NorthEast

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  • Public face of the Tamil Tigers

    “The thing that most people will remember about Thamilselvan is his huge smile.
     
    For his enemies in this most bitter civil war the smile only masked his ruthlessness.
     
    But for his friends he was a respected and popular fighter with a sense of humour.
     
    Thamilselvan joined the movement in 1984 aged seventeen and was a key figure in fighting the Indian peace keeping force in the Jaffna peninsula where he was born.
     
    In 1993 he was injured in an aerial attack and had to have all the muscles from one leg removed leaving him unable to walk without a stick.
     
    For more than a decade Thamilselvan has been the public face of the Tigers – heading its political wing and attending almost all the peace talks with the Sri Lankan government.
     
    He's probably been interviewed more than any other politician in Sri Lanka – always appearing with two armed bodyguards.
     
    He leaves behind a wife, an eight year old daughter and a son born four years ago during the heady days of the peace process when many rebels hoped for a better future.”
     
    Former BBC Colombo correspondent Frances Harrison who met head of LTTE political wing SP Thamilselvan on numerous occasions
     
  • The long path ahead
    The path is long, my friends, and we have lost another companion.
     
    A companion who walked besides us as he showed us the way forward. A companion who knew the ugliness of war and sought out an alternative path. A companion who told the world of our struggle even as they turned their backs on us.
     
    Even as he walked with us there was no way of knowing how dear he was to the Tamil people or how crucial he was to our struggle. And there was none of the arrogance which comes with power. None of the distance which comes with authority. None of the coldness which comes with importance. Just a smile. A warm open smile which made you comfortable enough to speak your mind, to question, to criticize. A smile that we all see today when we close our eyes.
     
    Behind that almost child like smile was a razor sharp mind that understood the path to freedom was long and dangerous. Behind that smile was a man strong enough to be humble; wise enough to seek the counsel of others. A man so sure of our cause that he was willing to negotiate with an enemy who ultimately took his life.
     
    The path is long and lonely, my friends.
     
    Thamilchelvan Anna understood better that many that we need many companions to reach our destination. As a young diaspora Tamil who was not fully accepting of the struggle, it was refreshing to meet a man secure enough in his own beliefs to allow them to be questioned. Although he had never been to the West when I met first him in 2002, I was surprised by how well he understood that young Tamils in the diaspora would have many questions about the struggle and the movement, and was willing to answer even the most trivial questions.
     
    For some time now we have had two paths in front of us: the path of peace and the path of war. Our nation sent Thamilchelvan Anna down the path of peace. A path that was opened to us by the sacrifice of many lives. We sent him ahead and waited with bated breath; waiting for him to give us the all clear; waiting for him to tell is it was okay to move forward.
     
    When a warrior comes to talk peace surely that must have a special significance? He has seen the ugliness of war first hand; he has seen comrades fall in the red soil of our homeland; he has seen parents grieve for dead children; he has seen our people driven like animals into the jungles. When a man who knows the loss of war sits across the table from you and offers a way to bring peace to the island - do you talk with him or silence him forever?
     
    We sent Thamilchelvan Anna and we waited.
     
    We waited hoping against hope that this path would lead us to freedom. Lead us to a life of dignity and security. Lead us to lives filled with laughter and joy.
     
    But this path has led us only to misery and tears of loss. This path led us to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Tamils. This path led to daily killings and disappearances of Tamils across the island. This path led us to the assassination of Kausalian, Joseph Pararajasingam, Raviraj and now Thamilchelvan Anna and the five others who died at his side.
     
    The Sinhala people have shown us that they are unwilling to walk down this path.
     
    Despite all this we have been patient; our leaders have shown restraint in the face of provocation. Even as death rained down upon our people our leaders have kept the path to peace open. Now they have taken our messenger of peace. A messenger that went forward with the blessing of our people and our leadership. When our messenger is taken from us, the message is clear: the road to peace is closed.
     
    My friends, we walk alone to our freedom. We are all tired for the journey has been long and we have lost many companions along the way. Many of us have lost flesh and blood; many of us have lost house and home; some of us have lost identity and self.
     
    It is tempting to say enough. It is tempting to say I will walk no more. I must rest. It is tempting to lose hope, to fear where this road will lead us. This is what they want from us. They want us to forsake our revolution; to give up our dream.
     
