FOR 25 years, the dirty little war on the island in the Indian Ocean has stretched its octopus arms across the world. The ethnic Tamil diaspora has provided vital funding for separatist Tamil Tigers; remittances from Sri Lankan workers abroad have propped up the economy; the government has relied on foreign assistance to battle the insurgency.

Today, a shifting world order is bearing new fruits for Sri Lanka. Most notably, China’s quiet assertion in India’s backyard has put Sri Lanka’s government in a position not only to play China off against India, but also to ignore complaints from outside Asia about human rights violations in the war.

The timing is propitious. The government jettisoned a five-year cease-fire this year, and is now banking on a military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. In so doing, it has faced a barrage of criticism over human rights abuses and has lost defense aid from the United States and some other sources. And, in recent months, government officials have increasingly cozied up to countries that tend to say little to nothing on things like abductions and assaults on press freedom.

Sri Lanka’s foreign secretary, Palitha Kohona, put it plainly when he said that Sri Lanka’s “traditional donors,” namely, the United States, Canada and the European Union, had “receded into a very distant corner,” to be replaced by countries in the East. He gave three reasons: The new donors are neighbors; they are rich; and they conduct themselves differently. “Asians don’t go around teaching each other how to behave,” he said. “There are ways we deal with each other — perhaps a quiet chat, but not wagging the finger.”

The Tamil Tigers, for their part, have succeeded in getting themselves classified as a terrorist group in many countries, including the United States, Canada and the European Union, making it harder for the guerrillas to raise money abroad.

At the same time, according to Mr. Kohona, Chinese assistance has grown fivefold in the last year to nearly $1 billion, eclipsing Sri Lanka’s longtime biggest donor, Japan. The Chinese are building a highway, developing two power plants and putting up a new port in the hometown of the president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Sri Lanka also buys a lot of weapons from China and China’s ally Pakistan.
Chinese diplomacy in South Asia, grounded as it is in a policy of “harmony” and deep pockets, is of obvious concern to India. So are the sentiments of Tamils at home. Overt support from India for the Sri Lankan counterinsurgency program can be explosive among India’s Tamils. But coming down hard on the government here could push Sri Lanka deeper into China’s embrace.

“There is little choice,” said Ashok Kumar Mehta, a retired general who was a leader of an Indian peacekeeping force in Sri Lanka nearly 20 years ago.

“India’s policy is virtually hands off.”

Mr. Kohona, the Sri Lankan foreign secretary, noted that India’s contributions had also grown, to nearly $500 million this year. India is building a coal-fired power plant and Indian companies have been invited to build technology parks and invest in telecommunications. New Delhi, like Washington, has shut the tap on direct military support, but it can still help with crucial intelligence, particularly in intercepting weapons smuggled by sea.

The picture in Sri Lanka is emblematic of a major shift from 20 years ago, when India was the only power center in the region. Now come China’s artful moves in India’s backyard. As C. Raja Mohan, an international relations professor at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, points out, China has started building a circle of road-and-port connections in India’s neighboring countries, and it has begun to eye a role in the Indian Ocean, as its thirst for natural resources makes it more important to secure the sea lanes.

That offers countries like Sri Lanka ample opportunities. “Now the smaller countries have increasingly turned to China to influence India’s strategic interests, and thus silence it on human rights issues,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia researcher for Human Rights Watch. She cited Burma, where, in the 1990s, India pressed for democracy and watched the military junta sidle up to Beijing. “Now India is concerned about China’s role in Sri Lanka because of control over the Indian Ocean,” she said.

Iran is the latest entrant. Late last year came the promise of a whopping $1.6 billion line of credit, primarily to help Sri Lanka buy Iranian oil.

Washington still counts. Sri Lanka is sore at losing American military aid and development assistance. The United States has also irritated the government by pressing for United Nations human rights monitors after the visit last October of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour. She said at the end of her visit that “the weakness of the rule of law and prevalence of impunity is alarming.”

That infuriated the government. Sri Lanka’s mission in Geneva sent out acerbic opinion pieces published in Sri Lankan newspapers. One, an editorial in the pro-government newspaper, The Island, declared that “those U.N. knights in shining armor tilting at windmills in small countries should be told that the protection of human rights is next to impossible during a fiercely fought war.” Still, criticism over human rights continues to dog Sri Lanka.

Last Thursday, a report by Human Rights Watch blamed the government for a pattern of disappearances. The same day, an international Group of Eminent Persons that the government had invited to monitor Sri Lankan investigations into human rights violations said it was leaving; it cited “a lack of political and institutional will.”

The attorney general’s office responded by saying that the government would reconstitute the panel with “an alternate group of eminent persons.”

But however free Sri Lanka feels to dismiss Western concerns about human rights these days, there are still long-range costs it may find itself confronting one day. The real Achilles’ heel for the government is looming economic trouble, as its war chest expands and inflation reaches double digits.

And in that, the world matters. For its failure to ratify certain international conventions, Sri Lanka already risks losing trade preferences with the European Union at the end of this year. And, however much China has risen in importance, Europe remains this country’s largest trading partner.

ALL too many regions of the contemporary world are afflicted with recurring outbreaks of warfare between nation-states and ethnic or sectarian minorities. One of the worst has been festering for the past quarter-century in Sri Lanka, where 70,000 people have perished in intermittent fighting between a government dominated by a Sinhalese Buddhist majority and minority Tamils, who are mostly Hindu.

Over the past two years, that war flared up worse than ever. In January, Sri Lanka's president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, disavowed a 2002 cease-fire that Norwegian mediators had negotiated between the government and the armed group known as Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Cease-fire monitors from several Nordic countries were then called home. The monitors had been sidelined for the past year while the army assaulted the predominantly Tamil eastern and northern provinces and the Tigers responded with attacks on army forces in the north and east as well as bombings in the capital, Colombo.

The government, under pressure from Sinhalese hard-liners, has opted to end the conflict by winning the war. Political and military leaders speak of crushing the Tigers by the end of the year. They insist the Tigers are nothing but terrorists and that once their funding from abroad is cut off, the army will solve the conflict over Tamil minority rights by wiping out the Tigers.

The reality is not so simple. A recent Human Rights Watch report shows how Rajapaksa's government has committed grave human rights abuses. In its 241-page report, "Recurring Nightmare: State Responsibility for 'Disappearances' and Abductions in Sri Lanka," the human rights group documents a pattern of abductions of civilians by security forces. The report calls on the government to acknowledge its "responsibility for large-scale disappearances and take all steps necessary to stop the practice."

Human Rights Watch also calls on the Tigers to "cease abductions and extrajudicial executions." Still, it is hard to deny that the government's human rights violations deprive it of the ethical high ground.

Asian powers China and India, competing for influence in Sri Lanka, do not help its government by withholding criticism. At bottom, Sri Lanka's conflict is political, and it must be resolved by political means. A lasting solution will require that the central government grant meaningful self-rule to the Tamil region, perhaps in a confederal structure that maintains the unity of the country. Continuing attempts to resolve the conflict militarily can only produce more suffering and more war

Expatriate Tamils in London last weekend held a remembrance ceremony for Rohan Rajasingham, an accomplished sportsman who strove against institutionalized Sinhala majoritarianism to better the conditions for aspiring Tamil sportsmen and women in Sri Lanka. Rajasingham passed away on January 8, 2008 after a brief battle with cancer, aged 50.

Described as outstanding student by his former classmates at Mahajana College, Tellippalai, Rajasingham represented his college at football, hockey, cricket and in athletics, and captained the teams to championship wins in football and hockey.

