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  • The Thirukkural

    Jan 22
    The 2000 year old Kural is often described by classical scholars, such as Professor George Hart of the Berkeley California, as one of the world's greatest works on ethics.
     
    Widely attributed in terms of authorship to Thiru Valluvar, a weaver of cloth, who is said to have lived circa 30 BC, this is a secular work that cuts across religion, class and race. Its earliest translators were like Rev Pope, Christian missionaries to Tamil Nadu, who fell in love with the literature of the region.
     
    It was they who made it available to the rest of India, including to Mahatma Gandhi who later said: “ I wanted to learn Tamil, only to enable me to study Valluvar’s Thirukkural through his mother tongue itself…. There is no one who has given such treasure of wisdom like him.” 
     
    The German-born Nobel prize winner, Dr Albert Schweitzer described the Kural thus: “On the most varied questions concerning the conduct of man to himself and to the world, Thirukural's utterances are characterised by nobility and good sense. There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom ..”.
     
    In Tamil the word Kural means “couplet” and also “voice”, whereas the prefix Thiru means “Sacred”. But equally in Tamil – a language which exudes courtesy - “Thiru” is the equivalent to the English “Mr”, an everyday honorific prefix.
     
    The Kural is hence a set of 1330 couplets organised in chapters of ten, each chapter dedicated to a single concept. The concepts are wide ranging from “Possessing Love”, “Truthfulness”, “Rain” to “The Avoidance of Tyranny”. Each chapter explores different facets of the concept to which it is devoted, starting simply and becoming progressively more complex. There is often a link between chapters where concepts are related: so for example there are five consecutive chapters on friendship entitled “Friendship”, “Testing fitness for friendship”, “Old friendship”, “Harmful friendship” and “False friendship”. It is often said of the Kural that there is no aspect of life not covered by it.
     
    The last 25 chapters are split into two parts, premarital and marital love, separately, yet because of their different style there is controversy whether these chapters were part of the original work. Nevertheless there is a line of thought that the inclusion of sensuality in works, which are otherwise philosophical is part of the tradition, the ancient Tamils being of the view that sexuality was conducive to spirituality: witness the sculptures that adorned the ancient temples.
     
    The Kural follows a disciplined poetic structure. Signifying its comprehensive intent, the first couplet begins with the first letter of the Tamil alphabet, A and the last couplet ends with the letter N, completing the alphabet. Each couplet consists of seven cirs: a cir is a word or combination of words joined together (a compound word). And so the Kural begins, with a couplet praising “God Primordial”:
     
    Akara muthal elluthellam aathi,
    Bhagavan mutharae ulaghu
     
    “A, as its first of letters, every speech maintains;
    The "Primal Deity" is first through all the world's domains.” (Translation of G Pope)
     
    And, perhaps unexpectedly, it concludes with the last of ten couplets on the benefits of sulking (in the chapter entitled “Wedded love”)
     
    “Uuduthal Kamathitku inbam,
    athatinbam kuudi mayanga perrin”
     
    The joy of love lies in sulking, for that joy is realized
    While embracing in union. (Translation of NVK Ashraf)
     
    The structural organisation of the Kural also reveals much about the values and philosophy of Tamil society. The chapters of ten couplets are grouped into three themes or “books”, namely “Virtue”, “Wealth” and “Love”. 
     
    The introduction to the book on virtue contains 4 chapters: “Praising God”, “The Importance of Rain”, “Greatness of Renunciates”, “Asserting Virtue”. These four concepts are a foundation to the whole work and not just the book on virtue – they are the core horizontal themes, across which the weaver weaves his multitude of vertical threads, each thread being a concept.
     
    In the first of the four introductory chapters, Valluvar, acknowledges “God Primordial” and places his values in the context of the whole. So for example he says on learning and the limits of rationalism:
     
    “What has learning profited a man, if it has not led him to worship the good feet of him who is pure knowledge itself”
     
    He says of the concepts of “good” versus “evil”, that these opposites are illusionary and one may transcend these opposites by meditating on that which is immutable:
     
    “Good and bad, delusion’s dual deeds, do not cling to those who delight in praising the immutable, worshipful one”
     
    Note the non-sectarian references to “God” refered to as “infinity, the immutable one, the gracious one “ etc.
     
    Having set in place the limitations of reason, good, evil and so on, the weaver, focuses on the importance of the ecology and man’s relation to it:
     
    “It is the unfailing fall of rain that sustains the world
    therefore, look upon rain as the nectar of life
     
    Rain produces man’s wholesome food;
    And rain itself forms part of his food besides”
     
    Emphasising the cyclical destructive and creative powers of nature, he says:
    “It is rain that ruins and rain again
    that raises up those it has ruined”
     
    On man’s reliance on nature, and the importance of nature relative to human functions such as charity and spirituality:
     
    “Unless the heavens grant their gifts, neither the giver’s generosity
    nor the ascetic’s detachment will grace this wide world”
     
    Following on after the importance of the primal spirit and nature, are the qualities and importance of spiritual leaders or “renunciates”. This echoes the ancient Tamil belief that the world is sustained not just by the forces of the physical plane (i.e. the force of nature such as rain) but also by spiritual forces, an imbalance in either could lead to destruction of the world. As with the rest of the Kural, which is a secular work, the chapter makes no reference to organised or institutionalised religion, merely noting by way of definition of spirituality that:
     
    “Pious men are called the priestly ones
    for they are clothed in robes of compassion for all life”
     
    The final introductory theme is the nature of virtue, outlined in broad brush strokes, across the ten couplets in this chapter. For example the alternative interpretations of virtue include:
     
    “Virtue is living in such a way that one does not fall into these four:
    envy, anger, greed and unsavoury speech” and
     
    “Virtue is merely that which should be done in life
    and vice merely that which should be avoided ..”
     
    The body of the book of virtue, following on from the introduction is structured into the following themes: “the way of the householder”, “the way of the renunciate” and “destiny”.
     
    The second of the three books, the book on wealth, has the following themes:
    “Royalty”, “Ministers”, “Qualities of a country” and a general section on the qualities of people and miscellaneous other aspects of wealth. The Kural concludes as mentioned above with the book on love.
     
    While “The way of the householder” is a description of the core personal values of Tamil culture, the book on wealth addresses themes of leadership and group structures.
     
    Thus, on what it takes to be a “householder”, the Kural says:
     
    “He alone may be called a householder who supports
    students, elders and renunciates pursuing their good paths”
     
    By way of example, in discussing the functions of a householder, the Kural has an entire chapter on hospitality, that most familiar of Tamil values:
     
    “The whole purpose of earning wealth and maintaining a home
    is to provide hospitality to guests”
     
    “When a guest is in the home, it is improper to hoard one’s meal,
    even if it happens to be the nectar of immortality”
     
    “Charity’s merit cannot be measured by gifts given
    It is measured by the measuring the receiver’s merits”
     
    Thus the Kural is more than a book on ethics or philosophy. It is a description of a way of life. So much so that the Rev. G. Pope, one of the early Christian missionaries to Tamil Nadu who translated the Kural to English described the work as: “ an integral painting of a civilization which is harmonious in itself and which possesses a clearly recognizable unity.”
     
    In the second of the series, due in the next edition, Kural we will consider in more detail each of the three books: virtue, wealth and love.
     
    Suggested references
     
    1. ‘Weaver’s Wisdom: Ancient Precepts for a perfect life’. English translation By Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami and the monastics of the Saiva Siddhanta Order (Kauai, Hawaii), Himalayan Academy Publications (http://www.himalayanacademy.com/resources/books/weaver/)
     
    2. ‘The Sacred Kural of Tiruvaluva Nayanar’ by Dr. G. U. Pope, Laurier Books Ltd
     
    3. International Thirukkural Conference 2005 (Washington)  http://www.thirukkural2005.org/ 
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
  • Emerging Mayhem
    In the wake of the Sri Lankan government's abrogation of the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement earlier this month, there has been increased activity by the international community. The self-styled 'Co-Chairs' - United States, European Union, Japan and Norway - broke their year long silence to reject a military solution and call for negotiations. To this end they called on the militarist regime of President Mahinda Rajapakse to "to finalise a politically sustainable devolution plan." Meanwhile, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, warned that human rights abuses in Sri Lanka left perpetrators and their commanders at risk of international war crimes charges (she earned a sneering retort from the Sri Lankan government for her trouble).
     
    Although it is clear to all that President Rajapakse's administration is wholly uninterested in a political solution to the island's ethnic crisis, the international community - and they're the only ones who do - has long treated his All Party Representative Committee (APRC) with inexplicable gravity. As a consequence, the APRC has provided President Rajapakse with a convenient excuse, no matter how implausible, to ignore international calls for him to seek a political solution to the Tamil question. However, and most importantly, the APRC has also provided the international community with a plausible excuse for doing nothing while the Sri Lankan state wages a brutal war in the Northeast.
     
    This is why the APRC, whilst considered nothing more than a political circus in Colombo (and it is not the first in the history of the ethnic crisis), is treated with such reverence in the international arena. Countries like Britain - a great power whose colonial links supposedly gives it greater insight than others into the Sri Lankan crisis - continues to insist the APRC must be given a chance. In a Parliamentary debate last week, British junior foreign minister Kim Howells, again calling for a political solution, reminded President Rajapakse that "the world is watching and waiting…" Unfortunately, as everyone, including Rajpakse, is aware, Britain and the rest of the international community are doing only that: watching and waiting.
     
