 'strengthening and reforming the state', there is no room for armed struggle against the state (i.e. 'terrorism') irrespective of the form of the oppression. Which is why the Europ-ean Union, when banning the LTTE in 2006, insisted the move 'was against the LTTE and not the Tamil people.' This is why the 'War on Terror' and 'a solution acceptable to all Sri Lankans' are deemed to be one and the same.

     

    'Human rights abuses' therefore have starkly different meanings for the Tamils and the international community. For the Tamils, the atrocities inflicted on them by the Sri Lankan security forces are a symptom, an indicator of the racist logic of the Sinhala-dominated state; for the international community, they are the problem itself i.e. end the abuses and thus solve the crisis.

     

    The demand for Tamil Eelam emerged out of the impossibility of reforming the Sri Lankan state; i.e. the failure over decades of Tamil efforts to bring about change within a united state dominated by a numerical ethnic majority. The Tamil armed struggle emerged out of the violent, militarized repression of this Tamil demand. In the 21st century, the Tamils have been promised international action- most recently under the logic of 'responsibility to protect' - to ensure the Sri Lankan state ends its oppression. But nothing like this has happened. Instead, the Sri Lankan state continues to receive increasing international assistance - military, financial and political.

     

    The point here, as we have stated before, is not that human rights are not of value - as a community that has suffered abuses for decades, few appreciate these more. Rather, it is to say human rights cannot be separated from the central political issue - in our case self-determination and liberation from state oppression. To do so is to obscure and - given the dynamics of international action in Sri Lanka - in fact to propagate Sri Lanka's oppression.

  • Diaspora Tamils rally in support of Eelam

    Eelam Tamils in the Diaspora countries this week began a series of rallies in support of the Tamils’ right to Self-Determination.

     

    The rallies, titled 'Pongku Thamil,' (meaning 'Tamil Upsurge'), are intended as Tamil mobilising through cultural programmes. It resumes a major plank of Tamil political activity.

     

    The very first Pongku Thamil was held on January 17, 2001 by university students in defiance of the Sri Lankan military occupying Jaffna and despite the ongoing fighting in the peninsula.

     

    The Pongku Thamizh movement was initiated by university students in the Tamil homeland  to serve as a demonstration of the motivation and defiant will of the Tamil people for the cause of Tamil Eelam.

     

    After the 2002 Ceasefire began, the rally was repeated not only in Jaffna, but as a series of events to bring the Tamil people together in a common act of peaceful political agitation in support of the Eelam cause.

     

    In 2003 and again in 2005, Ponku Thamil rallies took place in all the major Tamil population centres in Northeast Sri Lanka and across the Diaspora.

     

    This year’s series began with a rally in New Zealand; Tamils gathered at Potters Park in Auckland for two hours on Saturday between 1:30 and 3:30 p.m.

     

    More than 350 Tamils of the 400 Tamil families in Auckland, wearing T-shirts marking the traditional Tamil homeland and carrying the portrait of Velupillai Pirapaharan, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), called for the recognition of Eelam Tamils Right to Self-determination and marked the upsurge event with cultural programmes and speeches.

     

    Maire Leadbeater of Indonesia Human Rights Committee, a former East Timor solidarity activist addressed the audience.

     

    Mrs. Narmatha, a former lecturer at the University of Jaffna, who witnessed the emergence of the first Pongku Thamil rally in Jaffna and a representative of Pax Christi International also spoke at the event.

     

    On Saturday Diaspora Tamils in Norway and Denmark also marked Pongku Thamil on Saturday.

     

    In Oslo, around 3,000 Tamils attended a Pongku Thamil event that lasted for more than 4 hours. Trond Jensrud, a ruling Labour Party (AP) politician of the Oslo Municipal Council addressed the event.

     

    Sam Jared, representing an Eritrean organisation in Oslo, in his speech compared the similarities between the cause of the Eritreans and Tamils, and stated that the victory of Tamils is a logical conclusion as their struggle is based on the principle of the right of self-determination.

     

    On Sunday Diaspora Tamils in Northern Italy gathered at Piazza Argentina in Milan, one of the largest cities in Italy, from 3:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m., and voiced their support for an independent Eelam.

     

    Burani Vainer, a renown lawyer in Italy for his legal defence of freedom struggles, addressed the audience as a chief guest, on the principles of the right to self determination.

     

    Tamil poet Arivumathi, the other chief guest from Tamil Nadu, India, also addressed the audience.

     

    The organisers of the rally said that although only a few hundreds Tamils reside in metropolitan area of Milan, nearly 500 Tamils gathered in the city where only 30 Tamils families live. Many participants had come from remote areas of Northern Italy to take part.

     

    Meanwhile, around thirty Sinhalese arrived at the site and mobilised a counter-protest. Around 50,000 Sinhalese expatriates live in Northern Italy.

     

    On Wednesday, over eight thousand Tamils gathered in Paris to express their support for Tamil independence. For days before the rally, the streets of the La Chapelle area in Paris, where many Tamils live had been decorated with red and yellow balloons – the Tamil national colours.

     

    Tamils in South Africa, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Australia, Switzerland, UK, France, Sweden, Canada and Malaysia are also expected to hold their own rallies in the coming days.

  • Remember Quebec? The Tamils are no different

    Dear Hon. Stockwell Day:

     

    I read your latest announcement about 'Terrorism" and the ban on the World Tamil Movement, a 20 years old cultural organization on Monday.

     

    I am surprised to see that the Tories are bringing Canada to what feels like dictatorship. While US Democratic candidates Mr. Obama and Ms. Clinton are showing maturity and expressing a willingness to reconsider their "list of terrorists", you are encouraging state terrorism and rewarding human right violations.

     

    After the Tories banned the LTTE in 2006, Sri Lankan government waged war against Tamils and killed more than 5000 Eelam Tamils. Now, the Sri Lankan government may plan to execute more massacres with newly pledged financial support from Iran.

     

    In Sri Lanka, the problem is state terrorism and the Sri Lankan government is killings Tamils in much larger numbers than the civilians you mention in your public statements. Please ask the UN or ask HRW for reports.