Led by Rajasingham, Mahajana College team won the all island Singer Shield football tournament at Sugathasa stadium, Colombo, under flood lights in front of a large crowd in 1978, classmates recalled. In 1980, Rajasingham joined Grasshoppers Sports Club, one of the best hockey team in the island.

In 1994, Rajasingham completed his Diploma in Athletics. In 1996 he travelled to Brazil where he acquired a Diploma in Brazilian Football. That year he also gained a Diploma in Coaching and Training in India.

However, in Sri Lanka itself, Rajasingham, along with other Tamil sports players, struggled against entrenched anti-Tamil chauvinism in national sports bodies.

“He was amongst the first to experience the darker side of sports in Sri Lanka; his experience is very much that of today’s youngsters,” classmates at the Mahajana Old Students Society said.

Rajasingham’s ability to speak all three languages – Tamil, Sinhala and English – allowed him to overcome hurdles other Tamil youths could not.

Starting his carrier as a Sports officer in 1986, Rajasingham attended the Sports Officers programme offered by the National Institute of Sports Science (NISS).

The nine-month course was conducted in Sinhala as prescribed in the 1973 Sports Law which specifies that the medium of instruction should be Sinhala.

Along with others, Rajasingham agitated for changes. It was only a decade later, in 1996, that the NISS agreed to hold its examinations in Tamil as well. However lectures and field instruction are in Sinhala still.

His experiences of discrimination spurred Rajasingham to strive for the development of sports training in the Northeast. “His dedication to improve the education of sports officers and physical education teachers continued until his untimely passing away,” a classmate said.

In the early nineties, Rajasingham coached Northeastern teams in netball, football, hockey and athletics, many taking championship trophies.

In 1997 he took up a role in the Sports Planning Office in the North, at the same time coaching the Northeast football team which took third place in national competitions in1998, 2001 and 2002.

The period coincided with the height of President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s ‘War for Peace’.

Rajasingham also sought to establish the Sports Science Institute (SSI) in military-occupied Jaffna with the intention it would be affiliated to the NISS.

In 1999 he submitted a proposal to the Director of NISS. After two years of silence, Sri Lanka’s Director General of Sports rejected the proposal.

Dismayed, Rajasingham turned to battling other aspects of the state discrimination that aspiring Tamil sportspeople were facing, notably the lack of facilities, funding and opportunities in the Northeast.

He reached out to the Tamil Diaspora for support and encouragement and was welcomed.

In 2002 he helped to put together a cricket team from the University of Jaffna to visit Britain.

The next year, he trained and brought a netball team from the Northeast to the UK; it sparkled, beating all rivals pitted against it.

Rajasingham was instrumental in establishing a sports academy for Northeast. The initiative was enthusiastically supported by the Tamil School Sports Association (TSSA), UK, which welcomed the idea and worked on a comprehensive plan and budget.

As a consequence, the Sports Academy of the NorthEast (SANE) was registered as an NGO in Jaffna and later in Kilinochchi.

After 2004’s devastating tsunami, SANE, with the help of international NGOs, established sports fields near the clusters of temporary shelters in the coastal areas in Vadamarachchi East and Mullaitivu.

Planning began for permanent sports facilities next to proposed sites of permanent resettlement.

Amid the scramble for international reconstruction funding, Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Sports came up with a proposal to build a stadium in Kilinochchi. But nothing came of it.

In 2006, Rajasingham took up the position of District Sports Officer in Kilinochchi and moved there with his wife and three young children. He designed and built a modest building to host all of SANE’s operations. The project was funded by TSSA(UK).

Rajasingham trained sports officers as well as athletics and netball teams and organized sports tournaments. The goal, he insisted, was to develop sports in the Northeast to an international level and for that, a foundational cadre of dedicated and well trained instructors was essential.

An emerging picture in recent times in Europe and North America is the active and successful participation of Tamils in the local politics. The new impetus seems to be coming from the younger generation of Eezham Tamils. Twelve candidates of Tamil origins have been elected to the local bodies of Paris and suburbs in the local government elections concluded last Sunday in France. Seven of them are Eezham Tamils while three are of Pondicheri origins and one each of Mauritius and Guaduloupe background.

Six of the twelve Tamils elected to local bodies in and around Paris, France.  Photo TamilNet

The French – Tamil connections are a long legacy ever since the French East India Company was established at Pondicheri in 1664. The French and the Danish (at Tharangkampaadi) were the two European powers who thought of having their colonial headquarters in the land of Tamils.

A considerable part of the modern history of Tamils had a strong link to the colonial history of the French. Tamils migrated to various French colonies across the world and a representative group are living in France today. A large number of Tamils who have made France their home are from Pondicheri who migrated to France with the annexation of French territories by independent India.

Pongkal festival participated by six organisations of Tamils from different parts of the world in Paris in January, 2008. Seen in the photograph is a Tamil band called Inniyam, a recent innovation of the Eastern University in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka. [Photo Courtesy: appaal-tamil.com]

A program given by Caribbean Tamils at the Pongkal celebrations. [Photo Courtesy: appaal-tamil.com]Even though Tamils have found representation in French politics, new inspirations came with the arrival of Eezham Tamils, shaping and giving form to a common Tamil identity in France.

Around 125,000 Tamils are estimated to be living in France. Of them, around 50,000 are Eezham Tamils.

A significant event that took place in Paris last January was Tamils of all shades jointly celebrating Pongkal as a common festival of Tamil identity.

Another noticeable manifestation of the emerging cultural consciousness is the presence of four Tamil bookshops in the La Chapelle area of Paris.

Fourteen Eezham Tamils contested in the local government elections in early March in Paris and suburbs alone. Five were elected in the first round. In addition, Two Pondicheri Tamils and Mrs. Lilawtee Rajendram, a Mauritiun Tamil married to an Eezham Tamil were also elected in the first rounds.

A striking feature of the concluded elections is that almost all the elected Eezham Tamils belong to left wing political parties. Observers identify a subtle message of Tamil unhappiness conveyed to the present right wing government, says writer Ki.Pi. Aravindan in Paris.


Thilagawathy Sanmuganathan, Thusyanthy Ganechandra, Sumathi Wijeyaraj and Khamshajiny Gunaratnam were elected to municipal and local councils in Oslo and Akershus in 2007. [Photo Courtesy: notam.no]Last year, in Norway, eight Eezham Tamils, five of them women, were elected to the local bodies. Two of the women were aged 19 and 22 when they got elected.

According to Statistics Norway, a Norwegian government survey, 70 percent of Eezham Tamil women participated in the voting which is the highest among the migrants in Norway.

Political consciousness, education and long established familiarity with the norms of democratic politics are said to be the reasons behind the diaspora Tamil political activism.

The details of candidates elected in Paris and suburbs are:

Mme Naguleswary Ariyaratnam, (Eezham)
SEINE SAINT-DENIS (93) – Clichy-sous-Bois

Mme Sarmela Sabaratnam, (Eezham)
VAL D'OISE (95) – Louvres

Mme Sophia Soosaipillai, (Eezham)
VAL D'OISE (95) – Sarcelles

Mme Preetty Navaneetharaju, (Eezham)
ESSONNE (91) – Evry

Mme Asamtathayalini Willam-Reginald (Eezham)
SEINE ET MARNE (77) – Chelles

M. Arulasantham Puvanespararajah, (Eezham)
SEINE SAINT-DENIS (93) – La Courneuve

Mme Kalaiyarasi Raviendranathan, (Eezham)
VAL DE MARNE (94 ) – Villeneuve-Saint-Georges

M. Alain Anandane (Pondicheri)
SEINE SAINT-DENIS (93) – Drancy

M. Chandrasegaran Parassouramane (Pondicheri)
VAL D'OISE (95) – Villiers-le-Bel

Mme Shama Nilavannane (Pondicheri)
SEINE SAINT-DENIS (93) – Le Bourget

Mme Marie Darves-Bornoz (Guaduloupe)
HAUTS DE SEINE (92) – Bagneux

Mme Lilawtee Rajendram (Mauritius)
SEINE SAINT-DENIS (93) – Bondy

The European Union has expressed "very serious concerns" about human rights violations in Sri Lanka and warned that existing trade concessions could be at risk if the rights abuses continue. The EU also requested diplomatic access to Vanni to deliver key messages to the Liberation Tigers.