    Now is not the time, my friends. As long as we have the will and means to resist those who seek to oppress us we must stay the path to freedom.
     
    We must show the world they may kill the revolutionary but the revolution will come. They may kill the dreamer but our dream will be realized.
     
    We have lost another companion. But in his name we walk on. In his memory and the memory of so many others we remain strong.
     
    Freedom will come one day. United as a people, we will reach that goal. Thamilchelvan Anna knew this. That is why he was always smiling.
  • Sri Lanka’s outlook is for more war
  • True Colours
    The decision by the Sri Lanka's main opposition United National party (UNP) to make public its opposition to a federal solution to end the ethnic conflict was inevitable. The move reveals the political - and moral - bankruptcy of the southern political establishment more generally and, in particular, the UNP. It also resolves one of the enduring debates about the Norwegian initiative: could peace have been possible with Ranil Wickremesinghe's UNP? The answer is no. An agreement might have been reached, but it would never have been implemented. Since independence, Sinhala leaders have abrogated every agreement on power-sharing reached with the Tamils. The UNP is clearly no different.
     
    There are compelling reasons for the UNP's volte-face, not least a need to win back Sinhala voters amid confidence the LTTE can be defeated, thereby removing the need for concessions to the Tamils. The most important reason, as the party confessed with palpable relief, is that it was never committed to federalism. The 2002 agreement by the LTTE and the then UNP government to 'explore' federalism - later dubbed the 'Oslo Declaration' - was hailed by the international community. It was clear, however, that the UNP, with its tiny Parliamentary majority (well short of the requisite two thirds) could never push an agreement, even if reached, through. Moreover, with the ultra-nationalist JVP and the now ruling SLFP opposed to any deal the UNP struck, there was no hope of the Sinhala electorate endorsing the deal at a referendum. The UNP was therefore free to make any offer to the LTTE, confident it would not have to deliver, and reap the ensuing international kudos.
     
    The international community was unconcerned by these technicalities: the famous Tokyo Declaration commended both sides "for their commitment to a lasting and negotiated peace based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka." Indeed, when the LTTE then called for an interim administration and submitted its ISGA proposal, it was lambasted for departing from the Oslo Declaration - even though an interim administration could easily have been a precursor to a federal unit. The Tokyo Declaration - with its steps to a solution - was denounced by Tamil nationalists as a 'road map to disarmament for the LTTE'. The events this month justify that criticism. If a federal solution had merit on its own terms as a solution to Sri Lanka's ethnic crisis, then that still holds - indeed, if anything, after the past couple of years, there is a greater case for strong federalism now. However, if federalism was posited in 2002 as either a device to split the Tamil liberation struggle (i.e. the 'intransigent' LTTE from the 'moderate' Tamils) or part of an elaborate exercise to defang the Tigers, then the events this month make different sense.
     
    Of course advocates of federalism will decry this logic and protest that the Tamils themselves have not done enough to bolster the conditions for a federal solution. Their criticism misses the point. Any solution that satisfies the simplest Tamil aspirations will require a re-write, rather than tweaking, of Sri Lanka's unabashedly Sinhala supremacist constitution. None of the main Sinhala parties is prepared to do this, even if it will take the country into lasting peace, to say nothing of 21st century governance. Instead, fifty years after a Sinhala leader became prime minister on the inherently chauvinistic pledge to make Sinhalese the official language, Sri Lanka's main political parties are still outbidding each other to be the most tough on the Tamils. Those who have, from the outset, questioned the UNP's bona fides, have been criticized as hardliners, even 'spoilers'. But they have been thoroughly vindicated this month.
     
    Interestingly, it is the international community, as evidenced by US Ambassador Robert O' Blake's recent comments, which is encouraging the UNP to go public with its rejection of federalism. This because the international community wants a 'regime change' in Sri Lanka, with the UNP back in power. But this has less to do with solving the ethnic question or ending Tamil suffering that a need to re-establish competent control over Sri Lanka's economy and state machinery. Whilst President Mahinda Rajapakse might be the right leader to prosecute a war against the Tigers, he and his clique are, to the international community's utter frustration, screwing up the country in the process. To this end, the hope is fresh parliamentary elections - off the back of a failed budget next month, perhaps - will put the UNP back in office.
    But it is actually irrelevant to the Tamil question - and to a peace process - which Sinhala leadership is in office unless it is one prepared to defy the Sinhala nationalists and take a principled stand on a just solution. And the UNP is certainly not that.
  • Sri Lanka moves to muzzle press amid corruption
    In the wake of persistent allegations of high-level corruptions in military procurements, media watchdogs rang alarm bells last week over moves by the Sri Lankan government to ban reporting on defence purchases.
     