    For all the hectoring about human rights by the Co-Chairs during the Norwegian peace process, for over two years now, there has been no international action - save the temporary halting of a fraction of Sri Lanka's foreign aid - as the Sri Lankan state forces and their paramilitary arms have sustained a murderous campaign against the Tamils. Lest we forget, the prime targets of the state's dirty war have not been the LTTE's fighters, but Tamil journalists, politicians, political activists and aid workers. The fact of the matter is the Sri Lankan state is quite confident that the international community will not take steps of any consequence (despite the assurances some states have been giving to Tamil expatriates).
     
    Indeed, for over the past eighteen months we have seen the international community standing encouragingly by as President Rajapakse unleashed an all out war in the Tamil homeland. It began in April 2006, notably, with a bombardment that displaced 43,000 Tamils from Sampur. Since then, 300,000 Tamils have been displaced and thousands of civilians killed in aerial and artillery massacres, extra-judicial killings and abductions. Yet the world is still issuing warnings.
     
    Last week Mr. Howells quoted the UN Human Rights Chief, Ms. Arbour, as being alarmed by the “weakness of the rule of law and the prevalence of impunity for those abusing human rights” which she found when she visited Sri Lanka last year. She makes it sound as if this is something new. We refer her to the numerous reports on Sri Lanka published by Amnesty International and other international human rights groups during the past few decades (material she ought to have made herself familiar with before flying to Sri Lanka for her whirlwind walkabout). Indeed last week, Ms. Arbour was the latest senior UN official who had to swallow a contemptuous riposte from the Rajapakse regime. Her threats of war crimes charges against Sri Lankan military commanders, Colombo, quite justifiably said, were 'pathetically unenforceable.'
     
    The confidence underpinning the rhetoric and conduct of the Rajapakse regime, along with the demonstrable empty threats by the international community, should bring home to the Tamils that nothing fundamental has changed in international perspectives on the Sri Lankan state. It is the international community's proclivity for forgiving abuses by states they wish to pursue shared interests with that Colombo is counting on as it continues with both conventional war and brutal counter-insurgency. In short, if the Sri Lankan state can crush the LTTE and put an end to Tamil agitation, then business can continue as usual.
     
    Moreover, the Tamils should remember that the international community's insistence on 'the need for a solution' to the Tamil question only began in the late nineties when President Chandrika Kumaratunga's 'War for Peace' backfired spectacularly, forcing the conflict into the calculations of the donor community in Sri Lanka. Like all the Presidents before him, Rajapakse will only pursue the peace option when his military project fails. It has been the consistent practice of Sinhala leaders to tide over crises by making whatever undertaking is asked of them and simply tearing up the agreement when conditions are more propitious for their Sinhala-hegemonic project to advance. Moreover, Sinhala leaders have always preferred violence to accommodation in dealing with Tamil demands. In these ways, President Rajapakse is no different to his predecessors.
     
    Every time Sri Lanka's conflict has resumed anew, the violence has been more destructive than ever before. The fighting in this latest phase of the war continued this week with heightened confrontations on the northern frontlines and, in an unexpected development, a sharp rise in attacks on Sinhala civilians and security forces in the deep south, which the government has blamed on the Liberation Tigers. The government's response has been to begin handing out weapons to the Sinhala population and training local youth as paramilitary guards. During the eighties and nineties, such 'Home Guards', recruited in their tens of thousands, were responsible, alongside the security forces, for massacres and ethnic cleansing of Tamils from areas subsequently colonized by Sinhalese.
     
    President Rajapakse's government has been mobilizing the Sinhala community behind its planned war by training paramilitaries and conducting a campaign of demonization of the LTTE (i.e. Tamils). Those concerned with such matters have warned (on the assumption a lasting solution is negotiated, in the first place) of the consequences for long term peace and security of the militarization of Sri Lankan society and the ready availability of weapons across the island. However, given the specific understanding of the trinity of people, government and military within the Sinhala nationalist project, such measures are inevitable. The nature of the war to come is likely to irrevocably deepen ethnic antagonisms in the island. In the absence of decisive international action, this and other dynamics that the Sinhala leadership will unleash across the island in the coming years will ultimately result in a simple choice for the world: perpetual conflict in the island or a two-state solution.
  • The symbolism of Vinayaka
    A detailed exposition of the sacred symbols associated with Vinayaka is given by Swami Subramuniya in his modern classic “Loving Ganesha” (Himaayan Academy Press).

     
    Vinayaka has 108 names including, Ganesha and Ganapati (“Lord of the Ganas or hosts” in Tamil) and Pillaiyar (“Sacred Child” in Tamil).

    There are 32 forms of Ganapati in various colours and postures, with differing numbers of arms, holding different symbols. Shown below, for example is ‘Bhakti Ganapati” where bhakti means devotion.

    Of the many symbols associated with Vinayaga here are a few mentioned in the Vinayagar Agaval:

    The Elephant Head

    The elephant is also the symbol of the stage when existence begins: the “unmanifest”. Whereas in contrast the human part of Vinayaga is what can be physically seen.

    The Trunk

    Similarly the trunk is often curved in the shape of the symbol Aum, which is the vibration that existed before the manifest universe. Aum precedes both human thought and speech.

    The Stomach

    Vinayaga’s stomach contains the material universe as we know it. It represents abundance.

    The Tusk

    The single tusk on the face stands for single pointed concentration and focus considered an essential quality of the mind.

    The broken tusk in his hand is a writing implement, in keeping with Vinayaga’s role as the patron of literature and the great scribe. Vinayaga, as the scribe, is said to have written down the Mahabharata epic for the blind poet Vyasa.

    The Mouse

    The mouse represents the all pervasive, all knowing nature of Ganesha: it can carry him into every corner of the mind. The other Gods have mounts which symbolise speed. Ganesha is slow but diligent.

    Three Eyes

    Vinayaka’s three eyes include the two physical eyes that we see with, but also the third spiritual eye located in Hindu mythology on the forehead of all beings, human and otherwise. With the third eye one sees the reality behind the seeming.

    The Noose

    Swami Subramuniya says of the noose “Loving Ganesa's provident mind, like the noose, draws close those He loves most dearly and reaches out to encircle and save strayed ones in extraordinary ways.”


    The Goad

    Swami Subramuniya says of the Goad, “Loving Ganesha's deliberate mind prods dullards on in their birth karmas whenever they tarry. with His ankusha He goads forward all souls that are moving too slowly.”

    The Fruits

    The fruits represent represent the earth’s abundance and fertility and also the sharing of these. Ganesha generally holds a whole variety of other sweet things, representing the sweetness of life: rice pudding, modhaka balls.

  • An introduction to Auvaiyar’s Vinayagar Agaval
    The Vinayagar Agaval (‘Song of Vinayaga’) is a stunning example of Tamil sacred poetry. It is thought to be the greatest poem of the Chola era poet Auvaiyar, written shortly before her death.

    The Chola dynasty, which emerged around the ninth century, went on to rule most of South India for the next four hundred years. The Cholas presided over an important renaissance in Tamil literature, art and architecture, particularly temple construction.

    The name Auvaiyar has been given to a number of important female poets, of whom three in particular stand out as literary giants. Whereas Auviayar I lived in or around the early 1st century CE, it was Auvaiyar II of the medieval Chola period who wrote the Vinayakar Agaval. Auviayar II gained recognition in her life time as a court poet of the Chola monarch and as sometimes a peace envoy between warring states.

    Among the Tamils of Sri Lanka Auvaiyar II is best known for her children’s poems, which take the form of proverbs and instructions in ethics, and which are taught almost universally in kindergarten and primary schools in present day Tamil Nadu and Tamil Eelam.
    Nevertheless, it is her less widely taught ode to Vinayaga , that stands out as one of the most important poems of classical Tamil. The Vinayakar Agaval remains one of the simplest and most accessible sacred poems in the vast collection of ancient Tamil literature and is hence chosen for our introduction to this subject.

    “Agaval” is a form of blank verse, close to speech, but often lost in translation is the natural succinctness and rhythm of the Tamil language. Auvaiyar’s poem is a journey through the Tamil devotional tradition known as “Bhakti”. It begins with contemplation of the external form of the God and continues as an exposition of ancient Hindu spiritual belief and practice.

    Auvaiyar follows the “Saivite” tradition of Hinduism, centred around the God Shiva, which is most popular in the Dravidian cultures of Southern India and Tamil Eelam. By contrast, the Vaishnavite tradition, following Vishnu (and his incarnations as Krishna, Rama etc) are popular in Northern India. There are also some sects that follow principally Durga (the mother).

    And so, in keeping with traditions of Saivite sacred poetry the Vinayagar Agaval begins with contemplation of the jewelled feet of the god:

    Cool, fragrant lotus feet
    with anklets tinkling sweet,

    The feet are a symbol of grace. One may see this poetic tradition of praising the feet also with the 7th century Sivapuranam, which emphasises throughout that the presence of the God is felt on earth through the imprints of his feet. Without beginning with the earthly shadow or foot print of the God one may not aspire to understand his totality.