EU Troika Director for Asia and External Relations James Moran warned that renewal of Sri Lanka’s trade status is jepordised over human rights abuses.  Photo Sanka idanagama/AFP/Getty Images.

“The EU continues to harbour very serious concerns about continuing reports of human rights abuses," said a statement issued at the end of a three-day visit by a six-member group representing the EU's current president Slovenia and future president France, as well as the European Commission and the EU Council of Ministers.

Speaking at a media conference at the European Commission office in Colombo, representatives from the EU reiterated their concern over the human rights situation in the country.

“Respect for human rights is one of the key principles underpinning Sri Lanka's relations with the European Union” said Janez Premoze, head of the three-member EU delegation.

“Nonetheless, the EU continues to harbour very serious concerns about continuing reports of human rights abuses” Premoze told reporters.

Trade concessions at risk

The statement issued on Tuesday, March 18, also warned of the possibility of the EU withholding trade concessions from Sri Lanka due to the island's worsening human rights record.

The delegation noted Sri Lanka's key clothing export industry has benefited by doing business with the EU, where trade concessions are given based on sustainable development and good governance.

Sri Lanka’s existing tariff concessions end this year and nations wishing to renew must show high labour, environment and human rights standards when they reapply.

James Moran, Asia Directorate at the European Commission linked trade concessions to human rights record and said that the extension of the GSP-plus concessions for Sri Lanka were yet to be considered.

He further added that concession requests would only be assessed when the concerned countries reapplied for the facility by October this year and would be governed by objective criteria including linkage between trade preferences and Human Rights.

Regret over IIGEP exit

Delegation head, Premoze, expressed regret that the Independent International Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) had decided to terminate their work with the Presidential Commission of Inquiry because of concerns about its compliance with international standards and institutional lack of support for the work of the Commission.

“The EU underlines the seriousness of calls by the IIGEP and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, for the government to deliver concrete results through taking cases to court,” he said.

IIGEP, headed by P. N. Bhagwati, a former Indian Chief Justice, was invited by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to monitor the workings of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry, set up in November 2006 to investigate 16 of the most serious rights abuses.

But the IIGEP resigned en masse in late February after declaring it was unable to carry out its work. Meanwhile, the Commission of Inquiry has yet to prosecute anyone in any of its 16 cases.

Access to Vanni

Mr. Premoze also said the EU remained committed to its present role as one of the Co-Chairs of the Tokyo process and, therefore, continued to believe in the importance of guaranteeing access to Killinochchi for diplomats.

He insisted that the Sri Lankan government should allow the Co-chairs of the 2002 peace process and the Norwegian facilitators to travel to the LTTE administered Vanni to meet the LTTE leaders to deliver key messages – including a request to resume the peace process, to observe humanitarian access and to respect human rights.

However, according to local reports the Sri Lankan government had rejected the EU request, citing the prevailing security situation in the areas administered by the LTTE, which is under attack by the military.

The EU delegation which was in Sri Lanka for three days met, among others, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Ministry Secretary, Minister of Disaster Management and Human Rights, Minister of Science and Technology and Chairman APRC, President’s Advisor Basil Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the leader of the Opposition and leaders of other political parties including the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the Tamil National Alliance.

The Liberation Tigers this wee condemned the 'State welcome' extended by India to the Sri Lanka Army Chief Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka as well as the statements issued by Indian military chiefs in this context.

"The Indian State must take the responsibility for the ethnic genocide of the Tamils that will be carried out by the Sinhala military, re-invigorated by such moves of the Indian State," the LTTE said.

"We wishes to point out to the Indian state that by this historic blunder, it will continue to subject the Eelam Tamils to misery and put them in the dangerous situation of having to face ethnic genocide on a massive scale."

The view expressed by the Indian military chiefs, that "India wants to ensure that the Sri Lankan Army maintains its upperhand over the LTTE", just illustrates the efforts of the Indian State to prop up the Sinhala war machine, the LTTE said.

The Indian move of "propping up the politically-militarily-economically weakened SriLankan State has upset Eelam Tamils,"

"We did not leave the ceasefire agreement and we did not start the war. We are only undertaking a defensive war against the war of ethnic genocide of the Sri Lankan State."

"We still have not abandoned the Norway sponsored peace efforts and we are ready to take part in such efforts."

The full text of the LTTE statement follows:

Is the Indian State attempting yet another historic blunder?

The State welcome given by the Indian State to the Sri Lanka military chief Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, who is heading the Sri Lankan State’s war of ethnic genocide against the Eelam Tamils, has deeply hurt them.

Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) strongly condemns the Indian State action of extending a State welcome to the military chief of the Sinhala State which has unilaterally abrogated the ceasefire agreement and has launched widespread military offensives in the Tamil homeland.

The Sri Lankan State is facing many warnings and condemnations for its attempt to seek a military solution and for its enormous human rights violations.

Despite this, the Sinhala State ignores these warnings and condemnations and continues with its abductions, killings, and arrests of Tamils.

The Sinhala State, keen to cover up this truth, is blaming the freedom movement of the Tamils, the LTTE, for the continuation of the war and is seeking assistance from the world for its war of ethnic genocide.

Many of the European countries, understanding this hidden motive of the Sinhala State, have halted all assistance that could support the ethnic genocide of the Tamils.

The Indian State also knows this truth. Yet, while pronouncing that a solution to the Tamil problem must be found through peaceful means, it is giving encouragement to the military approach of the Sinhala State. This can only lead to the intensification of the genocide of the Tamils.

LTTE wishes to point out to the Indian State that by this historic blunder it will continue to subject the Eelam Tamils to misery and put them in the dangerous situation of having to face ethnic genocide on a massive scale.

On behalf of the Eelam Tamils, LTTE kindly requests the Tamils of Tamil Nadu to understand this anti-Tamil move of the Indian State and express their condemnation.

We did not leave the ceasefire agreement and we did not start the war. We are only undertaking a defensive war against the war of ethnic genocide of the Sri Lankan State.

We still have not abandoned the Norway sponsored peace efforts and we are ready to take part in such efforts.

In this context, the Indian State’s move of propping up the politically-militarily-economically weakened SriLankan State has upset Eelam Tamils.

The view expressed by the Indian military chiefs, "India wants to ensure that the Sri Lankan Army maintains its upperhand over the LTTE", just illustrates the efforts of the Indian State to prop up the Sinhala war machine.

The Indian State must take the responsibility for the ethnic genocide of the Tamils that will be carried out by the Sinhala military re-invigorated by such moves of the Indian State.

The author identified four dominant themes that seriously impact on the sustainability of resettlement in the Batticaloa district. These are:

1. Lack of consultation and clarity
2. Lack of Preparedness and Planning
3. Restriction of Access and Mobility
4. Protection Concerns of the Displaced and Resettled Communities
Having looked at the first three themes in the first part of this article and started to look at the fourth theme (published in the last issues), the author now continues on other aspects of the fourth theme.