    Meanwhile, the government forced three journalists, including two Britons, to leave the north of the country, denying them access to areas affected by the war.
     
    The Free Media Movement (FMM), local media watchdog said last week it “reliably learns that the government is preparing to promulgate new Emergency Regulations to impose a general prohibition on investigative reporting and media coverage in respect of issues relating to defence procurement.”
     
    The FMM demanded the government to either confirm or deny the existence of such draft regulations and requested the government to desist from such regressive actions and to immediately reconsider its policy now and in the future if it intends to go ahead with the draft document.
     
    The organization maintains that the proposed piece of legislation following a series of acts of harassment against senior journalist Iqbal Athas for reporting on allegations of malpractice and possible corruption in the procurement of military aircraft, casts serious doubts on the motivation behind the move, the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.
     
    “FMM is gravely concerned that the motivation for enacting the new regulations is not the legitimate protection of national security interests, but a clear attempt at silencing the media and to forestall investigations into future allegations of bribery, corruption and malpractice,” the media body says.
     
    “FMM records its alarm that the government is planning measures which are not only inconsistent with constitutionally protected fundamental rights in Sri Lanka, but also represent clear violations of international standards and best practice relating to permissible limitations on freedom of speech during a time of conflict,” it further states.
     
    Meanwhile, three female journalists, including two journalists from UK based Quicksilver Media and a Sri Lankan journalist accompanying them, were forced to return to Colombo after the Sri Lanka Army cancelled their documentary mission.
     
    An hour after arriving at a hotel in Jaffna city, with military escort, they were taken back to Palaali air base where they had to stay overnight before returning to Colombo next day.
     
    The SLA officers in Palaali, upon the arrival of the documentary team, had offered accommodation in a military camp, but the journalists had declined to accept the offer, TamilNet reported.
     
    Reporter Sandra Jordan, Director Siobhan Sinnerton of Quicksilver Media and a Sri Lankan journalist, upon their arrival to Jaffna at Palaali airport, were briefed by a SLA Brigade Commander on the security situation in Jaffna before they were allowed to proceed to Jaffna city.
     
    However, an hour after they arrived at Thinakkural Rest, the hotel where they were preparing for a documentary work, they were instructed by the SLA soldiers to return to Palaali military base with immediate effect, citing security reasons.
     
    The journalists, despite their explanation that they had obtained clearance from the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence, were taken back to the military complex.
     
    The documentary team was scheduled to stay in Jaffna till October 7 and to visit various places including the islets.
     
    The following morning the SLA took the journalists on a guided two-hour trip to Jaffna city, where they were taken to Jaffna hospital and to the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission, before they were returned to Palaali airport.
     
    Although they were allowed to video their guided tour, they were unable to freely interview people without the presence of military personnel.
     
    Quicksliver Media has produced powerful documentaries for Britain’s Channel 4’s award-winning foreign affairs strand "Unreported World" featuring conflicts of Afganistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Somalia, South Africa, Nigeria, Guatamala, West Papua and Mexico.
     
    It has won the prestigious Royal Television Society Award for International Current Affairs for the documentary "The Death Squads," a hard hitting investigation into Iraq's death squads.
     
  • Policing and pimping
    A Dutch journalist, Jon Bottis, learned a lesson about Sri Lankan policing when he made a complaint about the theft of his personal belongings from his apartment in the holiday town of Hikkaduwa recently. One policeman called him outside the station and asked him whether he needed a woman to have sex with.
     
    Having arrived in the country with a view to do a travel story to promote Sri Lanka, he would have learned the lesson that what is important for the promotion of a country is the degree of its respect for human rights and the rule of law more than anything else.
     
    There may be tourists who wish to obtain the type of information that the Dutchman received from the police officer, and it may not be the first time that the policeman has provided such information.
     
    However, the very depravity of the image of a law enforcement officer turning into a pimp is what Sri Lanka has to change if tourists are to be attracted to this beautiful island, which was once known for the hospitality and decency of its smiling people.
     