    Yet even in the first few lines, the philosophical references of Auvaiyar’s exposition are often lost in the translation from Tamil to English.

    seeta kalabhach chentaamarai poovum
    paathai chilambum pala isai paada

    “cool earth (sandal paste), red lotus feet” is seen as a reference to the Muladhara or “Earth Chakra”, Vinayagar’s abode within the human body. Vinayagar is considered to sit at the gate of the Earth (Muladhara) Chakra, protecting us from the lower worlds beneath, represented by the lower chakras, the Hindu equivalent of hell. For a description of the Chakras, please refer to the section “Mystic References in the Agaval”.

    “anklets, which sing many notes” is seen as a reference to the concept of the primal sound or vibration of the universe, which precedes the material world, and which is also embodied in Vinayagar. And so one sees that Auvaiyar’s poem is a many layered experience of philosophical concepts brought to life via devotional poetry.

    The Vinayagar Agaval swiftly moves beyond contemplation of the feet to adoration of the face and body of the God.

    gold girdle, flower-soft garment
    setting off the comely hips,
    pot-belly and big, heavy tusk,
    elephant-face with the bright red mark,

    The story of how Ganesha acquired his elephant face is one of the staples of Tamil children’s fables. It is so well known that we have omitted it here. The elephant symbolises strength and intelligence, the white elephant being a symbol of purity and luck. The birth of a white elephant was said to bring a period of plenitude and abundance for a whole nation.

    But the images of the gods are constructed upon deeper symbolic significance. The God Ganesha (Vinayagar) is considered the personification of the material universe, which is contained in his belly. “The universe in all of varied and magnificent manifestations is nothing other than the body of this cheerful and portly God” says Subramuniya Swami in his book on Ganesha. And we will see later in the poem a play upon the material universe as the womb of the God.

    five hands, the goad, the noose,
    blue body dwelling in the heart,
    pendulous jaws, four mighty shoulders,
    three eyes and the three required marks,
    two ears, the gold crown gleaming,
    the breast aglow with the triple thread,
    O Being, bright and beautiful!
    Wish-yielding elephant, born of the
    Master of Mystery in Mount Kailasa,

    When the Agaval refers to the five hands of Vinayaka, this includes the four hands and the elephant’s trunk, which is curved to form the sacred symbol Aum (see also the section Physical Symbolism of the Body of Ganesha) The motion of the hands also has symbolic significance, representing the creation, preservation, destruction of the world and two further states of hidden grace and revelation.

    Vinayaka as the God most closely connected to (or containing) the universe is bountiful, the “wish yielding elephant”, who bestows success and abundance and averts obstacles and calamities. Vinayaka is customarily invoked at the beginning of new enterprise and for guidance in wordly matters. Mount Kailasa is of course the home of Siva, refered to here, as the master of mystery.

    But Auvaiyar now moves away from contemplation of external form and the material universe into her metaphysical journey.

    mouse-rider, fond of the three famed fruits,
    desiring to make me yours this instant,
    you like a mother have appeared before me
    and cut the delusion of unending births.

    In Hindu theology as in Buddhism, the goal of the sequence of birth and deaths is to merge with God. And so above, Ganesha who holds the universe in his womb, cuts the umbilical cord that binds the soul of the poetess to the material world, and frees her up to gain union with him.

    It is worth noting that the Hindu Gods do not strictly have gender, encompassing both the male and female principles. There is a female version of Vinayaka in the scriptures and so Auvaiyar’s reference to the mother is not the radical departure from tradition that it has sometimes been made out to be.

    You have come and entered my heart,
    imprinting clear the five prime letters,
    set foot in the world in the form of a guru,
    declared the final truth is this, gladly,
    graciously shown the way of life unfading.

    Auvaiyar restates the general belief in Saivite Hinduism, that Vinayagar, the God of wisdom and all beginnings is also the foremost teacher on the spiritual path.

    With that unfailing weapon, your glance,
    you have put an end to my heinous sins,

    The glance of the God is also called Darshan (or grace). In the bhakti tradition there is much emphasis on physical sight: the presence of a sacred person or idol is considered to be purifying. So Auvaiyar says that the mere glance of Vinayaka purifies her of sin

    poured in my ear uncloying precepts,
    laid bare for me the clarity
    of ever-fresh awareness,
    sweetly given me your sweet grace
    for firm control of the senses five,
    taught how to still the organs of action;
    snapped my two-fold karma and dispelled
    my darkness, giving, out of grace,
    a place for me in all four states;
    dissolved the illusion of triple filth,
    taught me how to shut the five
    sense gates of the nine-door temple,
    fixed me firm in the six yogic centers,

    The “clarity of ever-fresh awareness” refers to the state of pure awareness that is the objective of meditation. Auvaiyar describes the process of meditation as the shutting of the five senses, and the awakening of the chakras. The nine door temple is the human body, which is considered to have nine apertures (eyes, ears etc).

    The four states are waking, sleep, dream and turiya (or pure consciousness gained in meditation). The ‘triple filth’ or triple impurities are described in the 500 AD work, Thirumantiram, as egoism, illusion and karma.
    It is the wheel of Karma which ties Auvaiyar to this world and this is now snapped, freeing her. The two fold Karma refers to the classification of Karma in Hindu scripture as on the one hand Karma of all the accumulated past, and on the other the Karma that is manufactured instantaneously in the process of living, and which will manifest as future lives. Alternatively the Karmas are classified as those which are begun or undertaken (arabdha) and those which are latent, in seed form to appear later (anarabdha).
    The six yogic centres are the Chakras, there being six which are above the Muladhara, which represent the higher states of consciousness, the Muladhara or abode of Vinayaga being the dividing point between the higher and lower worlds. In Hindu mysticism, heaven and hell are hence states of consciousness.
    stilled my speech, taught me
    the writ of ida and pingala,
    shown me at last the head of sushumna.
    To the tongue of the serpent that sinks and soars
    you have brought the force sustaining the three
    bright spheres of sun, moon and fire --
    the mantra unspoken asleep in the snake --
    and explicitly uttered it;
    imparted the skill of raising by breath
    the raging flame of muladhara;

    In the stanza above the poetess explains further her experience of the physical yoga tradition, which is first mentioned in the circa 3000 year old Rig Veda texts. She refers to the energy centres of the body and energy rivers (“Nadis”) such as the Ida and Pingala. She talks of wakening the “Kundalini” energy source, which is symbolised as a coiled serpent at the base of the spine. The rising of the Kundalini, its “sinking and soaring”, achieved through meditation and physical yoga, signifies spiritual awakening. For an explanation of the Nadis and the Kundalini, please refer to the section entitled “Mystical reference in the Agaval”.
    The “skill of raising by breath” is the art of Pranayama, the yoga discipline of breath control. Pranayama is complementary to the much more commonly practiced physical yoga of Asanas (or postures). Again, Pranayama is considered to be an important technique for awakening the Kundalini.
    explained the secret of immortality,
    the sun's movement and the charm
    of the moon; the water lily's friend,
    the sixteen states of the prasada mantra;
    revealed to me in thoughtful wisdom
    the six-faced form and the meanings four;
    disclosed to me the subtle body
    and the eight separate modes of being;
    the orifice of Brahman opened,
    giving me miraculous powers,
    by your sweet grace, and mukti, too;
    revealed my Self to me and by your grace
    swept away accumulated karma,
    stilled my mind in tranquil calm
    beyond speech and thought;
    clarified my intellect, plunged me
    in bliss which is the common ground
    of light and darkness.

    The lines above reiterate concepts from previous verses, but include references from earlier and older works from the Tantra and Saiva Siddhanta.
    In Saivite beliefs, spiritual awakening, leads to immortality and miraculous powers The term Siddhanta is also connected to the term “Siddhi”, meaning miraculous gifts and so the Siddhanta is the discipline of awakening these gifts.
    Hence the eight modes are thought to be the eight Siddhis or miraculous powers gained through the awakening of the Kundalini as described in the Tirumantiram text dated circa 500 AD. (See also Mystical concepts in the Agaval).
    We should note that Auvaiyar throughout uses the language of “gift” as opposed to that which is acquired or earned. Wisdom, clarity, bliss, eternal life: these are all gifts of the God
    Auvaiyar’s poem remains in essence devotional, born out of her experience of the divine. And so the poem continues:
    Boundless beatitude you have given me,
    ended all affliction, shown the way of grace:
    Siva eternal at the core of sound,
    Siva linga within the heart,
    atom within atom, vast beyond all vastness,
    sweetness hid in the hardened node.
    You have steadied me clear in human form
    all besmeared with holy ashes;
    added me to the congregation
    of your servants true and trusty;
    made me experience in my heart
    the inmost meaning of the five letters;
    restored my real state to me;
    and rule me now, O Master of Wisdom,
    Vinayaka. Your feet alone,
    O Master of Wisdom, Vinayaka, your feet alone, are my sole refuge.