     

    Please remember you used the same HRW reports to support your decison to ban the LTTE in 2006. Why don't you use their recent reports to ban the Sri Lankan government and close their terror funding embassy in Ottawa?

     

    In fact, in the reverse, several Canadian UN officials, notably UNHCHR Louise Arbour, have been branded as 'terrorists' by the Sri Lankan government.

     

    Tamils democratically decided to free themselves from Sri Lanka in 1977, long before the LTTE came into the picture. The problem is similar to Kosovo, Tibet, or Bangladesh where a separation is needed to solve the problem.

     

    Tamils were waited for help from International community more than 30 years until 1977, then they decided to go separate and started to fight against Sri Lankan state terrorism.

     

    In Canada, Tamils are a successful hardworking community with many thousands of doctors, professors, engineers, business leaders and other skilled professionals. It is true that many Tamils came to Canada as refugees, but they immediately started to contribute to the Canadian economy and very quickly joined with the Canadian mainstream, including in politics.

     

    It is very hard to believe such a educated community could be threatened by the LTTE for money. Even if that is the case, I believe the Canadian police and the RCMP are capable of handling the situation with available laws.

     

    In fact, there are many Tamils who have worked for the police, army, and the RCMP as well. Please recruit more Tamils to the police if you want to know more about what is happening in the community.

     

    Branding Tamil organizations as terrorists, shutting down public voices or threating the Tamil community will not help in any way. In fact, it will be counter productive.

     

    On the other side, those who really want to help Tamils back on the island, will do so underground. Is this what the Tories want to achieve?

     

    In the 1980s, Canada faced the similar scenario as what is happening in Sri Lanka in Quebec, but a civilized and mature Canadian leadership very peacefully resolved the issues and provided adequate powers to Quebec. If Canada had banned the Bloc Quebec, the situation may be similar to Sri Lanka. It is always better to learn from history.

     

    Tamils know how the Sri Lankan government has denied their rights using anti-terror laws. It was the US who armed the Taliban, and it was the US who armed Iraq. Now, it is the US and Canada who help Sri Lankan state terrorists.

     

    Dictatorship or governance using fear will cause more problems. Please don't play political games at the expense of a young fast-growing, productive, law-abiding community.

     

    I believe Canada still honors freedom of speech. Please don't apply any criminal charges to me for directly writing to you.

     

    (Edited)

  • India, China compete in Sri Lanka

    The battered harbour town of Hambantota, on Sri Lanka's southern tip with its scrawny men selling even scrawnier fish, seems an unlikely focus for an emerging international competition over energy supply routes that fuel much of the global economy.

     

    An impoverished place still recovering from the devastation of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, Hambantota has a desolate air, a sense of nowhereness, punctuated by the realization that looking south over the expanse of ocean, the next landfall is Antarctica.

     

    But just over the horizon runs one of the world's great trade arteries, the shipping lanes where thousands of vessels carry oil from the Middle East and raw materials to Asia, returning with television sets, toys and sneakers for European consumers.

     

    These tankers provide 80 per cent of China's oil and 65 per cent of India's - fuel desperately needed for the two countries' rapidly growing economies. Japan, too, is almost totally dependent on energy supplies shipped through the Indian Ocean.

     

    Any disruption - from terrorism, piracy, natural disaster or war - could have devastating effects on these countries and, in an increasingly interdependent world, send ripples across the globe. When an unidentified ship attacked a Japanese oil tanker travelling through the Indian Ocean from South Korea to Saudi Arabia in April, the news sent oil prices to record highs.

     

    For decades the world relied on the powerful U.S. Navy to protect this vital sea lane. But as India and China gain economic heft, they are moving to expand their control of the waterway, sparking a new - and potentially dangerous - rivalry between Asia's emerging giants.

     

    China has given massive aid to Indian Ocean nations, signing friendship pacts, building ports in Pakistan and Bangladesh as well as Sri Lanka, and reportedly setting up a listening post on one of Myanmar's islands near the strategic Strait of Malacca.

     

    Now, India is trying to parry China's moves. It beat out China for a port project in Myanmar. And, flush with cash from its expanding economy, India is beefing up its military, with the expansion seemingly aimed at China. Washington and, to a lesser extent, Tokyo are encouraging India's role as a counterweight to growing Chinese power.

     

    Among China's latest moves is the billion-dollar port its engineers are building in Sri Lanka, an island country just off India's southern coast.

     

    The Chinese insist the Hambantota port is a purely commercial move, and by all appearances it is. But some in India see ominous designs behind the project, while others in countries surrounding India like the idea. A 2004 Pentagon report called Beijing's effort to expand its presence in the region China's "string of pearls."

     

    No one wants war, and relations between the two nations are now at their closest since a brief 1962 border war in which China quickly routed Indian forces. Last year, trade between India and China grew to $37 billion and their two armies conducted their first-ever joint military exercise.

     

    Still, the Indians worry about China's growing influence.

     

    "Each pearl in the string is a link in a chain of the Chinese maritime presence," India's navy chief, Admiral Sureesh Mehta, said in a speech in January, expressing concern that naval forces operating out of ports established by the Chinese could "take control over the world energy jugular."

     

    "It is a pincer movement," said Rahul Bedi, a South Asia analyst with London-based Jane's Defense Weekly. "That, together with the slap India got in 1962, keeps them awake at night."

     

    B. Raman, a hawkish, retired Indian intelligence official, expressed the fears of some Indians over the Chinese-built ports, saying he believes they'll be used as naval bases to control the area.

     

    "We cannot take them at face value. We cannot assume their intentions are benign," said Raman.

     

    But Zhao Gancheng, a South Asia expert at the Chinese government-backed Shanghai Institute for International Studies, says ports like Hambantota are strictly commercial ventures. And Sri Lanka says the new port will be a windfall for its impoverished southern region.

     

    With Sri Lanka's proximity to the shipping lane already making it a hub for transshipping containers between Europe and Asia, the new port will boost the country's annual cargo handling capacity from six million containers to some 23 million, said Priyath Wickrama, deputy director of the Sri Lankan Ports Authority.