    Today, bedecked with corruption and failed state institutions, that smile has disappeared from the faces of the people, and the sinister smiles, like that of this policemen who tried to exploit the baser elements of some tourists, have emerged instead.
     
    The Dutchman has written to the president of Sri Lanka to complain about this incident. However, whether his letter will result in any genuine investigation is quite doubtful.
     
    Human rights organizations have been writing for a long time to the president and other Sri Lankan authorities, like the inspector general of police, the attorney general, the National Police Commission and even to the now virtually defunct Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka.
     
    There are no known examples of any serious investigations in recent times.
     
    The presidential commission inquiring into some of the gravest crimes has not been able to make even an inch of progress. As the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons has pointed out, this commission's time is running out.
     
    The state of Sri Lanka has virtually abandoned its duty to investigate and prosecute serious crimes and human rights abuses. As a result, the type of law enforcement officer like the one who made the offer to the Dutch journalist has been created.
     
    For the purpose of future records and a demonstration of the extent to which law enforcement in Sri Lanka has degenerated, it is worth reproducing this short news report in full, as it ran in the “London Daily Mirror” (see box)
     
    When the United Nations Human Rights Council did not produce any resolution to provide assistance to Sri Lanka for human rights monitors, the Sri Lankan government and some diplomats who are part of its propaganda machine were triumphant. Their strenuous actions, they claim, had paid off.
     
    What have all these propaganda gimmicks achieved for the people of Sri Lanka?
     
    The best people to answer this question are those Sri Lankans and others who are facing similar types of crimes, or worse, as the one experienced by the Dutch journalist and who invariably must cope with the same neglect.
     
    Take the case of the family massacre in Delgoda on May 26, which shook the whole nation. What tragically occurred was the killing of two people, allegedly arrested for a crime, who were later shot in police custody for supposedly trying to attack the police.
     
    About six neighboring houses next to the one in which the crime took place were burned by a gang that was sent by a leading politician.
     
    There is one surviving member of the family, the rest of whom became victims of the massacre. She is the 12-year-old girl Denusha Madurangy, who is still in the hospital due to the injuries she suffered.
     
    According to reports received by human rights organizations, neighbors fear for the life of this young girl as she is the surviving witness to the incident. The neighbors have also reported that the actual culprits have never been apprehended and the true story of the massacre has been swept under the carpet.
     
    It is fervently hoped that the Dutch journalist will now understand that the best way to promote the interests of the people is not to write about the country's unsafe tourist resorts but to ardently expose the gross human rights abuses in the country with a view to improving its law enforcement and the rule of law.
     
    Basil Fernando is director of the Asian Human Rights Commission based in Hong Kong. He is a Sri Lankan lawyer who has also been a senior U.N. human rights officer in Cambodia. He has published several books and written extensively on human rights issues in Asia.
     
  • British oil firms to explore Mannar amid UK ‘worry’ over rights
    British oil companies are to carry out oil explorations in Sri Lanka, press reports quoted the country’s Development and Investment minister, Sarath Amunagama, as saying. The agreement was reached following a series of high-level discussions he held with leading oil companies during a visit to London, the LankaTribune reported.
     
    Meanwhile, describing the human rights situation in Sri Lanka as “deeply worrying”, British Development Trade and Development minister, Gareth Thomas, said his government was pressing Sri Lanka to respect human rights.
     
    Addressing a Tamil community meeting in Harrow, Mr. Thomas, who is also the local MP, said “the scale of the human rights abuses – abductions, extra-judicial killings, etc – is deeply worrying.”
     
    He said he was “particularly concerned” by the actions of “government and paramilitary forces connected with the government.”
     
    In May, he had decided to withhold some of the UK’s aid, he said. However, since then, the situation has not improved, he noted.
     
    In May, the UK cut half its annual aid – about #1.5million or $3million. However, Sri Lanka’s Defence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse derided the move. Sri Lanka’s defence budget is over $1.3 billion.
     
    In the first three months of 2007, Britain sold GBP7 million worth of arms to Sri Lanka.
     
    Mr. Thomas said the UK “believes there has to a peace process [in Sri Lanka] and that peace process has to be based on respect for human rights.”
     
    “A solution has to come from inside Sri Lanka,” he said. “People should be able to sit as equals [and talk].”
     