    Like all great poems, the Agaval speaks to us on many levels. Written at the culmination of her life, this, Auvaiyar’s last work, speaks to us of an old woman’s readiness for death. Yet it speaks with gratitude and wonder of the poetess’s journey through life, seen as a gift from the God, testifying to the completeness of the poetess’s human experience. Simultaneously it celebrates a new birth, her emergence from the womb of the God who holds the material universe in his belly. She speaks explicitly of her new immortality, of her experience of her real state, of Siva within the eternal sound, of bliss at the boundary of darkness and light. Although the individual may die, the soul having merged with the cosmos does not. Interleaved within the poem is the presence of Vinayaka, the breath taking God of new beginnings.

    Unlike the ancient greek gods of Homer, the Tamil gods never act wilfully or arbitrarily, nor have they human failings. They are instead embodiments of their divine principles. Ganesha is hence the embodiment of wisdom, the foremost teacher on the path of life. It is inconceivable that he acts in any other way than this mandate, because he is not separate from it.

    The Vinayagar Agaval stands comparison with the best traditions of sacred poetry anywhere. Yet it is quintessentially Tamil. There is no concept of guilt or retribution or of the power imbalance between man and God.

    While the Agaval remains deeply instructive of ancient Hindu philosophy, it is above all a celebration of beauty and love; a richly enunciated vision of the astonishing beauty of the ancient Tamil Gods, who remain endearingly human while simultaneously containing within themselves the micro and macrocosms of the cosmos, or in Auvaiyar’s own words: “being, bright and beautiful, atom within atom, vast beyond all vastness”
  • Bala Anna: a remarkable man, adored by the people he loved

    News that Mr. Anton Balasingham had passed away after a brief battle with cancer was met with shock and profound grief across the Tamil community.

    In the thirty years he was associated with the Tamil freedom struggle, he had truly become a legend in his own time. He was the LTTE's theoretician for thirty years and its chief negotiator for most of that time. In that period, a fledgling guerilla group dedicated to the emancipation of the Tamil people grew and expanded into a national liberation movement with a powerful military and an apparatus of civil administration, while Bala Anna became an icon of the Tamil cause.

    Mr. Balasingham was many things to the Tamil struggle. The formal titles of theoretician and chief negotiator do not capture them all. Within the LTTE he was a father figure. His door was always open to cadres and commanders alike.

    No subject was taboo, confidentiality was assured. Most importantly, of course, he was the struggle's political strategist. Beyond the LTTE, he was approached for advice and guidance by a range of Tamils, from parliamentarians to journalists, supportive of the cause of freedom. He was eloquent in formal Tamil, but he could also address us in the colloquial, unraveling the complexities our struggle faced and bringing every one of us closer to it. Which is why his public addresses were so eagerly awaited.

    It was Mr. Balasingham's demonstrably keen intellect and political acumen that compelled LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirapah-aran to ask him in 1979 to join the tiny group of young revolutionaries their movement then was. (And it was Mr. Balasingham's recognition of Mr. Pirapaharan's abilities as a leader and the LTTE's institutional strengths that persuaded him to throw in his lot with the Tigers rather than any of the many other Tamil militant groups setting out on the long road of struggle.)

    The strength of the personal bond that grew bet-ween them is reflected in Mr. Pirapaharan's poignant words this week as he awarded Bala Anna that unique title 'Voice of the Nation.'

    Nothing captures what Bala Anna meant to the Tamils as that title does. For three decades he spoke for us, the Tamil people. He led LTTE delegations in five attempts to negotiate a political solution with the Sinhala state. He represented us in our dialogue with the international community, both in public fora and private discussion. He explained the oppression we endure and defended our struggle for freedom. He was a formidable representative, aggressively and adeptly pursuing our interests. He could not be intimidated - though it was often tried. His razor sharp intellect was matched by a powerful personality.

    But he was, as one commentator puts it, a quintessential negotiator. Amidst the heat of dispute he could find the sites of compromise. And, armed with the complete trust of the LTTE leadership, he would compromise - but not surrender. Thus he earned the begrudging respect of his interlocutors, both Sinhala and international.

    His driving purpose was always the well being of his people, as all those who engaged with him from any side of the table quickly came to understand. It is entirely in character that his final public words in November, confirming his diagnosis with cancer, were mainly about the plight of the Tamil people. He loved us as much as we adored him.

    It is inevitable that Mr. Balasingham's passing has brought joy to our enemies. Reflecting the character of some of them, there has been public jubilation at his death in parts of the south - just as when his illness was announced last month. This ugliness is characteristic of the oppression we fight.

    It also reflects a misunderstanding of what Mr. Balasin-gham's multi-faceted role was, of where the LTTE now is as a movement and where the Tamils are as a nation. The growth of LTTE over the past three decades has been inexorable, despite the ferocious violence unleashed on it and the Tamil people by the Sri Lankan state and its allies. Mr. Balasingham contributed immeasurably to that growth. His analytical, calculative approach has been institutionalized. Every arm of the LTTE routinely weighs its decisions before committing to a course of action, the long-term benefit to the Tamil cause the overarching priority.

     As the LTTE's multi-faceted international engagement has grown in scale and complexity, new capabilities have emerged, both in the LTTE and wider Tamil nationalist mov-ement. Mr. Balasingham guided many of these, devising strategies and advising key individuals. As deepening illness precluded a frontline role for Mr. Balasi-ngham for much of this year, he was able to rest, secure his many tasks were being competently carried forward by others. The extent of his legacy will only be discernible in the fullness of time.

    This newspaper and its staff are privileged to have had a very special relationship with Bala Anna. It began soon after he arrived in London in 1999. He readily agreed to meet the volunteers of the Tamil Guardian when we asked. Our discussions quickly became regular and frequent. We always met at the study in his home, where we were warmly welcomed by him and his wife, Adele. An experienced journalist, Mr. Balasingham had a passion for media. He also appreciated that we were committed to articulating the Tamil cause. He spent considerable time with us in prolonged discussion on the ethnic question, on the Tamil struggle, on international affairs, and many other subjects. The depth of his knowledge was unfathomable.

    A warm, convivial and humorous man, he was a patient tutor. He scrutinized our work and was generous with his praise and scathing in his criticism. Yet he never constrained us, encouraging us to write freely on the Tamil cause. As with a handful of other Tamil correspondents, he took us into his confidence in exchange for our discretion. In March 2000 we were privileged to be exclusively granted his first media interview after leaving Vanni. He gave many of his infrequent subsequent interviews to us.

    Our relationship with the Balasinghams went beyond the production of the newspaper. It was individual, personal and very affectionate. They took an active interest in each of us, inquiring of those who met them about those who were not there. Bala Anna encouraged us to develop our individual interests and offered welcome advice on our academic and professional pursuits. We drew much inspiration and not a little courage from him.

    Being close to Bala Anna, we were, for a long time, acutely aware of his health difficulties. His health declined rapidly this year, but only until recently were we unable to converse regularly with him. His death comes as a devastating personal loss to each of us. Our hearts go out to Adele Aunty, his beloved wife and constant companion. Her loss is the deepest. We will all miss him very much. We, at the Tamil Guardian, couldn't be more proud of our close association with Mr. Balasingham over the past seven years. He was, quite simply, a remarkable man.

  • Indian Premier to skip Sri Lanka Independence Day celebrations
    As Sri Lanka increased its military offensives against Tamils in the North following the abrogation of the ceasefire, the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Monday virtually confirmed that he would not visit Colombo next month for the 60th anniversary of Sri Lanka's Independence Day on February 4.
     
    "I have not made up my mind", he said when asked whether he would be traveling to Sri Lanka next month during an interaction with journalists in New Delhi. According to reports in the Indian media, the immediate provocation for India's ire was Sri Lanka’s decision to abrogate the six year CFA without seeking to negotiate with the Tamils.
     
    Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh Dr. Manmohan Singh was talking to journalists on the sidelines of a function at Rashtrapati Bhavan, the Indian Presidential Office.
     
    Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama had informed Sri Lankan Parliament that Manmohan Singh would be the chief guest at the ceremony, and the Indian High Commissioner had sought to spare him blushes by saying that the dates proposed by the Sri Lankan side were not suitable.
     
    The Indian prime minister was more candid and his public declaration of his indecision on the visit was a clear signal that he strongly disapproved of the Mahinda Rajapaksa's government's escalation of hostilities.
     
    His response has been described by the India media as "revealing since the prime minister's visits are hardly off the cuff business and being part of Sri Lanka's Independence Day celebrations would be planned well in advance."
     
    Indian media reports attributed The decision to the "strong pressure on the Indian foreign policy establishment from Tamil Nadu, and the fear that Tamils in Sri Lanka might once again become a factor in domestic politics."
     
    The Indian government has been under increasing pressure from all quarters, specially the Dravida Munneatta Kazhakam (DMK), the Congress party's major southern ally. There were also spontaneous protests against the prime minister's proposed visit from pro-Tamil nationalist groups in Tamilnadu.
     
    Another major ally, the Communist Party of India (CPI) has also been vociferous in condemning the Sri Lankan government's decision to pull out of the almost six-year-old ceasefire with the LTTE.
     
    CPI National Secretary D Raja on Saturday had said that "military solutions cannot defuse tension" in the island nation. He had noted that the Withdrawal of ceasefire was tantamount to declaration of war and hence the step was "not proper" and deserved to be "condemned in the strongest terms."
     