     

    Wickrama said a new facility was needed since the main port in the capital Colombo has no room to expand and Trincomalee port in the Northeast is caught in the middle of Sri Lanka's civil war. Hambantota also will have factories on site producing cement and fertilizer for export, he said.

     

    Meanwhile, India is clearly gearing its military expansion toward China rather than its longtime foe, and India has set up listening stations in Mozambique and Madagascar, in part to monitor Chinese movements, Bedi noted. It also has an air base in Kazakhstan and a space monitoring post in Mongolia - both China's neighbours.

     

    India has announced plans to have a fleet of aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines at sea in the next decade and recently tested nuclear-capable missiles that put China's major cities well in range. It is also reopening air force bases near the Chinese border.

     

    Encouraging India's role as a counter to China, the U.S. has stepped up exercises with the Indian navy and last year sold it an American warship for the first time, the 17,000-tonne amphibious transport dock USS Trenton. American defence contractors - shut out from the lucrative Indian market during the long Cold War - have been offering India's military everything from advanced fighter jets to anti-ship missiles.

     

    "It is in our interest to develop this relationship," U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates said during a visit to New Delhi in February. "Just as it is in the Indians' interest."

     

    Officially, China says it's not worried about India's military buildup or its closer ties with the U.S. However, foreign analysts believe China is deeply concerned by the possibility of a U.S.-Indian military alliance.

     

    Ian Storey of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore said China sent strong diplomatic messages expressing opposition to a massive naval exercise India held last year with the U.S., Japan, Singapore and Australia. And Bedi, the Jane's analyst, added "those exercises rattled the Chinese."

     

    India's 2007 defence budget was about $21.7 billion, up 7.8 per cent from 2006. China said its 2008 military budget would jump 17.6 per cent to some $59 billion, following a similar increase last year. The U.S. estimates China's actual defence spending may be much higher.

     

    Like India, China is focusing heavily on its navy, building an increasingly sophisticated submarine fleet that could eventually be one of the world's largest.

     

    While analysts believe China's military buildup is mostly focused on preventing U.S. intervention in any conflict with Taiwan, India is still likely to persist in efforts to catch up as China expands its influence in what is essentially India's backyard. Meanwhile, Sri Lankans - who have looked warily for centuries at vast India to the north - welcome the Chinese investment in their country.

     

    "Our lives are going to change," said 62-year-old Jayasena Senanayake, who has seen business grow at his roadside food stall since construction began on the nearby port. "What China is doing for us is very good."

     

  • Colombo not a place to live

    In an international survey released June 9, Colombo was cited as one amongst the less appealing cities in which to live, reported the Daily Mirror newspaper.

     

    According to the Quality of Living Global City Rankings 2008 covering some 215 cities, Auckland was named as the city with the best quality of living in the Asia Pacific region while Dhaka is the city with the region's worst quality of living.

     

    European cities dominate the worldwide rankings having the best quality of living locations with Zurich retaining its 2007 title as the highest ranked city, followed jointly by Vienna (2), Geneva (2), then Vancouver (4) and Auckland (5).

     

    The survey is conducted to help governments and major companies place employees on international assignments.

     

    The survey also identifies those cities with the highest personal safety ranking based on internal stability, crime, effectiveness of law enforcement and relationships with other countries.

     

    For personal safety, Pakistan is one of the lowest-scoring destinations followed by Colombo, Dhaka, Jakarta and Manila. Singapore is the region's best location for personal safety, scoring 120.2 compared to Karachi's 25.3.

     

    "Border conflicts and internal issues, combined with high levels of crime, make many other countries like Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Indonesia less appealing relocation destinations," senior researcher, Slagin Parakatil said.

     

    "Personal and family safety is of paramount importance when employees consider opportunities overseas. Cities that are, or are perceived as, unsafe may experience difficulties in attracting the best people and skills," he said.

     

    Data was largely collected between September and November 2007 and is regularly updated to take account of changing circumstances.

     

    In particular, the assessments will be revised in the case of any new developments.

     

    The database contains more than 350 cities, but only 215 cities have been considered for the quality of living 2008 ranking to compare from one year to the next.

     

    Canadian cities dominate the rankings in the Americas. Vancouver has the best quality of living followed by Toronto, Ottawa and Montreal.

     

    Cape Town in South Africa and Port Louis in Mauritius are the region's cities with the best quality of living followed by Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

     

    Auckland is the city in Asia Pacific with the best quality of living, followed by Sydney and Wellington. Elsewhere in Asia, Singapore ranks two places higher than in 2007, slightly higher than Japanese cities such as Tokyo.

     

    "Businesses face constant challenges in identifying new markets, expanding operations and acquiring and strategically deploying resources. Establishing suitable allowances linked to local costs and quality of living is essential in encouraging expatriate employees with transferable skills to accept international assignments," Mr. Parakatil said.

  • Rival London demonstrations great Rajapaksa ahead of summit

    Over thousand expatriate Tamils demonstrated on June 10 outside the Commonwealth Secretariat where Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapaksa was attending a conference of Commonwealth leaders.

     

    Meanwhile several hundred other Tamils who arrived at the demonstration in Pall Mall were turned away by Police, citing space restrictions, to another space in Trafalgar Square.

     

    Next to the Tamil demonstration fifty Sinhalese staged a protest in support of Sri Lankan President Rajapaksa.

     

    A thousand Tamil expatriates attended the demonstration from 11:30 a.m. to 2:00 p.m.

     

    With an official restriction on the number of people permitted to gather, police extended the designated space, but as protestors continued to arrive, directed them to another gathering point in Trafalgar Square.

     

    About fifty Sinhalese, carrying several Lion flags, demonstrated next to Tamils in support of Mahinda Rajapaksa.

     

    Police separated the two groups with barriers and metal sheets.

     

    The Sinhala protestors denounced the British Tamil Forum, which had coordinated the organizing of the Tamil demonstration as a Tamil Tiger front.