    Earlier in September, Sri Lanka Development and Investment minister, Sarath Amunagama, announced British oil firms would be exploring oil in Mannar.
     
    He made his comments whilst speaking at the ‘Mannar Basin Oil Exploration Roadshow’ held in London, the Lanka Tribune newspaper said.
     
    Sri Lanka will find “the missing link” in its growth trajectory with the discovery of oil and gas, the minister said.
     
    “We look forward to very close cooperation between our country and the British government as well as British government. We are about to launch a new milestone in the history of Sri Lanka,” Amunagama said.
     
    It was appropriate that Sri Lanka begins its promotion for the Mannar Basin exploration in the UK, as both countries had been friends “for many centuries,” he said.
     
    Sri Lanka has already allocated four blocks in the Mannar Basin, two each to India and China on a preferential basis.
     
    The Colombo government is to lead the project to explore oil there with the state-owned Ceylon Petroleum Corporation also expected to take on two blocks with foreign assistance, the paper said.
  • Sri Lanka under no international pressure
    Bogollagama and Burns: Sri Lanka merely urged to ‘do more’
    Despite the international commuity’s expressions of concern over human rights abuses by Sri Lankan security forces, the Colombo government is under no serious pressure, as underlined by recent US expression of support and promises of access to US intelligence reports.
     
    Sri Lanka was merely urged to “do more” in a meeting between the US Under Secretary of State, Nicholas Burns, and the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, Rohitha Bogollagama.
     
    Burns and Bogollagama reviewed the human rights situation in Sri Lanka during a 45-minute State Department meeting, a US statement said.
     
    But not only did the US fail to take any action, even the wording of the statement was weak, analysts said.
     
    Burns merely urged Sri Lanka “to do more to bring to justice those responsible for human rights violations and to put an end to disappearances on the island nation” according to the statement.
     
    "Burns welcomed progress in reducing abductions in Colombo. However, he noted serious concern over credible reports of continued severe human rights abuses in Jaffna and other parts of the country and ongoing threats to freedom of the press," the statement said.
     
    During the meeting Burns also urged Sri Lanka to make progress on a power-sharing proposal that would give a political voice to moderate Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese, the statement said.
     
    "Burns urged the government of Sri Lanka to do more to bring to justice those responsible for human rights violations and to put an end to disappearances on the island nation," the statement said repeating similar words from previous statements that have had no impact on the deteriorating situation on the ground.
     
    Rights groups say hundreds of people have been killed or abducted in Sri Lanka since last year, when the ceasefire agreement broke down and the war resumed after a near four-year lull.
     
    The state security forces and paramilitary forces working with the Sri Lankan military have been implicated in many disappearances and killings.
     
    International rights monitors have called for a UN human rights monitoring mission to work in Sri Lanka, but the government has responded by saying the reports are overblown and designed to tarnish its image. It has slammed foreign governments and rights groups for the criticism.
     
    Sri Lanka also rejected calls for a United Nations human rights monitoring mission, with the foreign minister saying such an outside force would interfere with local investigations.
     
    Bogollagama said his government has stepped up arrests, prosecutions and convictions of those accused of rights abuses.
     
    “There is still room for improvement,” he said in an interview with the Associated Press. But, he said, the government can continue to progress without any outside so-called presence.
     
    “When we have this type of presence coming in, that has an unwieldy effect on the local investigations that Sri Lanka has started,” Bogollagama said of the proposed UN mission.
     
    The government has come under increasing international criticism for a series of high profile killings under unexplained circumstances amid a new wave of fighting in the past two years, including the execution-style slaying last year of 17 workers for the aid group Action Against Hunger.
     
    In a separate interview Sri Lanka's foreign secretary, Palitha Kohona, said an outside human rights intervention “could divert attention” from a democracy struggling against a terrorist organization and provide a lifeline to a terrorist organization at a time that it is coming under increasing pressure to rejoin the mainstream.
     
    The meeting between Burns and Bogollagama was released in the same week as a meeting between US Ambassador to Sri Lanka Robert A. Blake and the Sinhala-nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).
     
    The USA led international community, instead of preaching to the Sri Lankan Government of the values of engaging in talks with the LTTE, must extend their support to wipe out terrorism, the JVP Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa had told the US envoy, according to reports in The Island.
     
    Meanwhile, in the same week, the United States reported that it is likely to share its most advanced spy technology with Sri Lanka and several other Asian countries.
     