    Reportedly, there was "a sense of relief" even in Congress circles that the PM was not likely to travel to Sri Lanka. They saw it as an apt decision because if the controversy snowballed, the party would have to face "belligerent allies" who were concerned about the genocidal persecution of the Tamils in the island.
  • Corruption, fighting hinders Sri Lanka's tsunami recovery
    Graft and renewed fighting has blocked relief to Sri Lanka's tsunami survivors with less than a fifth of money pledged properly accounted for three years later, according to watchdogs.
     
    Sri Lanka's government claims success in rebuilding homes destroyed by the disaster, but international agencies say big problems remain. Huge amounts of foreign cash that poured in did not reach its intended destination.
     
    While the authorities claim they built more houses than required, many people still live in makeshift dwellings for reasons ranging from poor building standards to fighting in areas where the new homes are located.
     
    "I don't know where the aid money was spent, but we are still living in this wooden house," said Nalini de Soysa, 53, while standing outside her single room house in Galle 112 kilometres (72 miles) south of Colombo.
     
    Some 31,000 people died and one million were left homeless after the 2004 Boxing Day tsunami. Sri Lanka said it got 3.2 billion dollars in foreign aid pledges to rebuild the devastated coastlines.
     
    But out of the promised money only 1.2 billion dollars was actually received, the government says.
     
    From that only 634 million dollars -- less than 20 percent of the original amount pledged -- was spent by the end of November, according to Transparency International, an international watchdog on corruption.
     
    "It has been virtually impossible to find out what happened to the cash," said Rukshana Nanayakkara, Sri Lanka's deputy executive director of the anti-graft organisation.
     
    An initial government audit in the first year of reconstruction found that less than 13 percent of the aid had been spent, but there has been no formal examination of accounts since.
     
    More than 350 tsunami survivors have complained to the graft-buster this year, with allegations made against local and international aid agencies.
     
    "There has been no proper accounts kept on the money and we believe only a fraction of aid trickled down to the real victims," said Nanayakkara.
     
    While 8,865 people still remain in temporary shelters, official figures show that 119,092 houses had been built. In theory, that number is 20,000 more houses than needed.
     
    While there is an excess of supply in the island's Sinhalese-majority south, people in the conflict-hit north and east, dominated by minority Tamils and Muslims, remain in makeshift shelters.
     
    Fighting between government troops and Tamil Tigers escalated in December 2005 making tsunami reconstruction even more difficult.
     
    "Progress has been slow in the north and east and reconstruction activities have been stalled in some areas of the north due to the escalated conflict," said the World Bank's Toshiaki Keicho.
     
    The International Labour Organisation, meanwhile, said Sri Lanka's tsunami housing programme "cannot be considered to be completed", as many of the new settlements lack access to roads, water, electricity and basic health services.
     
    The government, however, claims success.
     
    "Sri Lanka has performed a tremendous job in its relief, rehabilitation and re-settlement process, with an overall 80 percent success," media minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa said.
     
  • Tamils left out in Lanka's tsunami rehab plans
    Sri Lanka's recovery from the devastating tsunami of December 2004 has been uneven.
     
    Rehabilitation work has notched up significant successes in the Sinhalese-dominated and more peaceful south, but it has suffered greatly in the war-torn northeast, which has a preponderance of the minority Tamils and Muslims.
     
    And it was the northeast, which took the brunt of the killer waves on Boxing Day, which destroyed about 1,21,000 houses and killed over 30,000 in the island.
     
    Sri Lanka’s Cabinet spokesperson Anura Priyadharshana Yapa said that 99,497 permanent houses had been built and that work on 19,791 units was in progress. Rebuilding has been 100 per cent in the south, especially Humbantota district, which is the home of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
     
    In fact, in Humbantota, nearly 3,200 excess houses were built, and these are now occupied by those not affected by the tsunami.
     
    "The northern province still requires completion of more than 9,000 houses and the eastern province more than 12,000 houses," Jeevan Thiagarajah of the Confederation of Humanitarian Agencies told IANS.
     
    "Not even 12 per cent of fully damaged houses in the north have been rebuilt, and only 26 percent in the east," says NGO Action Aid in its report titled 'Voice from the Field'. This is so even though 60 per cent of the damage wrought by the tsunami was in the east, especially Amparai district in the southeast.
     
    "Access to some construction sites is restricted and transportation of material difficult or impossible," said a two-year assessment report of the International Federation of the Red Cross. World Vision had to abandon a plan to build 200 houses in Ichchilampattu in Trincomalee district because of military operations.
     
    Government had also put restrictions on the movement of strategic goods like fuel and building material to the areas controlled by the Tamil Tigers, thinking that these would be misappropriated by the rebels. This affected rebuilding greatly.
     
    The ILO reported that in the south 90 per cent of the affected people had returned to work, but in Jaffna district, isolated from the rest of the island, only 55 per cent had. The rest were relying on income from other sources.
     
    As regards the restoration of livelihood, the all-island figures are impressive. About 2,00,000 persons had lost their jobs due to the tsunami.
     
    But according to Thiagarajah, 95 per cent of the men, and 84 per cent of the women, have started earning again. The Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry had given 1,96,913 grants, and assisted 8,447 micro, small and medium enterprises between 2005 and 2006.
     
    Again, while this is impressive, the schemes have been operative only or mainly in the south, and to some extent in the southeast.
     
    The north has been more of less ignored, thanks to the war, which threatens to continue through 2008.
     
    Money has never been a problem. Sri Lanka has received $1.7 billion of the $3.1 billion pledged by the international community for post-tsunami work. More money can be got if the Sri Lankan government is serious about the development of the tsunami-affected areas.
     
    But, as in other cases of foreign assistance, the government has tended to drag its feet on submitting suitable proposals.
     
    In fact, indications are that post-tsunami work is winding up.
  • International reaction: regret, concern and anxiety
    The Sri Lankan government’s decision to unilaterally withdraw from the internationally backed ceasefire agreement with the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) brokered by Norway was met with concern and regret from foreign governments and international organisations.
     
    Whilst all the countries were unanimous in declaring that there is no military solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, unlike the United Nations and an array of western states, India pointedly refrained from expressing regret or concern at Sri Lanka’s decision to withdraw from the ceasefire agreement.
     
    Also, unlike western states, India along with Japan expressed confidence in President Mahinda Rajapakse submitting devolution proposals in the near future.
     
    United States
     
    The United States, one of the co-chairs of peace process facilitated by Norway, said it was troubled by Sri Lanka's decision to end a 2002 cease-fire agreement with Tamil Tigers.
     
    "Ending the cease-fire agreement will make it more difficult to achieve a lasting, peaceful solution to Sri Lanka's conflict," said a statement by State Department spokesman Sean McCormack.
     
    "We call on both the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to avoid an escalation of hostilities and further civilian casualties."
     
    "All parties to the conflict share the responsibility to protect the rights of all of Sri Lanka's people," the statement further said.
     
    Norway
     
    Norway which brokered the ceasfire agreement in February 2002 and facilitated the peace process regretted the government’s decision in statement released by the foreign ministry.
     
    “I regret that the government is taking this serious step," Eric Solheim said in a statement released by Norway's foreign ministry. Solheim, Norway's government minister in charge of the environment and international development was instrumental in bringing about the ceasefire agreement.
     
    "This comes on top of the increasingly frequent and brutal acts of violence perpetrated by both parties."
     
    Solheim said: "It must be made clear that the responsibility for peace on Sri Lanka lies with the parties, if they don’t want peace, there’s very little Norway can do."
     
    Canada
     
    Canada's Foreign Affairs Minister Maxime Bernier also expressed deep regret over Sri Lanka’s decision.
     
    "Canada deeply regrets the decision of the government of Sri Lanka to withdraw from the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement," Bernier said in a statement.
     
    "Withdrawal from this important agreement will make the search for a durable political solution more difficult, and only increases the likelihood that the incidents of violence being carried out by both sides will increase," he said.
     
    "We remain deeply concerned about the impact of the escalating violence on civilians, humanitarian workers and human rights defenders. Violence will not produce solutions, it will only bring more tragedy to the people of Sri Lanka," Bernier said.
     
    "We call on all parties to respect human rights and to work urgently toward political solutions that will bring peace to Sri Lanka," he said.
     
    Australia
     
    Reacting to the Sri Lankan government announcement, Australia warned Sri Lanka it was taking a backwards step by withdrawing from its ceasefire with the Tamil Tigers.
     
    Foreign Minister Stephen Smith said he was concerned by the decision.
    "This is a step backwards which Australia fears could lead to further escalation of violence, including against civilians," he said in a statement.
     
    "I appeal to all parties to the conflict to protect the human rights of all Sri Lankans."
     
    Mr Smith further said that ‘Sri Lanka's conflict cannot be resolved  militarily’ and ‘only a negotiated settlement can bring lasting peace’.
     
    "I urge all involved parties to submit to democratic processes and the rule of law and to work towards a political solution that meets the aspirations of all Sri Lankans." He added.
     
     
    France
     
    France also expressed its regret over the Sri Lankan government decision and urged Colombo to improve its human rights performance.
     