     

    On June 9, Amnesty International organized another demonstration against the Sri Lankan president outside the Commonwealth Secretariat protesting repression of media in Sri Lanka.

     

    South Asia director of the Amnesty International, Sam Zarifi, told the BBC the government should understand that Sri Lanka is ‘not forgotten’ by the international community.

     

    “Certainly the situation in Sri Lanka has been the source of the increasing concern around the world because the deterioration has been rapid,” Sam Zarifi told BBC Sandeshiya.

     

    The government is not seen to be willing, he said, to respond to the concerns by human rights watchdogs and the international community.

     

    “We hope President Rapaksaksa understands that this is not a forgotten conflict,” Mr. Zafiri added.

  • Tamil Eelam, not a hastily concocted concept- Balakumaran

    While support of the international community is necessary for achieving the goal of liberation, the Tamil people should clearly understand that policies of the International community towards different nationalist struggles are often inconsistent and motivated by self-interest, Balakumaran, a senior member of the Liberation Tigers said during an interview with an Australian Tamil radio station.

     

    Listening to other people’s dictates and compromising the ideals only reflect the weakness of a liberation struggle, he added.

     

    He also expressed confidence on the strength and resilience of the Tamil people to confront obstacles in the marathon towards liberation.

     

    The translation of the Interview with K.V. Balakumaran, aired by Cheythi Alaikal, an Australian Radio broadcast on June 4, 2008, follows:

     

    Q: Recent news stories advance the theme that LTTE should settle for solutions short of Tamil Eelam. What is your comment on this trend?

    Balakumaran: One has to view this with a deep understanding of the historical background to the conflict. Tamil Eelam is not a hastily concocted concept. Conceptualized before 1948, it developed gradually over time and was strengthened by history in the years since independence. I do not want to repeat history on how the support for Tamil nationhood grew gradually and finally it received mandate in 1977 elections. Colombo has attempted to blur this truth and has been trying to establish that Tamil Eelam was invented by LTTE. The truth is that the responsibility to advance this mandate currently rests with the LTTE.

     

    LTTE was guided by this ideal since its inception. However, the movement has articulated clearly that it is open to examining credible alternate proposals. We regret that this request has not received the attention it deserves. Everyone knows that the South is not ready to offer any solutions to Tamil grievances; even the solutions proposed by International Community. Recent news stories are intended to break the determination of Tamil people and to create confusion among our people. One has to question why such messages were not articulated by other powers to national struggles of other peoples, for example why India didn’t say this to Bangladesh; US to East Timor, Kosovo, or to the many nations breaking away from the old soviet block?

     

    Our people have to clearly understand the motives behind such moves by the International community.

     

    Q: Is there a need for our people and the LTTE to recognize the political climate of the International Community, and modify their ideals?

    Balakumaran: Certainly not. We are a nation. We cannot change who we are. Our people have undergone untold suffering in the past three decades. We are in the midst of a war. We should preserve our spiritual power to overcome the odds until we achieve our liberation.

     

    Q: A solution to Tamil struggle can be achieved only with the support of the International Community. Do you agree?

    Balakumaran: This is a universal truth – we accept this. We agree, we have to go along with the International Community. At the same time, our people must have a deeper understanding of this inevitable condition. We must inquire why is International actors are responding differently to the national liberation struggles of different peoples. The axioms accepted for one struggle is negated for another. We will realize that countries are motivated by their own self interests in the outcome. A national liberation struggle is cognizant of the welfare of its own people. If the struggle begins to listen to other people’s dictates, and compromises its ideals for other people’s welfare, than that reflects the weakness of the struggle. Tamil people have a duty to clearly understand this.

     

    Q: For a liberation movement to be successful, how important is it necessary to show its strength?

    Balakumaran: We traditionally equate strength with military might; but, military strength is only one aspect of the liberation struggle. Liberation struggle draws its strength from the determination of its people. Desire for freedom, once felt, never leaves the mind even for a moment. There is no substitute for freedom. A liberation struggle cannot be quenched except by reaching its goal. It does not mean amassing battlefront successes. This is a marathon; having the strength to confront the obstacles to the finish is how the success of a liberation struggle is assessed. Our people are demonstrating this strength and the accompanying resilience.

     

    Q: Can we expect that Sinhala leaders will offer a just solution to the Tamil question?

    Balakumaran: History proves that this will never happen. Since 1948, our people lived with this illusion – while the first Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake was in power, we believed Kottalawela will be good to us – since then, South has had a array of leaders J.R. Jayewardene, Premadasa, Chandrika, and now Rajapakse. Sinhala people, driven by their perception of history, is in a mindset, which will not allow them to elect leaders who can pursue a fair and just approach to resolve the Tamil issue.

     

    In the current government policy makers include extremists like Champika Ranawaka and JHU. Tamil struggle is aimed at changing this mindset. Our experience shows this change cannot be created by us. That is why we are now seeking nationhood to preserve our lives and livelihood. However, we are not pessimists; if a Sinhala leadership offers us a just solution we are willing to consider it.

     

    Q: The leaders of the South are elected by Sinhala people. Do Sinhala people then deny existence of Tamil grievance?

    Balakumaran: Certainly. Over the years, racist ideas were sowed within the Sinhala populace. These ideas have taken a deep root in their collective conscience. Sinhala people have been led to believe all their ills have been caused by the Tamil people. Our struggle will lift this illusion and show the practical realities of the difficulties Sinhala people face. Our liberation struggle will also help the Sinhala people to recognize the real path to achieve peace prosperity and happiness. Sinhala army is the guardian of Sinhala racism. To lift this illusion, we must beat back the Sinhala army from our homeland.

     

    Q: What political aspirations should the Tamil people have?

    Balakumaran: We must be clear of our goal. There must no confusion about our goal. The strength of this belief is the propelling force. Currently, LTTE is the only credible vehicle to achieve this goal. People may find fault with members who spearhead this struggle, may not agree with every activity; but at no time, their belief in the goal should waver. The ideal, the liberation, should transcend the individual. Our people have a clear distinction between the ideal and the shortcomings of some individuals who pursue this ideal. Tamil people have shown this clarity; our message to them is to continue in this path.