4. Protection Concerns of the Displaced and Resettled Communities (cont.)

Resettlement concerns in Vaharai and Batticaloa West
It is evident that the government is completely unprepared and under resourced to meet the daunting task of sustaining the returns and ensuring the long-term stability of communities affected by conflict. The government at the field level is very dependent on agencies to assist with the returnees’ shelter requirements, along with food, supplementary goods, livelihood assistance etc and most assistance given (especially in West Batticaloa) is largely donor-funded. Food security, livelihood stability, permanent shelter and security is in urgent need and should have been in place before the displaced were returned to the ‘liberated’ areas. There have been several plans presented in the forums in Colombo, but it appears as if the government has not backed it up with the required resources on time to translate them into action. People are left to fend for themselves with little government assistance and some NGO assistance which is inconsistent across areas.

Other than the protection concerns [discussed in the previous part of this series], several other issues plague the resettlement process. In brief –

• Livelihood Vulnerability
In Vaharai, long-term livelihood stability is a pressing concern. Communities rely heavily on the surrounding jungle areas for their economic survival. But this proves difficult – people are scared to move about alone and most jungle areas have restricted access. Farmers who have received seed paddy by agencies have either received it too late (and have missed the cultivating season) or are denied access to their paddy fields and now rely on subsistence farming as a means of survival.

The military has now banned all women under 20 from prawn farming. In one village, women have been asked to bring Rs. 100, a princely sum for many in the area, for a photo ID for prawn fishing – or else they will be denied fishing permits. Furthermore, areas previously known for good catches of fish now fall as ‘restricted areas’. In Arthuvaai at least a hundred to 150 families are completely dependent on fishing for their livelihoods but due to a navy checkpoint access is restricted. Even when permits are granted – the arbitrary way it is administered and the infeasible timing – makes it a struggle for the fishermen. The general uncertainty of a fisherman’s livelihood is further compounded by such measures.

The recent spate of resettlements in Batticaloa West took place on the 20th of November – just short of the paddy cultivating season. This also means that even small-scale cultivation or subsistence farming is impossible and this is made worse by the rains. As a result, income generating activities is at the standstill. Families that stored paddy before their displacement have returned to find it looted and cattle and livestock have all gone missing. Those who worked as labourers in paddy fields cannot return due to restricted access. The widespread shortage of rice in the district is taking its toll on the newly resettled – food is scarce and the general sentiment is that the situation is going to get much worse.

Of the 375 families resettled in Kittul, at least half rely on fishing as a means of survival. Local shop owners have supplied them with nets on condition that they sell their fish to them at a fixed price making it even harder for the families to make ends meet. Fixing the price of fish and even implementing a tax on fish is a frequent occurrence in Batticaloa West. There have also been repeated reports of the STF ‘borrowing’ the families’ motorbike or bicycle. Given the wide expanse of area and the need for people to now travel great distances to work/find work, this is severely delaying and hampering any means of income generation.

The sentiment among agencies is that livelihood assistance will have to continue for at least another 8 months or so – a daunting task given the increasing donor reluctance to fund conflict-prone areas. But it is clear that the security situation is not conducive for livelihood sustainability which means that the resettled have no choice but to wait. Livelihood restoration in the district is more than mere infusion of capital and resources – it requires stability, mobility and certainty.

• Housing needs
In Batticaloa West, the people were resettled before making any assessment or preparation for shelter. Most of their original shelters had been damaged, vandalised and looted. As a result when people were sent back a majority of them had to move into tents and temporary shelters. Their original houses of clay and Cajan have either fallen into disrepair due to the rains, or have been looted. The frequent rains have caused delays in construction work on transitional and permanent shelters.

UN and international agencies, who were not allowed to go in until recently, now are scampering to cover the communities’ immediate shelter needs (Cajan roofing, pipes, tents and ropes) on Government’s last minute request. But long housing needs and household necessities (like saucepans and other utensils) are still in dire need. The government has recently started to distribute Cajan roofing (as distribution was on the 12th of December) which is a positive sign.

In Vaaharai, where again people went back to looted and damaged houses (the damage due to shelling and artillery attack was heavy here) the situation has improved with the different agencies stepping into provide transitional shelters. The quality is mixed. While some meet the minimum standards, others are too fragile.

In some parts of the district under the government’s housing scheme, the North-East Housing Reconstruction Program (NEHRP), one scheme permits the newly resettled to receive grants in three instalments. The first two instalments of Rs. 50,000 and 60,000 have been paid and construction work has been completed up to a certain level. However, despite repeated requests for the third instalment, families have not yet received it. Complaints have been made to both the DS and the police but nothing has been done about it.

Under another scheme of the same program, the government has pledged to supply the building materials and bear the cost of labour. According to community members, the timber (coconut) and the tiles given are of very pure quality. The DS has promised to follow up on this but to date, no action has been taken.

In Vatavandi, a scheme of houses was handed over by the government to beneficiaries in a much-publicised ceremony. What has not been publicised however was that many of these houses are incomplete. Some houses have incomplete roofing, flooring and some even lack toilets, doors and windows. Again, complaints have been made repeatedly only to be met with excuses by the relevant government agents.

Sustainable returns and livelihood stability remains only a hope in Batticaloa West. People are far from settling into stability. In areas of Cenkaladi and Marapalaam returnees still live in schools and community buildings which have been damaged due to the conflict.

• Food security in Vaharai
The food situation in Vaharai is worsening. Families have been living on rations for over a year now and although these rations fulfil their calorie requirements, they by no way fulfil their nutritional requirements. . The Government initially is supposed to have promised 6 months of rations. But soon after resettlement in April 2007, the people only received rations for two weeks.

After prolonged gaps, some agencies stepped into fill the breach. The rice shortages have resulted in increased prices. The inability of fishermen to seek out their living has also resulted in exorbitant prices of fish. A coconut is Rs. 35 (as of December 2008); a kilo of rice is Rs. 80. Due to access restrictions, the rain and late cultivation, families struggle to make a living and the Rs 600 (which ends in January) a month given by SLRC is clearly not enough to survive with dignity.

According to the WFP-Government rationing system, resettled communities must be given 6 months worth of rations. However, given the shortage of rice in this country, the returnees in West Batticaloa have been given been compensated with wheat flour instead. The distribution mechanism is very erratic and leaves large gaps. 70% of the resettled villages are not receiving complimentary food and only 30% are receiving complimentary food. The timing of the return has meant that the communities have not been able to fully capitalise on the cultivation season. Thousands of families have missed out on the season and hence the region as a whole is entering into a situation of food scarcity.

Despite the much-publicised claims of liberating the East, stability in Batticaloa is a long-way away. As armed political parties fight for control, civilians are once again caught up in the ensuing political turmoil. The displaced and resettled suffer in the name of ‘security’ and it will be a long while before they begin to lead their lives with some degree of normalcy. The culture of impunity has widened and the sense of lawlessness palpable as violence, disappearances, round-ups and armed cadres are a way of life in the District. The issues discussed in this paper need to be advocated on – at international, national and district levels.

Sri Lanka was hit by scathing criticism over its human rights record last week, with its government fingered over hundreds of "disappearances" and an influential international panel of observers storming off the island.

A team of top foreign judicial and forensic experts said it was quitting the war-torn nation because Colombo had failed to seriously investigate a string of high-profile cases including the massacre of aid workers.

The International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP), comprising experts from Australia, Britain, Canada, India, Japan, France, The Netherlands, and the United States as well as the European Union and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said a government probe into abuses did not meet even basic minimum standards.

"There has been and continues to be a lack of political and institutional will to investigate and inquire into the cases before the (government) commission," the IIGEP said in a statement.