    "[Junior Foreign Minister] Madame Rama Yade expressed France's regrets faced with the rupture of the cease-fire signed in 2002. She recalled it was more than ever time for dialogue and a political solution, the only option capable of guaranteeing a fair and lasting peace in Sri Lanka," a statement said.
     
    India
     
    Although India did not issue a formal statement on Sri Lanka’s withdrawal from the ceasefire, Indian External Affiars Minister Pranab Mukherjee, during an interaction with reporters, said there could be no military solution to the island nation's problems which have to be addressed by fulfilling the ''legitimate aspirations'' of ethnic groups.
     
    ''Military solution is not the solution. Solution has to be found through dialogue and discussion,'' he said
     
    At the same time, he said, India condemned terrorism, for which it has a policy of ''zero tolerance''.

    Mukherjee added India was encouraging the Sri Lankan government to resolve the problem through dialogue and implementation of a devolution formula and the ''legitimate aspirations'' of all people should be fulfilled within the ''arrangements in Sri Lanka within its territorial integrity and framework of Sri Lankan constitution''.

    Mukherjee said ''some steps'', including evolving a devolution formula, have been taken towards fulfilment of the aspirations of various ethnic groups.

    Mukherjee further pointed out that a committee appointed by President Mahinda Rajapakse on devolution was going to submit its report shortly. ''We want those steps should be taken to logical conclusion.''
     
    Japan
     
    Japanese Foreign Minister, Masahiko Koumura, said Tokyo was deeply concerned that the Sri Lankan decision may lead to the escalation of the conflict by way of increased level of violence and greater civilian casualties, and leave the peace process at a standstill.
     
    Japan further said it expected a devolution package, "in line" with Sri Lankan President Rajapakse's previous commitment.
     
    United Nations
     
    UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon also expressed regret and said he is "deeply worried" as withdrawal from the accord comes amidst increasing violence across the country.
     
    He urged all parties to ensure protection of civilians and humanitarian assistance to people in conflict-affected areas. He also underlined the urgent need to end the bloodshed through a political dialogue.
  • ‘2008 will bring clarity’
    The International Community has been vacillating in taking decisive actions on Sri Lanka because they are unable to relate their own interests to the chaotically unfolding political and military situation in Sri Lanka and only the demonstration of military strength by the Tigers can bring sufficient clarity for the international community to correctly relate their interests and assertively engage.
     
    This was the assessment of Mr. K. V. Balakumaran, a top official of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), speaking on a political analysis program, Nilavaram, in National Television of Tamileelam (NTT), last week.
     
    NTT: Sri lanka has taken the east, and continues attempts at capturing areas in Silaavaththurai, Mannaar. Liberation Tigers have stopped close to 60 attempts by the SLA to encroach into LTTE held territory. How do you see the military confrontation progressing?
     
    Balakumaran: The real objective of the attacks in the West, Silaavaththurai, the East in Manalaaru and in the north Mukamaalai, are to get inside the Tiger den of Vanni, and attack the heart of the Liberation Tigers.
     
    Sri Lanka's military plan is not different to previous attempt to capture the A9 in 1999, 70 miles of which goes through Vanni . The attempt to capture A9, described as highway of death, resulted in dismal failure to the Sri Lanka security forces where they lost close to 6000 troopers, and we lost nearly 3000 of our fighters.
     
    In my view, currently Sri lanka is trying to enter through A-32 to Pooneryn or use A-34 to advance through Oddisuddaan; One of these highways will result in being renamed as highway of death.
     
    Whichever path Sri lanka chooses to enter into Vanni, they have to directly confront our fighters. As a precursor to the anticipated battle, the SLA is trying to chip away the strength of the LTTE, as well probing the LTTE strength through small scale skirmishes at the periphery. We understand their tactics, we haven't underestimated their strength either.
     
    Security Forces are waiting for an opportune moment to break through a high way. This reminds me of old times; then there was Indian intervention, and currently there is some international intervention; Tiger military resistance eventually determined the conflict resolution phase that followed.
     
    We are similiarly waiting for their eventual SLA offensive. We are cognizant of the enormity of the possible disaster that can unfold, and bloodbath waiting to happen. Tamil people have no other option, except to face these possibilites.
     
    Once the fire of freedom is lit, there is no turning back; sacrifices are part of this decision, and our people fully understand this. We are confident of our strength to achieve our goals.
     
    NTT: From 2006, the government has prevented visits of international diplomats to Vanni. What do you think of the International community's approach to resolve Sri Lanka's conflict?
     
    Balakumaran: We have to have a clear view of what diplomacy means. Whether Sri Lanka allows diplomats to visit, or when Sri Lanka stops diplomats visiting Vanni, Sri Lanka is trying to achieve the same objective. That is to find ways to advance the self-interests of Sri Lanka and the host countries of the visiting diplomats. It is wrong to think that allowing diplomats to visit Vanni is in the interest of LTTE; we should not entertain such delusions.
     
    Tigers were led into diplomacy by Norway, and not through LTTE's initiative. 2007 is a year where diplomacy is in the forefront. In our long walk to freedom, this is an inclusive part.
     
    In my opinion, how we are looking into this is, in 1987, there was regional intervention into the conflict from India. LTTE leader Pirapaharan acted in accordance with the political climate of that time. In his Chuthumalai declaration, he started the speech by saying "we are friends of India." His 2007 Hero's day speech, has stated the same sentiments. We can consider the speech as another Chuthumalai declaration.
     
    We expect diplomatic pressures in this time period. We are not troubled by Sri Lanka allowing the international diplomats to visit us or stopping them from visiting us.
    What we are really troubled by is the indecision of the International community. India is indecisive, the international community is indecisive; they are unable to relate their interests to unfolding situation in Sri Lanka. Even Russia has shown interest; they say Iran is also interested. The diplomatic front is muddled.
     
    Only the demonstration of military strength by the Tigers can bring clarity to the situation, for the international community to correctly relate their interests, and assertively engage.
     
    Consider the countries Somali land, Kosovo, and Montenegro. The west will intervene when their interests are impacted. But they are reluctant to enter forcefully in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has state power, which [Professor Jayadeva] Uyangoda has summed succinctly - the basis of the conflict in Sri Lanka is State power.
     
    Rajapaksa is giving an image that he can eliminate the LTTE. The international community appears to have accepted this. The situation is very close to what happened in Sudan; China tried to deviate from the international community's attempts to resolve the Sudanese situation, but the international community put pressure on China to toe the line.
     
    India is acting similar to China in Sri Lanka's situation, but International Community appears to be giving a free hand to India. Diplomats are trying to show they have concern for the Tamils by visiting Vanni, but this is the like cat playing with the mouse before it's ready to eat.
     
    During the [lat phase of] war, to open A-9, up to 6000 Sri Lankan soldiers perished, and nearly 3000 Tigers sacrificed their lives. The international community accepted the results of that war, and recognized the LTTE's strength. The question is why they are not responding the same way now. In order to change the international community's view, we are called to suffer more sacrifices of life.
     
    We expect 2008 will be the year where we can overcome the diplomatic hurdles that confront us. In 2003, we proposed ISGA (Interim Self Governing Authority) as a framework with which will satisfy us, our minimal requirements for power-sharing. So based on this, the international community cannot call us obstinate, or terrorists. Hilary Clinton also identified us when she articulated a more nuanced definition of terrorism.
     
    We expect in 2008, the Tigers will bring clarity to Sri Lanka's conflict.
     
    Interview published Wednesday 2 January 2008
  • Sri Lanka president vows to crush Tamil Tigers
    Sri Lanka's president has repeated a vow to crush the Tamil Tigers before conducting “peace talks” to end Asia's longest-running ethnic conflict.
     
    President Mahinda Rajapakse, addressing a public rally in this southern heartland of the majority Sinhalese on December 26, said the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) will not resume peace talks without first being militarily defeated.
     
    "We are for a political settlement. But there is no point in talking about a political settlement without first defeating terrorism," the president said during a ceremony marking the third anniversary of the Asian tsunami.
     
    "The LTTE is not interested in negotiations. They must be made to realise that problems cannot be solved through the barrel of a gun," he said, adding that the Tigers must be forced to lay down arms.
     
    He said security forces had already scored major victories against the guerrillas in the past year and hoped to build on them.
     
    "Like we overcame the tsunami tragedy, we will face the threat of terrorism and overcome it soon," he said at the tightly guarded Sanath Jayasuriya grounds in this coastal town 160 kilometres (100 miles) south of Colombo.
     
    The president, who is also the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, said the military wrested control over the eastern province from the Tigers in July after heavy fighting and there would be no let up in the military drive.
     
    Rajapakse's brother Gotabhaya, who is the country's defence secretary, had earlier announced that security forces will move to dismantle the mini state of the Tigers in the north of the island.
     
    Heavy fighting in the north of the island has claimed a high death toll among combatants since a Norwegian-arranged truce began to unravel since December 2005, according to both sides.
     
    "We have recorded unprecedented military gains and they, no doubt, will pave the way for a political solution," Rajapakse said.
     
    "There is no point in talking about a political solution without militarily crushing terrorism."
     