     

    Q: How can the media help Tamil people?

    Balakumaran: Media must inform the Tamil people with truthful news.

     

    Q: How would you like India to view the Tamil issue?

    Balakumaran: We observe Tamil Nadu state along with Indian national government. There is a link between us. Our regret is that the India’s policy makers are viewing Tamil people’s struggle through their lens of their country’s political welfare. Until Indian central government approaches this intellectually and recognize that ours is a struggle for survival by an oppressed people in the land of their birth, India cannot make any healthy, fruitful contribution. India has approached our struggle as an integral part of their national political equation. Like in a political chess game, India has taken positions beneficial to the governments in power. We have said clearly Tamil Eelam is not against India; we will uphold Indian welfare as our own. There was a time, when India looked after our welfare as her own. India will change its current policy towards us one day. We believe firmly, our strong cultural ties to our brothers and sisters in India will help their policy makers to select a just and fair path towards our people. We cannot wait for India’s change of mind to continue with our liberation. One fact should be clear, no one should doubt our friendship, and strong ties to India.

  • Why Tamils demand independence

    Our demand for independence is no mere whim; it has emerged as a direct consequence of a specific, prolonged history of racially-motivated oppression and violence by the Sinhala-dominated Sri Lankan state.

     

    For over sixty years since the British gave the island independence as a single entity, the Sinhala-dominated state has implemented a series of racist laws, including a constitution (in 1972 and 1975) that places their language and religion as ‘first and foremost’.

     

    Our demands for equality have been met by state violence and state-backed mob violence. For three decades, our peaceful demonstrations, civil protests and  hungerstrikes were met by police and army violence, racial riots and ever-more discriminatory laws.

     

    It was only after three decades of peaceful agitation, that armed resistance to Sinhala domination began.

     

    The Tamils of Sri Lanka form a nation of people. We are an ethnically distinct population with our own language, culture, traditions and history.

     

    The Sinhalese of Sri Lanka also constitute a nation with their own language, culture, traditions and history, distinct from us. We therefore consider the Tamils and Sinhalese as distinct and equal nations. We do not consider ourselves superior or inferior to the Sinhalese.

     

    The traditional Tamil homeland is in the Northeast of the island of Sri Lanka. The Sinhala homeland is in the south of the island.

     

    Until colonial rulers arrived, there was no single form of united rule over the island. It was only under the British colonial rule that the different parts of the island were turned into a single administration, based in a capital in the south – Colombo.

     

    The single state of (Ceylon, later renamed) Sri Lanka which was given independence in 1948 is therefore a colonial construction. It is as ‘fabricated’ as those other countries which received independence from colonialism with ruler-straight borders and artificial governments.

     

    As we are a distinct nation, with our own homeland, we have the right to self-determination under the UN principles established to end colonial rule.

     

    Though as a nation entitled to self-rule, we initially did not seek independence, but sought accommodation with the Sinhalese in equality and justice.

     

    But within eight years of independence, the Sinhala majority, using the principle of ‘one-person, one vote’ chose a government that made Sinhala the official language, instead of English. For example, Tamils had to learn Sinhala to get jobs, especially in the state.

     

    Since then, the two largest parties (which are Sinhala-dominated) in the island have competed for votes by promising more and more Sinhala chauvunist policies (i.e. ethnic ‘outbidding’).

     

    In the late sixties and seventies, university admission for Tamil youth was sharply reduced, by declaring our districts as ‘privileged’ and thus requiring Tamil students to score higher marks for university entrance than students from Sinhala areas.

     

    In 1962, the military began keeping Tamils out, the beginning of an ‘ethnically pure’ army: Sri Lanka’s military is 99% Sinhala. The army’s regiments are named after Sinhala kings, which in their mythology, defeated Tamil kings. The military’s rituals are Buddhist.

     

    Five times since independence, there have been big state-organized Sinhala mob violence against the Tamil people: 1956, 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983. Thousands of people have been massacred, many tortured and raped.

     

    The most extensive was in July 1983, when at least three thousand people died when Tamils in the south were ethnically cleansed and driven to the north.

     

    Since the Tamil armed struggle began in the early eighties, as a form of resistance to racial domination and subjugation, the country has been at war.

     

    The way the Sinhala-dominated state wages its war to destroy the Tamil Tigers shows how it views the Tamils.

     

    Against areas the government does not control, it uses indiscriminate, mass aerial and artillery bombardment, blockade of food and medicine resulting in widespread starvation and suffering.

     

    In areas it controls, it uses abductions, executions, torture, rape. The targets are Tamil politicians and party workers, journalists, civil society activists, aid workers (including Christian and Hindu priests), etc.

     

    The Tamils have been told by the international community that instead of seeking independence by exercising our right to self-determination, we should seek a solution within Sinhala-dominated Sri Lanka.

     

    But the Tamils have had a long history of being oppressed; sixty painful years. Our efforts to be accommodative, to share power with the Sinhalese have been rejected and we have suffered ever more repression and violence.

     

    The demand for an independent state emerged in 1976 when the Tamil parties united into the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). In 1977, the TULF won all the seats they contested in the Northeast by a landslide, receiving a resounding mandate for an independent state.

     

    We have never abandoned our desire to be independent.

     

    In 2001, the four major Tamil parties (which included the TULF and those militant groups which gave up arms) again united into the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). It 2001 and 2004, the TNA contested elections on a platform supporting Tamil independence and won with landslide again.

     

    Since the mid-nineties, Tamils have sought refuge from the oppression and the brutal war of the Sinhala-dominated state and fled to Europe, Canada and Australia. In all these places, Tamil Diaspora has continued to demand independence.

     

    In short, the demand for independent Tamil Eelam has broad, enduring support.

     

    With every passing decade, despite the ferocious violence and repression unleashed by the Sinhala state with international support, our determination to be free, to rule ourselves as equals with other peoples of the world, has grown stronger.

     

    In the name of equality and justice, we ask for your support.