The panel was created two years ago by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to oversee the government's official investigation into 16 cases involving abuses in the war between government troops and Tamil Tigers.

The existence of the group has helped the government allay international concern over the killings, abductions and forcible disappearances plaguing the country and its resignation will almost certainly increase calls for the creation of a UN human rights monitoring group, AP reported.

The international panel has repeatedly accused the government commission of moving slowly, failing to protect witnesses and operating without transparency. It has also accused the attorney general's office, which functions as the commission's legal counsel, of "serious conflicts of interest."

In a harshly worded statement Thursday, the 11-member panel said its suggestions had been ignored or rejected. Government correspondence with the group was "characterized by a lack of respect and civility," and officials accused the panel of exceeding its mandate and interfering with Sri Lanka's sovereignty, the statement said.

In a written response to the panel's resignation letter, Attorney General C.R. De Silva accused the group of working against Sri Lanka's interests.

"What the eminent persons appear to be interested in is to ensure an international condemnation of Sri Lanka through the expression of certain views prejudicial to the interests of Sri Lanka based on certain untested hypothesis and distorted facts and circumstances," he said.

He also denied the panel had the right to disband itself, and said Rajapaksa would simply appoint new foreign experts to the group "who are likely to work according to the mandate of the (panel) and in constructive partnership with the commission of inquiry."

In their statement, the international group harshly criticized the conduct of the government's probe, saying it has "fallen far short of the transparency and compliance with basic international norms and standards pertaining to investigations and inquiries."

"There is a climate of threat, direct and indirect, to the lives of anyone who might identify persons responsible for human rights violations, including those who are likely to have been committed by the security forces," it said.

The move is a major blow to the image of the island's government, which pulled out of a truce with Tamil Tigers in January and is locked into an escalating battle with them across the north.

In addition, a report from New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) - entitled "Recurring Nightmare: State Responsibility for 'Disappearances' and Abductions in Sri Lanka" - added weight to calls for tough international monitoring.

The watchdog said United Nations rights monitoring was desperately needed following more than 1,500 cases of abductions in the past two years.

Most of the victims were ethnic minority Tamils from the island's restive north and east, Human Rights Watch said, describing the situation as a "national crisis."

HRW's deputy Asia director Elaine Pearson said President Rajapakse, "once a rights advocate, has now led his government to become one of the world's worst perpetrators of enforced disappearances."

There was no direct reaction from the government, which has consistently and furiously rejected calls to allow foreign rights monitors to set up shop in Sri Lanka.

However, Sri Lanka's minister for human rights, Mahinda Samarasinghe, said Colombo was an example to other nations battling "terrorism."

"We are proud of our record in dealing with terrorism, whilst minimising harm to civilians," Samarasinghe was quoted as saying in Geneva, where he is attending a meeting of the UN Human Rights Council.

"We hope that... when dealing with terrorism in other countries, our circumspection in this regard should be emulated," he was quoted as saying.

Sri Lanka has in the past accused international diplomats raising rights concerns as "terrorists" and supporters of the Tamil Tigers, who are leading a drawn out campaign for independence for the island's Tamils.

Since fighting between the government and the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) escalated in 2006, Human Rights Watch said the military and pro-government armed groups had abducted and killed hundreds.

In 2006 and 2007, the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances recorded more new "disappearance" cases from Sri Lanka than from any other country in the world, the report said.

"Disappeared" persons are commonly subjected to torture or extra-judicial execution, HRW said, adding that the vast majority of cases it documented indicated the involvement of state security forces.

In many cases, the group said, security forces made individuals "disappear" because of their alleged links with the LTTE.

Clergy, teachers, humanitarian aid workers, and journalists also were targeted, the report alleged.

Colombo pulled out of a tattered 2002 truce with the LTTE in January in the belief that it would be able to crush the guerrillas and regain areas under their control.

But HRW's Pearson, calling for a UN mission to monitor abuses, said: "The end of the ceasefire means this crisis will continue until the government starts taking serious measures."

Dear Friends,

I want to share my experience at the Hillary Clinton campaign speech in Houston, Texas on March 3rd.

It was a very well attended event. President Clinton gave a half hour speech mainly on the economy and the future of the country. My husband and I displayed placards that we prepared and took to the event.

We were at a vantage point from where the President could easily spot us and as he was being introduced by a fellow politician, Bill Clinton looked toward us, read the messege on the placard and gave a "thumbs-up".

The letter that was carried by me with some devastating pictures of the violence in North & East, could not be delivered as the secret service agents refused to accept any envelopes.

As President Clinton got into his vehicle ready to leave, we still continued to hold the placards and the person who sat next to President Clinton, got out of the vehicle, prompted by Mr Clinton, requested one of the secret service agents to collect both our (only our) placards.

To our utter surprise, the Agent came up to me and picked up the placard I was carrying and then gestured to my husband to hand over his as well and took it to the President who was inside the vehicle.

A few minutes later, the Agent brought the placards back to us with Bill Clinton's autograph!

Afterwards, some people came and asked us to show them the message on the placards that attracted Mr President, out of the hundreds of other slogans!

This shows that President Clinton recognises the plight of Sri Lankan Tamils and all the credit goes out to you all for having done a great job in exposing the situation in Sri Lanka!

Tamil Diaspora organisations Friday condemned the killing of Tamil parliamentarian K. Sivanesan Thursday in a fragmentation mine attack blamed on Sri Lankan commandos and called for international action against the Colombo government.

Pointing out that Mr. Sivanesan is the latest Tamil MP to be murdered by suspected Army-backed paramilitaries or members of the security forces in recent years, expatriate organisations from Australia, Canada and Britain called for the Sri Lankan government to be held accountable and for international sanctions to be imposed.

Mr. Sivanesan, killed when four mines were detonated against his vehicle on Thursday, is the latest MP from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to be assassinated. MP Joseph Pararajasingham was killed in December 2005 and Mr. Raviraj was killed in November 2006. Army-backed paramilitaries or security forces were blamed in both cases.

Several TNA candidates, party workers and former Parliamentarians, as well as relatives of TNA members have been murdered or abducted and ‘disappeared’ by Army-backed paramilitaries or security forces in recent years.

Tamil Parliamentarians from other parties who have been critical of the Sri Lankan governments have also been murdered by suspected security forces’ members.

“Mr. Sivanesan has become one among the many Tamil MPs assassinated for voicing the plight of Tamil people to the world,” the Tamil Canadian Congress (CTC) said Friday.

“The Sri Lankan government must be held accountable for these killings, disappearances and other serious human rights abuses occurring under its nose and in many cases with its complicity,” CTC said.

“We look to the Canadian government to provide leadership in the international community to pressure Sri Lanka to conform to international human rights standards,” the CTC said.

“We have heard countless stories of abductions, disappearances, and killings by agents of the Sri Lankan government,” said David Poopalapillai, national spokesperson for CTC.

“Sri Lanka has turned into a lawless state and the situation will only get worse now that the ceasefire agreement has been broken by the Sri Lankan government and peace monitors have left,” he said.

“The Canadian government should consider the recommendation from the HRW report and impose trade and aid restrictions on the Sri Lankan government if its human rights record does not improve,” CTC said.

The British Tamil Forum meanwhile said “along with rest of the Tamil community members we denounce the assassination of MP Sivanesan by Sri Lankan government forces.”

“The [security forces] are terrorising the Tamil community by targeting those people who are at the front seeking a peaceful settlement for the ethnic strife,” the BTF, which represents a coalition of 88 Tamil community organisations in the UK, said.