    Lanka's army chief said the leader of the country's Tamil Tiger rebels could be dead within six months and the military's aim is to kill 10 rebels a day, a newspaper report said on Sunday.
     
    Meanwhile, Sri Lank Army Commander Lt. General Sarath Fonseka was quoted by the state-run surrounded the northern LTTE held Vanni and that there were only 3,000 Tigers left.
     
    "The LTTE could not prevent losing their remaining 3,000 cadres and there is no assurance that the LTTE leader would survive for the next six months as the Air Force plans to attack all the LTTE bases," Fonseka said.
     
    "Our daily target is to kill at least 10 LTTE terrorists and for the last few months over 500 LTTE ... have been killed by the armed forces," Fonseka claimed.
     
    "We have weakened the LTTE by 50 percent or more and we are confident we can go that extra mile in the coming year."
     
    The Tigers have been outlawed as a terrorist group by a host of nations, including the United States, Britain and the European Union.
  • ‘Pervasive fear’ amongst Tamils - UN envoy
    While stressing that there is a 'pervasive sense of fear' among the thousands displaced by the ongoing war between the Sri Lanka army and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka, a top UN official has urged parties concerned to find peaceful solutions and prevent fresh displacement of people.
     
    “The predominant concern among internally displaced persons (IDPs) is physical security,” Walter Kalin, the UN secretary general's representative on human rights of IDPs, said last Thursday in his report following a visit to war-affected parts of northeast Sri Lanka.
     
    Mr. Kalin said the refugees, whose officially registered numbers in the island had swelled to 300,000 since 1980, feared continued violence.
     
    There have also been abductions, lootings and attacks on individuals by the Tamil Makkal Vidhuthalai Puligal, a group led by a small group of renegades that had broken away from the LTTE in 2004 and has been operating in the eastern districts of Batticaloa and Amparai with the backing of the Sri Lankan armed forces.
     
    Incomplete mine clearance, round ups by Sri Lankan security forces and detention of people without notification to their families about the reason and the place of imprisonment are some of the major concerns of the refugees.
     
    Kalin felt that the government has made 'considerable efforts' to assist the displaced after the tsunami of December 2004.
     
    But Sri Lanka's recovery from the devastating tsunami of December 2004 has been uneven and other UN officials said the Northeast had not benefited.
     
    And it was the northeast, which took the brunt of the killer waves on Boxing Day, which destroyed about 1,21,000 houses and killed over 30,000 in the island.
     
    Thousands of families in the war-ravaged north and east are still living in basic, temporary shelters with palm-frond roofs and corrugated metal sheet sides, their numbers swollen by others displaced by the war.
     
    The ever-deepening civil war between the Sri Lankan state and Tamil Tigers has hamstrung rebuilding work in the east and halted it in parts of the LTTE-held north, where materials such as cement and steel rods have dried up because of a government ban.
     
    "Three years after the tsunami nearly 100,000 families, or around 80 percent of those affected by the disaster, are back living in totally new or repaired houses," said David Evans, chief technical adviser for UN Habitat in Sri Lanka.
     
    "But the conflict has badly hampered or brought reconstruction work to a standstill in some parts of the north and east and another 21,000 houses are still required," he added.
     
    "So a big task still lies ahead in 2008 and progress in parts of the north will be impossible until the fighting stops."
     
    In southern Sri Lanka, away from near-daily artillery duels and land and sea battles, it's a different story.
     
    Unhindered by the war that is focused in the north, legions of donors were able to put up housing schemes and fund many self-build projects via grants, though still slowed by red tape and difficulties securing land to build on.
     
    However, without differentiating the ethnic differences, Mr. Kalin reported that over 200,000 displaced people had returned to their homes or had been provided with temporary shelters and were beginning to regain their livelihoods.
     
    He said he was encouraged by the government's recognition of the need to attend to the problems of Muslim refugees from the northern Tamil-speaking district of Jaffna.
     
    Several thousand Muslims were driven out by the Tamil Tigers and have been living in refugee camps in Puttalam, north of Colombo, for the past 17 years.
     
    Looking at the future, Kalin urged the Sri Lankan government to take measures in line with international human rights standards and the UN guiding principles on internal displacement in the areas of security, livelihoods and access to humanitarian help.
     
    This was essential if the return of the refugees to their homes was to be sustainable both in the near and the long term, he said.
     
    He emphasized the need for providing safe exit routes for refugees during military operations.
     
  • Sri Lanka ticks off UNESCO and UNICEF
    Sri Lanka last week continued its hostile stand against UN institutions by charging UNESCO of issuing ill-advised statements and summoning and telling off the UNICEF country representative for meeting the LTTE’s political head.

    UNESCO had earlier released a statement condemning the Sri Lankan air force attack on the Voice of Tigers radio station which killed three editorial staff workers at the station and eight civilians. 15 civilians, including four editorial staff, were wounded in the attack.

    “I condemn the bombing of the Voice of Tigers radio station,” UNESCO Director General Koichiro Matsuura declared. “Regardless of the content of the broadcasts aired by the Voice of Tigers, there can be no excuse for military strikes on civilian media."

    "Such action contravenes the Geneva Convention which requires the military to treat media workers as civilians."

    "Killing media personnel is not going to help reconciliation and I urge the authorities to ensure respect for the basic human right of freedom of expression.”

    The UNESCO condemnation enraged Sri Lanka.

    According Sunday Times newspaper, Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to UNESCO and Ambassador Chitranganee Wagiswara has written to the UNESCO Director General stating that the country is deeply distressed at his ‘ill-advised’ statements

    Ambassador Wagiswara said UNSECO did not have the mandate or competence to express views on complex political such as the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.

    She said UNESCO activities should be limited to the “UNESCO domain” and demanded Mr. Matsuura withdraw his condemnation.

    UNESCO - the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is specialized United Nations agency, which promotes freedom of expression through access to information and knowledge.

    In response, UNESCO released a second statement expressing “strong condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, committed by whomever, wherever and for whatever purposes.”

    But despite the demand from Colombo for an apology, the UNESCO chief failed to do so in his second statement.

    Even as the UNESCO row continued, Sri Lanka summoned the head of UNICEF in Sri Lanka to express its “concern” over his visit to LTTE administered territory in Vanni.

    Philippe Duamelle called upon the Tamil Tiger Political Head B. Nadesan on December 13, 2007 at LTTE's Political Headquarters, LTTE peace secretariat officials in Kilinochchi and had an introductory meeting. The meeting was described by both sides as "very constructive".

    However, Mr. Duamelle was told that his visit to the LTTE political capital of Kilinochchi was unacceptable to the government, the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry said.

    The Foreign Monistry statement quoted Duamelle as saying that he was new in the job and was unaware of foreign ministry guidelines, but had cleared his visit with the defence ministry.

    There was no immediate comment from UNICEF.


  • ‘No intervention in Sri Lanka!’
    The British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, Dominick Chilcott, said Monday that President Mahinda Rajapakse must make an offer acceptable to moderate Tamils because the LTTE would not accept a negotiated solution within a united Sri Lanka.

    Mr. Chilcott accepted, however, that the President had to be able to “sell the solution” to the majority Sinhalese. The international community has no plans to intervene in Sri Lanka to exercise the responsibility to protect, he further said.

    Mr. Chilcott was speaking at the Dudley Senanayake Memorial Lecture, his final public appearance before his posting as number two in the British mission in Washington early next year.

    He said Sri Lanka’s conflict had “made waves in UK” such as the arrival of more asylum seekers and law and order problems, including Tamil gangs and extortion by the LTTE.

    “I don’t believe the aim of the government’s devolution offer should be to put something on the table that will engage the attention of the LTTE,” he said.

    “We shall continue to take steps against the LTTE in the UK, to prevent public demonstrations of support for the LTTE and to disrupt fund-raising.”

    “We shall continue to fund our modest peace-building strategy projects in cooperation with the Sri Lankan authorities to help address the underlying causes of the conflict,” he said.

    “We shall work with our partners in the international community to maintain our constructive engagement with Sri Lanka, despite all the frustrations.”

    Below are extracts from Mr. Chilcott’s speech in Colombo:

    Internal events in Sri Lanka affect Britain. The conflict here makes waves in the UK. For example, as the conflict worsens, we get more asylum seekers from Sri Lanka. It becomes more difficult to manage the movement of people between our countries. More Sri Lankans try to get into the UK illegally. The numbers of those overstaying their visa also increases.

    We suffer other law and order problems associated with the conflict in Sri Lanka. LTTE fundraisers extort money from Tamil business people. There are Tamil gangs fighting one another on the streets of London. British politicians, particularly those in constituencies with large South Asian populations, become concerned about human rights violations, the creation of new refugees and the overall suffering of the people caught up in the conflict. They debate the issues in Parliament and demand action from the British government. South Asian affairs have become very much part of British political life.

    So for those reasons, as well as others, Britain has a direct interest in the end of the conflict here and the establishment of a fair and lasting peace.

    But how Sri Lanka’s conflict affects Britain is only one example of how humanity is becoming more inter-related and more inter-dependent.