     

     

     

  • Development untenable without peace – Nadesan

    "Development is possible only when there is permanent peace. To achieve peace the International Community (IC) should engage seriously in restoring the status quo which the IC itself has disturbed in recent times, and should pressurise the Sri Lankan government to come to terms with a negotiated settlement," said Liberation Tigers of Tamileelam (LTTE) Political Head B. Nadesan, in an exclusive interview to TamilNet on Friday, while responding to a question on LTTE's position on International involvement in Colombo's 'development-agenda'.

    "Recognition of Tamil sovereignty and right to self-determination are key issues in creating a climate for a negotiated settlement," Nadesan added.
     
    'Development' has long been used as a camouflage to deprive the Tamils of their homeland and to subordinate the Tamil regions by the Sinhala majoritarian government of Colombo, Mr. Nadesan further said.
     
    He also revealed that the Sri Lankan government has not been providing access to the Norwegian facilitators to visit Vanni to meet with the LTTE representatives.
     
    Full text of the interview follows:
     
    TamilNet: In a recent interview, the U.S. Ambassador for Sri Lanka has stated that it would be very useful for LTTE leader Pirapaharan to give up the idea of seeking an independent TamilState and agreeing to negotiate with a united Sri Lanka. What is your response?
     
    Nadesan: The Tamileelam struggle is not simply a LTTE struggle. It is Tamil people’s legitimate struggle with moral, political and legal reasons. It is a very democratic goal. And the LTTE represents only people’s mandate.
     
    As far as the LTTE is concerned, the ultimate aim is what is good for Eezham Tamils who were placed at the receiving end for more than a century and face genocide in Sri Lanka. Experience has made the Eezham Tamils to decide on a separate state and to fight for it. Recognition of Tamil sovereignty and right to self-determination are key issues in creating a climate for a negotiated settlement. As this has been the logical end for situations similar to that of the Tamils, in different parts of the contemporary world, it is a puzzle what makes it different only in the case of the Eezham Tamils.
     
    TamilNet: The implementation of the 13th amendment appears to be the basis for political discussions at present. The U.S. Ambassador also has commented on this regard while expressing his opinion that the political solution should go beyond the 13th amendment. How do you look at basing the discussions on the 13th amendment?
     
    Nadesan: The Tamils have rejected the 13th amendment long back. In the last 21-years of its introduction, neither Tamils nor Sinhalese have shown any enthusiasm towards the 13th amendment. How can one consider it as a basis for settlement when it has been proven that people have no interest in it?
     
    Mahinda regime uses this 13th amendment drama to pursue its war against the Tamil nation while paying lip service to the political solution.
    TamilNet: 'Development' appears to be the paradigm associated with the political ongoing, especially in the EasternProvince. What is the position of the LTTE regarding International involvement in this process?
     
    Nadesan: 'Development' has long been used as a camouflage to deprive the Tamils of their homeland and to subordinate the Tamil regions by the Sinhala majoritarian government of Colombo.
     
    Historically, the so-called 'development schemes' were introduced with an ethnic oppressive agenda of disturbing the geographical contiguity of the Tamil homeland.
     
    The coastal routes linking the villages in the Tamil homeland were neglected and instead the infrastructure was designed to link Sinhala areas with Tamil coastal villages. Administrative borders were expanded to include Sinhala areas to systematically alter the demographic proportions. Colonisation schemes were introduced under the pretext of development scheme, evicting Tamils from a large number of villages. Since the independence of Ceylon, there has been a continuous record of the Sri Lankan state systematically applying the 'development-agenda' to serve a 'colonisation-agenda'.
     
    The Sinhalese leaders have mastered the art of misleading the donors and the International Community in sustaining their oppressive agenda while diverting the funds to the infrastructure, which has deprived Tamils of their economic opportunities and their very existence in their own villages.
     
    Thus, there was no real capital accumulation in the Tamil regions in the past several decades. The capital accumulation was concentrating in Sinhala areas, especially in and around Colombo.
     
    The Sri Lankan state is successfully making use of the unitary constitution for this anti-Tamil 'development agenda'.
     
    This is why we envisaged extra-constitutional arrangements such as opting for the World Bank to act as a custodian of donor funds to rebuild the Northeast during the negotiations as well as in the Post Tsunami agreement (P-TOMS) signed by the parties.
     
    But, again, what happened to SIHRN and, especially to the P-TOMS agreement, which was a purely humanitarian agreement, has been widely witnessed by the International Community.
     
    The Sri Lanka government can invoke provisions of the unitary constitution at any time it wishes to nullify development of the Tamils of the North and East.
     
    We have witnessed precedence in this regard in the de-merger of the merged North-EastProvince and in nullifying the P-TOMS.
     
    Besides the handicapped constitution, large-scale misappropriation of development funds by the government for sustaining the war, and through that sustaining its regime, will never allow any real development.
     
    Further, corruption within the ranks and files of the Sri Lankan government is a serious impediment for any development programme. Even Sinhalese who bring to light such malpractices are penalised violently.
     
    Therefore, the priority of the International Community should first be placed at finding a political solution, before embarking upon a development-agenda in this Island.
     
    Development is possible only when there is permanent peace. For that the International Community should engage seriously in restoring the status quo which it itself has disturbed in recent times and should pressurise the Sri Lankan government to come to terms with a negotiated settlement. This only can pave way for a true development.
     
    TamilNet: What is the present status of your dialogue with the Norwegian peace facilitators?
     
    Nadesan: We have requested the Royal Norwegian Government to continue the facilitation. It should also be noted that the Co-Chairs, representing the United States, the European Union, Japan, and Norway, have told the Sri Lankan government to provide access to their representatives and the facilitator to visit Vanni and discuss with us. Norwegian Special Envoy and the Norwegian Ambassador to Sri Lanka have expressed their desire to have dialogue. But, the Sri Lankan government has not been providing access to the Norwegian facilitators in an attempt to block our diplomatic dialogue with the facilitator.
     
    TamilNet: The LTTE is accused of carrying out attacks on civilian targets in the South. Can you comment?
     