“In condemning this atrocious action, we yearn for the well-meaning Governments of other countries and the United Nations to take note of this Government’s terrorism which continues unabated,” BTF said.

The BTF pointed out that the much vaunted International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) which was to oversee Sri Lanka’s investigations into human rights abuses, “are leaving the country without achieving anything after more than two years because of non co-operation by the Government officials.”

Last week the BTF met Britain’s Foreign minister to stress the need for the international community to make support for Sri Lank’a sovereignty conditional on its coming to lasting solution that would satisfy Tamil political aspirations.

Saying, “We, the Tamil Diaspora, mourn the death of another son of our soil,” another London-based organisation, the North East Tamil Association (NETA), urged the international community “to act decisively to stop the Sri Lankan state terrorism.”

“The Sri Lankan government is not going to respond to the kind of toothless statements, empty utterances of concerns or hollow condemnations, from individual countries and multilateral organisations.”

“We therefore urge the British and the international community to intervene urgently, by imposing trade sanctions against Sri Lanka and by suspending all foreign aids to Sri Lanka with immediate effect,” NETA said.

“Mr Sivanesan is the latest victim in a long list of Tamil intellectuals who had chosen to counter Sinhala state aggression through democratic means, at the behest of the international community, and have paid the ultimate sacrifice for it,” the Tamil Youth Organisation (TYO) said in a statement in UK.

“Tamil MPs who have been democratically elected by the Tamils to voice their concerns in parliament have been brutally silenced, so what chance do ordinary Tamils have against the Sri Lankan state?”

“We would like to ask the International Community what hope the Tamils can place on the democratic process in Sri Lanka?” the TYO, a Diaspora-wide network of youth groups, asked.

The Australian Federation of Tamil Associations (AFTA) also condemned the assassination in a press statement titled “Sri Lanka kills another Tamil parliamentarian with impunity.”

“The Australian Tamils ask the Rudd Labor Government what diplomatic action it intends taking to pressure the Sri Lankan State to comply with international norms and negotiate with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a just political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka,” AFTA said.

Apart from Norway, which condemned the assassination of Mr. Sivanesan, there has been no reaction by the international community to the slaying, which came as the 7th UN Human Rights Council began deliberations in Geneva.

Velupillai Pirapaharan, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamileelam (LTTE) posthumously conferred the title of Maamanithar (Great human being), the highest national civilian honour of the LTTE, to K. Sivanesan.

The text of the LTTE statement announcing the decision follows:

“A great human being who deeply loved the Tamil people and the Tamil nation was destroyed by the Sinhala State. This planned, brutal assassination is the latest cruelty in the ongoing ethnic genocide of the Tamils. This vicious killing in the Vanni land is another illustration of the Sinhala State terrorism.

“Mr. Kiddinan Sivanesan is a unique individual who functioned selflessly, honestly, and with courage. He is simple, courteous and loving. He is a sincere politician who possessed high ideals. He labored tirelessly for the advancement and welfare of the workers.

“Freedom of the Tamils and the liberation of the Tamil homeland are his life goals. He yearned for a free and honorable life for the Tamil people in their land without the torments that have afflicted them. He longed to see free Tamil Eelam. To achieve these goals he accepted our movement, its political aim, the struggle we have launched and served dedicatedly.

“He took up the responsibility of representing the people of Jaffna and roamed the world seeking justice for the Tamils. He raised awareness among our people and gathered their support. He exposed the atrocities of the Sinhala state and it's occupying military to the world. He was courageous even in the midst of repeated harassments and threats of the Sinhala military. His service for the liberation of Tamil Eelam through his hard work and exemplary skills are immeasurable.

“Honoring Mr. Kiddinan Sivanesan's love for the freedom and his people, I am proud to posthumously award him the supreme title of "Mamanithar". Death never destroys the great souls who lived their life for truth. They will live for ever in nation's soul as heroes of our history.

“The yearning of the Tigers is the homeland of Tamil Eelam”

Jaffna District Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentarian, K. Sivanesan, was killed in a Claymore attack on his vehicle carried out by a Deep Penetration Unit of the Sri Lanka Army lying in ambush along the A9 highway in Tamil Tiger controlled Vanni.

His driver was also killed in the attack in which the DPU soldiers exploded four Claymore mines in a row, Tamileelam Police officials said.

Mr. Sivanesan's driver, Periyannan Maheswararajah, 27, a father of one, from Cheddiku'lam, Vavuniyaa, was killed on the spot.

The MP succumbed to his injuries while being rushed to Maangkulam hospital. He leaves behind his wife and four children, 2 sons and 2 daughters.

An 11-year-old boy from Kugnchukku'lam, Arulnaathan Lujithnathan, cycling on the road was also injured.

Mr. Sivanesan, born on 21 January, 1957, was General Manager of Northern Region Palm Development CO-OP society's Uni-Cluster, between 1996 and 2004, before being elected to Sri Lanka Parliament.

The only country to condemn the assassination was peace facilitator Norway.

Mr. Sivanesan had been part of a TNA delegation that visited Oslo last December to protest the Sri Lankan government’s persecution of the Tamil people.

In London a group of Parliamentarians from all of Britain’s main political parties Tuesday condemned the assassination and urged their government to rein in Sri Lanka’s hardline regime.

The Liberation Tigers conferred their highest civilian award on Mr. Sivanesan, the title of Maamanithar.

The leader of the Liberation Tigers, Velupillai Pirapaharan, paid his respects to the slain on Saturday. Senior LTTE leaders, including Intelligence Chief Poddu Ammaan, Political Head B. Nadesan and the Head of Financial Division Thamizheanthi accompanied Mr. Pirapaharan and also garlanded the casket.

Remembering Mr. Sivanesan's longstanding contribution to eradicating poverty in the Tamil areas through co-operative efforts, the Head of the LTTE Political Wing, Mr. B Nadesan, said the MP had always lived alongside the people.

“When people are displaced, he was also displaced; when civilians were getting bombed by the Sri Lankan military, he was there to help them.”

“He believed in empowering people through the cooperative structures at the grassroots. He believed wholeheartedly in the liberation of the Tamil homeland.”

“Although he never trusted that the parliamentary politics in the South would lead to the liberation of the Tamils, but worked to expose the failings of the system itself. When Tamils were deprived of political voice, he visited foreign countries to convey the plight of his people and served as the people's voice," Nadesan said.

Mr. Sivanesan is the latest of several outspoken Tamil parliamentarians murdered by Sri Lankan commandos or Army-backed paramilitaries.

Speaking in Oslo last December, he told reporters: “we are being looked upon in the Sri Lankan parliament as if we were representing a people of another country.”

Extracts of the official TNA statement follow:

"Mr. Sivanesan was elected to parliament from Jaffna district in 2004 general elections. He had shifted his family from Karaveddi, Jaffna to Mallaavi due to the closure of the A9 highway. He also faced threat to his life and him while residing in Karaveddi.

"Sivanesan participated in the debate in parliament on March 5 and voted against the motion extending the state of emergency for another month. Later, he left for Mallaavi where his family has been residing in his vehicle. He met his death on his way to Mallaavi. He had miraculously escaped a claymore explosion during the middle of last year in the same site targeting his vehicle.

"It is believed that the claymore attack targeting Mr. Sivanesan had been carried out by the Deep Penetration Unit of the Sri Lanka Army. Such attacks had been carried earlier in Vanni by the Deep Penetration Unit of the SLA.

"The TNA points out at this juncture that its parliamentarians Joseph Pararajasingham in Batticaloa, N.Raviraj in Colombo, former parliamentarians Chandra Nehru (Ampaa'rai), Sivamaharasa (Jaffna) and a candidate, Vigneswaran (Trincomalee) and several heads of local authorities in the North and East had also been killed in a planned way.