    Last month, Britain’s new Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, identified six new global forces, unique to our generation, which showed humankind’s growing interdependence. These six forces were: violence and instability in fragile states; the spread of terrorism and the risk that terrorists could acquire destructive weapons; global flows of capital and global sourcing of goods and services; climate change; global pandemics such as Avian flu; and world-wide migration.

    In case any reassurance is needed, let me say immediately that the international community has no plans to intervene in Sri Lanka to exercise the responsibility to protect. The government here is quite capable of carrying out that responsibility for itself.

    We should see fewer attempts to demonise UN agencies, NGOs and their staff on the basis of wholly unsubstantiated allegations. For example, the government should make clear it does not support the JVP’s campaign against UNICEF.

    Similarly there should be no further equating support for human rights and the rule of law with support for the LTTE.

    This is a particularly ironic position, in any case, as the LTTE show no understanding of human rights norms and they rule by fear and terror. Being critical of the government’s record on human rights does not mean you support the LTTE. For the record, let me say again, the British government, which outlawed the LTTE in 2001, unreservedly condemns the LTTE’s terrorist activities.

    If this calmer and more rational atmosphere is achieved, it should be possible for the parliamentary committee, the APRC, to produce its final report on devolution.

    In the end, of course, what matters is what the President is prepared to endorse. After all, he has got to sell any new arrangements to the South. And, just as importantly, for the proposal to be credible, he has to ensure that it appeals to moderate Tamil opinion.

    I say moderate Tamil opinion because I don’t believe the aim of the government’s devolution offer should be to put something on the table that will engage the attention of the LTTE.

    Prabhakaran, the LTTE leader, dismissed the idea of negotiations with the government in his 2006 Heroes’ Day speech when he said the LTTE was "not prepared to place (its) trust in the impossible and walk along the same old futile path".

    In the present circumstances, I see little prospect of the LTTE responding to anything from the government that did not offer them separation. It would be nice to be proved wrong on that but I don’t expect to be.

    I have serious doubts as to whether the LTTE leadership would be sincere about reaching a negotiated settlement that reinforces democratic values within a united Sri Lanka. They have never accepted that anyone else should be able to speak for the Tamil people, a fundamentally anti-democratic position.

    But unless and until they embrace democratic, non-violent methods, they will exclude themselves from any future peace process.

    This year, Prabhakaran’s Heroes’ Day speech was critical of the international community for not putting more pressure on the government over its share of responsibility for the suffering of the Tamil people in the conflict.

    It is not a baseless charge.

    But Prabhakaran conveniently ignored the international community’s wish to see movement from the LTTE on the key issues of democratisation and the pursuit of political goals through non-violent means.

    Let me be clear. I am not saying that the political aspiration for Eelam is illegitimate, any more than I would argue that the Scottish National Party’s goal of an independent Scotland is illegitimate. Similarly, I see nothing illegitimate in some crackpot demanding that Yorkshire or some other English county should become an independent state.

    What is crucial, however, is what methods are used by the SNP or the LTTE to achieve their goals. And the LTTE’s methods are simply unacceptable.

    It follows from the fact that I believe the government offer on devolution should be addressed to moderate Tamils that I don’t believe that a future peace process should be based on talks exclusively between the government and the LTTE.

    Obviously, such bilateral talks are probably necessary to arrange a cease-fire. But the political process needs to be more inclusive and also more demanding of the participants.

    The government has the right to take steps to defend itself against the threat posed by the LTTE. It is not realistic to expect that an organisation like the LTTE could co-exist peacefully alongside or within a democratic society. That situation is inherently unstable. The LTTE has to change its ways.

    If there has to be a fight, and given the LTTE’s attitude to democracy and peace negotiations it is hard to see how one is avoidable, then it should be fought in a manner that minimises the suffering of civilians.

    I cannot tell whether the government armed forces are capable of defeating the LTTE on the battlefield. But Iraq, Afghanistan, Northern Ireland and plenty of other conflicts tell us that winning the peace is more difficult than winning the war.

    Without resolving the underlying issues, even if the LTTE are badly beaten in the Wanni, the conflict will continue in a different guise. The social and political issues, which caused the alienation of so many Tamils in the first place, cannot be left unresolved if there is to be a lasting peace.

    The British government would like to continue to help the Sri Lankan government find the way forward to peace and development.

    We shall continue to take steps against the LTTE in the UK, to prevent public demonstrations of support for the LTTE and to disrupt fund-raising.

    We shall encourage the government to come forward with a suitable proposal on devolution and to that end share our experience of devolution in Britain with people here.

    We shall promote the safeguarding of human rights and the rule of law as key elements to finding a solution, not as problems to be by-passed.

    We shall continue to fund our modest peace-building strategy projects in cooperation with the Sri Lankan authorities to help address the underlying causes of the conflict.

    We shall work with our partners in the international community to maintain our constructive engagement with Sri Lanka, despite all the frustrations. It is important that the EU and the Commonwealth should have sensible policies towards Sri Lanka.
  • A flying visit to Jaffna
    The air force pilot takes no chances landing on the Jaffna peninsula, the northern tip of Sri Lanka held by the government but cut off from the south by Tamil Tiger territory.

    Descending fast from over the Indian Ocean, the Russian-made transport plane banks hard, its wing almost clipping the jungle canopy below. Flares pump out the back to fool any heat-seeking missile.

    Upon landing, it is the army's turn to take no chances -- this time with foreign journalists flown in to be shown how the government is winning both the war and the hearts and minds of Jaffna's “liberated” Tamils.

    To keep the press on-message, private conversation with the locals was strictly prohibited.

    But what the army did deliver was a slick slideshows and sweet tea and biscuits, stomach-turning photos of alleged victims of the Tamil Tigers and heart-warming video clips of delighted and supposedly local school children.

    “As you can see, these children are very happy, because they have been liberated from terrorism,” an officer said, reading from a script within a bunker complex.

    An easy-listening piano score provided the soundtrack to today's Jaffna peninsula, home to around 600,000 ethnic Tamils and their 38,000 ethnic Sinhalese guardians.

    It's a happy place - according to the army - even though the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are only down the road, and even though rights groups speak of a place of fear, murders and disappearances.

    The officer confirmed that outside his huge military base there was a 9:30pm to 4:30am curfew, but added that this was of no nuisance whatsoever to the locals “who are normally asleep at that time.”

    “Anyone who wants to move around after curfew is a robber or a terrorist,” he said.

    A request for an unaccompanied trip into town did not go down well, with the army warning the LTTE would kill AFP's journalists and blame the government.

    Instead, a trip was permitted in the army's transport of choice: a thick metal box on a truck chassis where the only view of the supposedly delighted locals was through tiny holes shaped for muzzles of assault rifles.

    Providing the escort was a 130-kilogram (290-pound) major, who looked like he could snap a man in two with his bare hands. He was backed by a contingent of troops, each with a gun, flak jacket, helmet and nervous grin.

    In Jaffna city, the town commandant provided another exhaustive list of LTTE crimes and violations of a now-dead 2002 ceasefire -- ranging from blowing civilians to bits to preventing children from going to the library.

    “But we have ourselves a victory in winning hearts and minds,” said Jaffna's boss, Brigadier Ruwan Kulathunga.

    The only slight impediment to this, he said, was the fact that almost none of the troops on the peninsula could speak the local Tamil language.

    A trip into town was next on the tour, with the burly major offering to find “happy local people” who are fed by supplies brought in by plane and ship.

    However, a brief moment of relative privacy was to be found with a Tamil shopkeeper who spoke some German: “It's terrible here. Everyone is scared. I can't talk to you,” he said hurriedly, before ducking back into his store.

    Two men also whispered “Prabhakaran!” - the name of the leader of the LTTE who was born in Jaffna - as they passed by and were out of earshot of the troops.

    Informed of this later, one of the army escorts explained that “hardcore terrorists” were still around.

    “What did they look like?” he asked.

    According to Sri Lanka's hardline defence secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapakse, there is little point talking to the locals anyway.

    The press is also banned from travelling to the LTTE-held north.

    “You will hear complaints about disappearances,” he said in Colombo, the capital. “What they won't say is that these so-called missing people are terrorists who may have died on the frontline or are in LTTE territory.”

    So with local people off-limits, a trip to the frontline was promised -- only to be refused after another bruising ride in the metal box on wheels across the 50 by 30 kilometre (30 by 19 mile) part peninsula held by the government.

    But Brigadier Kamal Gunaratne, in charge of the front, said his men had “extremely high morale” and the LTTE fighters “know they are losing” after 35-years of a separatist war that has left 60,000 dead.

    With at least one soldier for every 50 metres (yards) of main road, the LTTE would certainly have a tough time recapturing the Tamil heartland they lost in 1995.

    “At the rate we are going, I think that in about two to three more years we'll be able to bring them to the negotiating table. First we have to eliminate their leadership,” Gunaratne said.

    A trip to the rich fishing grounds south of Jaffna town, just three kilometres from LTTE territory to the south, was allowed after negotiation.

    There, the lagoon is lined with barbed wire and more soldiers camped out in the ruins of beachfront villas.

    No fishermen were to be seen, and the only sound was the lapping of waves, the thump of outgoing artillery, and the distant rumble of explosions in the Tamil Tiger-held jungle across the bay.

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