    Nadesan: The LTTE categorically denies responsibility for the attacks on civilians in Sri Lanka. We never mean ill-will against the Sinhalese people. Attacks on civilian targets by the Sri Lankan armed forces have become routine occurrences in Vanni. Human Rights violations of civilians such as abductions, disappearances and extra-judicial killings take place throughout the Sri Lanka government controlled territories, every day. Now the Sinhala regime unleashes violence against the Sinhala and Tamil journalists. Many attacks and violations by known perpetrators such as the armed forces have still not been brought to justice. One needs a holistic approach to stop such anti-people activities in Sri Lanka.
  • Brigadier Balraj laid to rest
    The remains of Brigadier Balaraj, a senior commander Liberation Tigers, who passed away due to a sudden heart attack on 20 May 2008, was laid to rest 6.30 pm on Friday, 23 May, with full military honours in Mulliyavalai Heroes Cemetery the presence of thousands of public and hundreds of LTTE cadres.
     
    After the homage ceremony held Thursday in Kilinochchi, the casket containing the remains of Brigadier Balraj was kept at Puthukkudiyiruppu Central College from 8:00a.m till 11:00a.m to enable the public to pay their last respects.
     
    After an eulogy by Poddu Ammaan, head of the LTTE Intelligence Wing, the casket preceded by percussion band and accompanied by thousands of people was taken in procession to the church of Infant Jesus in Mullaiththeevu. The cortege arrived at the church around 12:30 p.m.
     
    Poorani, head of LTTE Naval wing’s women’s division, lit the common flame at the event held in the main hall of Millaiththeevu Maha Vidyalyam to pay homage to Brigadier Balraj.
     
    Vinayagam, deputy commander of the Sea Tigers, presided the event.
     
    After that Chandrasegaram and Gnanasekaram, siblings of late Brigadier Balraj, lit the flame of sacrifice, and garlanded the remains.
     
    Colonel Soosai, special commander of Sea Tigers garlanded the remains of Brigadier Balraj and paid special tribute to Brigadier Balraj.
     
    Thousands of people gathered in the school premises paid their last respects at the event which continued till 2:10 p.m.
     
    The casket was then taken in procession from Mulliyavalai junction to Mulliyavalai Vidyananda College where another event to pay homage to Brigadier Balraj was held at 4:00p.m presided by Umainesan, political head of Mulliyavalai zone.
     
    A number of LTTE representatives including head of the LTTE political wing B. Nadesan, commander of the Northern Front Colonel Theepan, Colonel Jeyam, LTTE military advisor Dinesh, head of the Education unit of Tamil Eelam Ilankumaran, Head of LTTE justice department Para, Thamilenthi, Mannar division commander Laxman and LTTE secretariat administrator Neethan garlanded the remains of Brigadier Balraj.
     
    Earlier, several thousand members of the public had had an opportunity to pay their last respects to Brigadier Balraj when the casket was kept at Mallaawi, Vanni.
     
    Colonel Ramesh, one of Senior LTTE commanders, eulogized Brig. Balraj at the event in Mallaawi.
     
    Col. Theepan and several LTTE military commanders for the Northern Front including Colonel Mugunthan and Colonel Kumunan laid garlands over the remains of late Brigadier Balraj. C. Navaratnarajah, President of Kilinochchi Traders Association, presided over the event.
     
    Press reports said a number of Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) Kfir jet fighters flew over the skies in a provocative act to intimidate the public during the event.
     
  • Gone with the Wind
    As Sri Lanka's military struggles to make progress against the Liberation Tigers' determined resistance in the island's north, and the Mahinda Rajapakse government's frantic efforts to defeat the LTTE shreds the already frayed social, economic and political fabric of the island, international disquiet is mounting. It is against the now apparent inevitability of a protracted, bloody and utterly destructive war - despite the best will of the international community, the destruction will not remain confined to the northern battlefields - that international calls for negotiations have reemerged. However, despite murmurings of there not being any military solution to the conflict, the core of present international policy in Sri Lanka turns on precisely that: the military crippling, if not destruction of the LTTE. It is on this basis that the international community first armed and prepared the Sri Lanka armed forces during the Norwegian peace process and, secondly, then pointedly stood aside as Colombo went to war, inflicting widespread suffering on the Tamils.
     
    In an interview with the state-owned Sunday Observer newspaper two weeks ago, the United States' Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Mr. Robert O' Blake, gave voice to the international community's anxieties. "We do not believe," he regretted, "a military solution is going to be possible." 25 years of experience has shown that the LTTE is a rather formidable organization, and it will be very difficult to defeat them militarily, he conceded. Therefore, Mr. Blake said, "the way to reach a solution to the conflict is through a political solution." In short, it is only because the Tamil struggle is so difficult to put down militarily that there must be a 'solution'.
     
    To the US and likeminded members of the international community, the problem in Sri Lanka is simply the LTTE i.e. 'terrorism'. There is, despite sixty years of easily accessible history, including three decades of militarised brutality, no acknowledgement of the oppression by the Sinhala state - with which, as Mr. Blake proudly says, the US "has been close friends for more than 50 years now." So much for defending freedom. For the international community, the Sri Lankan state, which they are unashamedly ready and eager to do business with, is in no way racist. It's just bad at governing. This is why Mr. Blake won't make clear why he thinks the Tamils "suffer disproportionately from human rights violations," or why they don't have "a sense of respect and dignity" in Sri Lanka. Consequently, it is not at all clear why he feels the Tamils "should be able to have a very high degree of self-governance within a united Sri Lanka" - and why they don't have any of this, even after sixty years of ethnic strife.
     
    The contradictions in Mr. Blake's statements are reflective of international hypocrisy vis-à-vis the oppression of the Tamils. Despite the solemn moralising on human rights, on ‘grievances’, on dignity and so on, the international community in fact has very little commitment to these things. In short, if the Tamils can be militarily disciplined and their demands silenced, then that'll do just fine; international interests can proceed undisturbed.
     