"The TNA stresses at this juncture that no force could stop Tamils voicing and fighting for the freedom of their community by killing its democratically elected representatives and subjecting them to intimidation and death threats.

"Mr. Sivanesan worked hard for the emancipation of the Tamil people, against social injustice and for the development of co-operative movement. He won the hearts of Tamils by his unwavering stand on the freedom struggle by his deed and speech. He dedicated himself from the young age for the liberation of his people.

"The death of Mr.Sivanesan is an irreparable loss to the Tamil community. His sacrifice would not go unrewarded. It would contribute to the liberation of the Tamil nation.

"We expresses our deepest condolences to his wife and children and the supporters."

Since the early seventies there has only been one issue at the core of the Tamil people’s politics: freedom from Sinhala domination and state repression. And the only reason Tamil MPs are in Sri Lanka’s Sinhala dominated parliament is to protest against this domination and repression.

And that is why they regularly die at the hands of state-backed assassins. That is also why the international community, which remains strong military and economic backers of the Sinhala state remain silent.

The European Union, for example, is Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner and continues to grant it favourable trade status. The United States has continued to provide military assistance to Sri Lanka which is considered part of the pro-US alliance dominating the waters of the Indian Ocean.

Meanwhile India’s aid contributions to Sri Lanka have also grown, to nearly $500 million this year: India is building a coal-fired power plant and Indian companies have been invited to build technology parks and invest in telecommunications.

In the pursuit of their geopolitical and commercial interests, the international community will readily sacrifice the interests of the Tamils.

Which is why the state-backed murders of so many Tamil nationalist parliamentarians draws silence or at best a condemnatory press note. There isn’t the slightest possibility of international action.

The assassination last week of yet another Tamil National Alliance MP by Sri Lanka Army commandos, serves to remind us, yet again, that there is no purpose appealing to the goodwill of the international community.

Incidentally, this was not the first time Mr Sivanesan had been targeted by the Sri Lankan government. And he is, of course, not the only parliamentarian who spoke out for his people to pay with his life.

Joseph Pararajasingham was shot dead in church at Christmas Mass in 2005 and his replacement candidate V. Vigneswaran was shot dead with days of being announced in 2006; in early 2005, former TNA MP and member of the North East Secretariat of Human Rights (NESOHR) Chandra Nehru was killed, in late 2006 TNA MP N. Raviraj was killed in the heart of Colombo.

Even before them, Kumar Ponnambalam, leader of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) – now a constituent of the TNA – was assassinated in 2000.

Quite apart from the MPs, so many Tamil party workers, candidates and supporters have been targeted and killed with impunity by the security forces or allied paramilitaries.

Then there are the abductions of and death threats to the relatives of MPs during crucial parliamentary votes, assaults on the parliamentarians and their staff and the numerous other abuses. In all these the hand of the state is barely disguised.

At present, almost all members of the TNA live under a standing death threat. And for only one reason: their party’s unswerving support for Tamil self-determination and freedom, in continuation of a now decades long long political tradition of upholding the democratic mandate of the Tamil people for the separate sovereign state of Eelam.

Because India, Japan and the Western democracies believe their economic and commercial interests will not be well served by a free Tamil Eelam, they maintain a stoic silence over the murders of pro-Eelam Tamil members of parliament.

The Tamil people should be under no illusion that the silence of the international community is tacit approval. Yes, occasionally there are condemnations and demands for ‘investigations’, or an ‘end to the climate of impunity’, etc.

These are all for show. To be precise they are show for us, the Tamils. That they give a damn, that they sympathise with us. A day later, it’s business as usual. And I mean business.

Since the island’s formal independence from Britain, every Tamil political party has protested the disastrous political structure that the Colonials left behind for us. There have been Tamil boycotts of Sri Lankan elections since as far back as the 1950s.

But perhaps the clearest mission statement was first made in 1975 by S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). After winning by-elections in February that year, he said:

"I wish to announce to my people and to the country that I consider the verdict at this election as a mandate that the Tamil Eelam nation should exercise the sovereignty already vested in the Tamil people and become free."

In the following general elections of 1977, the election manifesto of the main Tamil political party, the Tamil United Liberation Front began simply: “One Question: Freedom or Servitude?”

Whatever the international community’s analysts may assert, this has been the core political question for the Tamil electorate for the last thirty years. That is why they ever elect representatives – to deliver them from Sinhala domination.

The question for the Tamils is not which group of Sinhalese should rule over them, but that of their political freedom.

When western governments protested the Tamil boycott of the last presidential elections, they missed the point entirely, blinded as they were by the interests they had vested in the other Sinhala nationalist in the race, Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Sri Lanka’s elections ultimately have no relevance in themselves to the Tamil people because their elected representatives cannot, in any case, give voice to their aspirations as Chelvanayagam and the aptly named TULF could in the seventies.

The 1977 election manifesto of the main Tamil political party, the Tamil United Liberation Front had this to say in conclusion on the single question of freedom or servitude:

“[In] conclusion, The Tamil Nation is at a turning point in its history. The unity we have achieved has made the Sinhalese imperialists take a fresh look at the situation. In this background, as a first step towards the realisation of the freedom of the Nation, the unanimous verdict of the Tamil-speaking people is indispensable. Hence we appeal to you to set aside your passions for, or prejudices against, individual candidates, to forget differences of region, caste or religion and, with the one and the only determination of making the Tamil Nation master of its Destiny.

“VOTE For the Tamil United Liberation Front; For the emancipation of the Tamil Nation; For the Freedom of Tamil Eelam”

And how the Tamil people voted! The flocked to the TULF, delivering an endorsement of Tamil Eelam that echoes to this day.

And for that vote they paid in blood. Amid ensuing anti Tamil riots, The Times of London carried a statement by prominent British political figures warning: “a tragedy is taking place in Sri Lanka: the political conflict following upon the recent elections is turning into a racial massacre.”

The murder of Tamil democracy had begun.

Servitude or Freedom? The systematically organised and, hence, genocidal anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983 was the most determined attempt by the Sinhala leadership to intimidate the Tamil people into abandoning their goal of Eelam.

When that failed, just one month after the Black July pogrom, the government of President J.R. Jayawardene (the uncle, incidentally, of present UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe) enacted the Sixth Amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution; it made illegal by severe penalty even advocacy for an independent state.

The hapless TULF was forced to resign from Parliament rather than repudiate their election manifesto. As one report at the time put it:

“The 6th Amendment to the Sri Lanka Constitution, compelled the TULF to forfeit its seats in Parliament - compelled, because a party which had won its seats by declaring that there was no alternative but 'to proclaim with the stamp of finality and fortitude that we alone shall rule over our land our forefathers ruled', could not have clung to its Parliamentary seats by taking an oath against the division of the country, without losing all credibility.”

But even this failed to silence the Tamils’ sentiments: the militants emerged to take the goal forward, not by the futile Parliamentary politics that had failed for four decades, but rather, to liberate the Tamil homeland and people by armed struggle.

As a reminder here, the demand for Eelam was not because the Tamils thought they were a jolly fine lot. Rather, it was because the Sinhalese and their leaders, through the state, threatened them politically, economically, demographically, and ultimately, physically.

And when the chance returned to electorally give vent to their sentiments, the Tamils demanded an end to Sinhala domination yet again: in 2001 and 2004, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) emerged to once again articulate the core principles of the Tamil people: nation, homeland, self-determination.