    A little reflection on recent history is in order to put things in perspective. To begin with, the US-led international community approached the Norwegian peace process with cynicism and insincerity. Rather than seizing the moment and making the restoration of the Tamils' dignity and self-rule their focus, the international community made the weakening and marginalizing of the LTTE their preoccupation. Why is why, despite everyone agreeing it was a military 'stalemate' that forced negotiations, the US took the lead in rearming and reconstituting the Sri Lankan military. According to Brian Blodgett, an American military scholar, within the first year of the talks, 2002, the Navy and Air Force doubled in size, the Army's artillery firepower was doubled and tank strength tripled. Mr. Blake's predecessor, Jeffrey Lunstead, boasted of this as the US's contribution to peace.
     
    Quite apart from this, whilst maintaining the suffering of the Tamils in the Northeast, the international community worked to restore the war-damaged economy and strengthened Colombo's hand as much as possible. In short, the international community made it possible for the Sri Lankan state to confidently resume its war against the Tamil rebellion to Sinhala rule. And before Colombo resumed its onslaught, the international community moved to hamper the LTTE's ability to resist: this is essentially what the bans by the EU and Canada were about. As any fool knows, without the LTTE, there is no question of the Sinhala state making any 'concessions' to the Tamils. So much for 'a very high degree of self-governance', let alone 'a sense of respect and dignity.'
     
    The problem, as is also blatantly clear, is Colombo still can't do it. Despite being given as much firepower as it can deploy, unlimited logistical support and, above all, the political space to inflict the suffering and terror necessary to compel the Tamils to give up their demands, the Sinhala state has failed to crush the Tamil rebellion. Of course, the military question is still unresolved and there is still hope in Colombo and in many other capitals of the world that the Sinhalese can do their part, but there is no longer the confidence that engendered the arrogance with which Tamil suffering has been repeatedly dismissed over the past two years. By giving Sri Lanka the means and, thereby, the encouragement to smash the Tamil struggle - and its demands for justice - militarily, the international community is responsible for the unfolding catastrophe.
     
    However, even when it comes to seeking a negotiated solution to Sri Lanka's crisis, the international community prefers to somehow make the LTTE the problem. Mr. Blake wants the LTTE to give up its demand for Tamil Eelam and accept a united Sri Lanka - as if it is the Tamils' demand for independence which is the fundamental problem, rather than the racism of the Sri Lankan state which has, over sixty years, pursued a project of Sinhala supremacy in constitutional and military terms.
     
    Thus, not only is the international community not committed to a negotiated solution in principle, it is also not committed to defending the Tamils' rights vis-à-vis state oppression or racism. Indeed, it was Ambassador Lunstead's predecessor, Mr. Ashley Wills, who grandly suggested in 2003, during the peace process, that it was time for the LTTE to disarm because "now that the world is paying attention to Sri Lanka as never before, the international community will be watching closely to see that no one's rights gets abused systematically." Well, history - and that includes the track record of the international community as well as the Sri Lankan state - have revealed the hollowness of such external assurances.
     
    The point is this: as much as the Tamils may want it, genuine prospects for a lasting negotiated peace in Sri Lanka are nowhere in sight, irrespective of the noises international actors make. They will only improve when the Sri Lankan state's sword is blunted in the battlefields of the north and it turns - as in 2001- to the international community to rescue it from a predicament of its own making. Even, then, rather than assurances, it is only when the international community takes concrete steps to discipline the Sri Lankan state that the Tamils can take international claims of wanting peace seriously. At present, whilst an imposed solution is in the interests of everyone except the Tamils, a just solution is, conversely, only in the interests of the Tamils.
  • Diaspora children attend Europe-wide exams in Tamil
    Tamil children sitting for exams organised by the Tamil Education Development Council (TEDC), a European trans-national Tamil initiative.

    13,300 children and students from the Tamil Diaspora earlier this month attended annual exams in Tamil language across various countries in Europe and in New Zealand.
     
    The exams, conducted on May 4 by the Tamil Education Development Council (TEDC), a European trans-national Tamil initiative, are largely sustained through volunteer effort and from the contribution of Tamil educational institutions in Europe.
     
    The TEDC, with an expert panel, is responsible for the design of curricula, provides workshops to teachers in Tamil language and conducts the annual exams.
     
    The pass-out ratio last year was more than 90 percent, according to Administrative Coordinator of TEDC, Nakula Ariyaratnam.
     
    "The primary aim of the exams is to encourage Tamil language skills among the students who learn Tamil. However, we also focus on their ability to use the language as a means of gaining knowledge on other subjects such as the history of Tamils, and their ability to interrelate texts in Tamil with the mainstream languages in their countries," says Mrs. Ariyaratnam.
     
    5,557 students from Germany, 2,880 from France, 1993 from the United Kingdom, 1,330 from Norway, 1,030 from Denmark, 300 from the Netherlands, 170 from Italy, 95 from Sweden, 07 from Belgium and 35 from New Zealand sat for exams from grade 01 to grade 10 this year.
     
    90-minutes written exams were held for children between grade 01 and grade 04. two-hour exams for children in grade 05 and grade 06, 150-minutes papers for grades 07,08 and 09 and 3-hour exams were held for grade 10 students, Mrs. Ariyaratnam said.
     
    The trans-national education effort is supported by participating educational services in member countries and is largely sustained through volunteer effort by thousands of Tamil teachers in various cities and towns of Europe.
     
    35 teachers from various countries were on their way to correct the papers being dispatched from various schools to France, this year.
     
    Diaspora schools in Switzerland, with a large population of Tamils, also conducted their exams on Saturday with their own exams as they were following a different curricula introduced prior to the one designed by the TEDC.
     
    The TEDC has a Book Committee, Examinations Committee and an Expert Panel on Curricula Design.
     
    The exam paper for grades 09 and 10 also incorporated text from the native languages of the students' residing countries. Texts were provided in English, French, Danish, Norwegian and other languages for rendition in Tamil by the students.
     
    "So far, the TEDC has been conducting written exams. Fully aware of importance of the examinations for oral language skills among the students, we are examining ways and means for effectively incorporating oral exams for the next year," said the administrative coordinator of the institution.
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