Lest there be any doubt as to what the Tamils voted enmasse for, here are the words of the TNA’s manifesto:

“Accepting LTTE's leadership as the national leadership of the Tamil Eelam Tamils and the Liberation Tigers as the sole and authentic representatives of the Tamil people, let us devote our full cooperation for the ideals of the Liberation Tigers' struggle with honesty and steadfastness

“Let us endeavor determinedly, collectively as one group, one nation, one country, transcending race and religious differences, under the leadership of the LTTE for a life of liberty, honor and justice for the Tamil people.

“We emphasize that if the Tamil nation's requests are continued to be rejected, rightful political solution denied and armed aggression and oppressive rule return, based on the doctrine of self-determination, it is an inevitable reality that Tamil sovereignty and independence will be established in the Tamil homeland.

“We implore our people to identify the selfish, opportunistic packs and gangs that operate in our midst as the enemies and as the tools of the majoritarian chauvinist Sinhala forces against the Tamil nation which seeks an honorable and peaceful life and reject them totally and completely in the upcoming elections.

“Let us work side by side with the LTTE, who are fighting for the protection and autonomous life of the Tamil speaking people, for the political initiatives under their leadership.

“We are sending a clarion call to the Tamil speaking people to unite under one flag and give overwhelming support to the TNA which is contesting (the elections) under the ILANKAI TAMIL ARASU KATCHI'S symbol of house, so as to emphasize the aims of the people of the Tamil Nation, to proclaim again the political resolve of our people, to strengthen further the Tamil nation and to win the political rights of the Tamil speaking people.”

And, temporarily freed under the Norwegian peace process, from the intimidation of the Sinhala state, once again the Tamil people voted in droves, delivering 22 TNA MPs to Parliament.

And for this resounding vote every representative of the TNA lives under a standing death threat from the Sinhala state.

What of the international community to whom the Tamil people endorsed these brave individuals to speak on their behalf?

Note how the leading members of the international community first refuse to speak to the militants (denouncing them as terrorists who are not worth listening to) and then also refuse to listen to those elected representatives who articulate our unpalatable demand of Eelam?

We and our freedom struggle is constantly lectured to. We are told our violent resistance will not do- though it is quite all right for the state to use violence against us!

They denounce the LTTE and our elected representatives who stand by are collective demand of Tamil Eelam as ‘extremists’.

Then they hail the Sri Lankan state – which has never punished a single person for political violence against the Tamils – as a ‘vibrant democracy’

At one stage they were telling us that denouncing the state was not the best way; apparently, to quote senior US official, Nicholas Burns, international actors would prefer to ‘have a chat among friends’ on the subject of human rights and law, rather than outright condemnation.

The Western Democracies, Britain included, tell us, laughably, that they support the unitary state of Sri Lanka because they support ‘democracy’.

Well supporting ‘democracy’ when it suits your political interests and ignoring the murder of elected Tamil leaders when it does not, is not quite democracy.

Accepting the result when the people vote in ways that are favourable to your commercial and political interests but rejecting or ignoring the outcome when they do not is not democracy either.

The Western democracies tell us, in an astonishing piece of circular logic that the Tamils do not have an acceptable leadership and this is an impediment to our political aspirations. In other words, the international community will ignore our chosen leaders for ones they prefer; ignore our political demands and instead seek to implement ones they prefer; ignore our stated grievances and take up the ones they think we ‘really’ have with the state.

Is it any wonder, this conflict has proven impossible to ‘resolve’?

By their acquiescent silence when Tamil MPs who articulate the Eelam demand are killed, these governments are cynical accomplices to murder.

By their continuing refusal to acknowledge the Tamil people’s standing mandate for the free state of Tamil Eelam, these governments are also cynical accomplices to the murder of democracy.

The Tamil people have a long history of participating in elections. But it is no wonder we have got nowhere. It is therefore time for us to recognise what the international community really means by ‘democracy’. Because the question we face as a nation under oppression is still the same: Freedom or Servitude?

In the past few weeks Sri Lanka has come in for considerable criticism for the widespread human rights abuses by its security forces. Human Rights Watch published a detailed attack on the campaign of 'disappearances' being conducted against the Tamils (mainly). The United States’ State Department published its 2007 Country report slamming the government of President Mahinda Rajapakse for a range of ongoing abuses. The international panel observing Sri Lanka's 'investigations' into a select handful of extra-judicial killings stormed off, protesting obstruction by the government.

However, as always, this cacophony isn't going to amount to much because there will almost certainly be precious little by way of action. Yes, some countries have 'cut' aid to Sri Lanka - meaning they've stopped aid for now. Firstly, these states do intend to resume their aid at some less embarrassing moment in future. Secondly, they know that the shortfall will be more than made up by Japan and the new donors such as China.

When the Serbian military attacked Kosovo in the late nineties and drove 230,000 Albanians from their homes, the international community howled 'ethnic cleansing' and launched military action to force it out of the province. Yet when the Sri Lankan military launched a similar onslaught in 2006 against the Tamils of the Eastern Province, displacing almost 300,000, there was only silence - save the denunciations of the Liberation Tigers. Indeed, as soon as the Sinhala military announced the 'liberation' of the East in mid-2007, the democracies of the West announced their readiness to support Rajapakse's 'War of Development'.

We raise these points for two reasons; firstly to put the present international criticism in perspective and, secondly, to point out the futility of expecting the international community to respond to our suffering. To begin with, the present pressure on Sri Lanka to abandon the military option and pursue a political solution has more to do with the fierce Tamil Tiger resistance the US-trained military is struggling to overcome in the northern battlefronts. Whilst there is precious little 'independent' information from the warzones, one point is becoming increasingly clear: the military is unable to take and keep much ground. The offensives in Jaffna, Mannar and Manal Aru are bogged down. This is why various international actors are now fretting.

The strident criticism of late therefore has more to do with Sri Lanka's defiance of international advice than any genuine concern for Tamil suffering. After all, how is the present different to the past two decades? Remember the 'Chemmani mass graves'? In 1996 alone the Kumaratunga regime presided over the 'disappearance' of at least 600 Tamils in Jaffna. Yet, has the international community, which now makes much of 'responsibility to protect', ever taken this up, even during the halcyon days of the peace process? When the Sri Lankan military displaced hundreds of thousands of Tamils during Kumaratunga's 'War for Peace', did the international community pressure the state to stop? When the Tamil towns of Kilinochchi, Paranthan, Mankulam and Chavacachch-eri were blasted into the ground, did any international actor protest, let alone act?

The Sri Lankan conflict is an 'international issue' when it comes to containing and destroying the LTTE but an 'internal matter' (i.e. for the Sinhala state) when it comes to establishing a just solution. For six decades, the international community has dealt with a fiction: Sri Lanka the liberal democracy under attack from a violent Tamil insurgency. Under this logic, the problem is the Tamils, not the state. It is the demand for independence that is the problem, not the structural (discrimination, exclusion, persecution) and physical violence (military offensives, embargos on food and medicine) that the Tamils are being subjected to by the state.

The point here is the futility of Tamils appealing to the international order on the basis of their 'reasonableness'. In short, the international community is not interested in our problems; there's money to be made and geopolitical interests to be pursued. Over the past two years, numerous Tamil actors have taken up the plight of their people with the international community, especially the Western states. Yet there has been no substantive effort to crack down on the Sri Lankan state. This is not to say such efforts should be abandoned.; indeed, in the spirit of hope with which these are taken up, they must be followed through to their end. Rather, it is to ask why is that in response to all this lobbying, instead of taking up the Tamils' demands with the Sri Lankan state, the international community instead continues to insist, as it always has done, that it is up to the state to offer us a solution?