     
     The US is planning to share intelligence gathered by the Global Hawk aircraft with Sri Lanka
    The US would share the Global Hawk consortium idea at a conference being planned for next year to boost security in the Asia –Pacific region, the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.
     
    A highly placed Sri Lankan defence official told the Daily Mirror that unofficial discussions had taken place in this regard between the US and Sri Lanka although an official request or invitation to attend such a conference in the US had not been received.
     
    The Reuters news agency, quoting the U.S. Pacific Command, said the conference tentatively planned for April in Hawaii would discuss an informal regional grouping to support the high-flying, remotely piloted Global Hawk built by Northrop Grumman.
     
    “Our intent is to involve as many nations as possible in whatever capacity they want to be involved,” the command's air component said in e-mailed replies to questions from Reuters.
     
    Global Hawk entered service after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States. It is designed to survey vast areas with near pinpoint accuracy from as high as 65,000 feet for up to 35 hours. The data can be fed from the $27.6 million aircraft nearly instantly to commanders on the ground.
     
    With its advanced radar, optical and infrared sensors, it will become a key U.S. intelligence asset in Asia and the Pacific when it starts flying from Andersen Air Force Base on Guam in 2009.
     
    Partner countries could allow alternative landing and launch sites for the Global Hawk.
     
  • UN officials barred from seeing Vanni
    The Sri Lankan government continued its efforts to deny the Liberation Tigers access to the international community last week by preventing two UN envoys from visiting LTTE –held areas and criticizing an Icelandic diplomat who entered LTTE-controlled territory without Colombo’s permission.
     
    Sri Lanka said last Thursday that it would not allow the United Nation's human rights envoy to visit LTTE-held areas, while at the same time the government criticised the ceasefire monitors for meeting with the Liberation Tigers.
     
    The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, visiting Sri Lanka this week to assess the island's deteriorating rights record, had requested permission to visit the Vanni during her visit.
     
    The Liberation Tiger had also requested that she visit the Vanni to ascertain the living conditions of civilians there.
     
    The Colombo government has imposed a blockade on food and medicine into the Vanni and has been conducting daily air and artillery bombardment of the region.
     
    Ms Arbour made the request citing a desire to get a first hand assessment of the situation in the LTTE controlled areas and also to meet LTTE political head S. P. Tamilselvan, the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.
     
    Her visit follows close on the heels of the UN's top torture investigator, Manfred Novak, who was in the country last week.
     
    But Human Rights Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe said "neither Novak or Madam Louise Arbour can visit Kilinochchi," reported AFP.
     
    The minister said the Tigers could use the visit for propaganda and that security was a concern.
     
    "Visiting foreign dignitaries are free to travel to other parts of the country to get a first-hand idea of what's happening on the ground," Samarasinghe told reporters.
     
    The decision to block access came after Sri Lanka avoided censure at the United Nations Human Rights Council last month.
     
    The European Union, which was expected to move a motion, put off the decision to do so until after Ms Arbour’s visit, with the result that Sri Lanka’s human rights record was not criticised at the UN.
     
    “The EU has decided to wait till the end of her visit next month and see the outcome before deciding on the next move,” an EU diplomat was quoted by the Daily Mirror as saying.
     
    Sri Lanka was quick to publicise, and indeed claim credit for, the lack of criticism.
     
    "Many delegations, including India, Japan, South Africa, Indonesia and Bangladesh, in their interventions to the Council were appreciative of the initiatives of Sri Lanka in the promotion and protection of human rights," a press release from the Sri Lankan mission at the UN Office in Geneva said.
     
    "We shall discuss with High Commissioner Louise Arbour when she visits Sri Lanka about how national institutions can be strengthened with the cooperation of the High Commission,” the Sri Lankan Ambassador to the UN, Dayan Jayatilleka, said during the UN sitting.
     
    “Whether or not to establish a field presence, is a matter for Sri Lanka,” he added, deflecting calls for an international rights monitoring mission.
     
    Meanwhile, the government Friday accused Nordic truce monitors of violating the terms of the 2002 ceasefire pact by helping a diplomat from Iceland meet the LTTE without its permission.
     
    Iceland apologised last week for a meeting between Bjarni Vestmann, Minister Counsellor of the Foreign Ministry of Iceland, and Mr. Tamilselvan.
     
    Sri Lanka said members of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), which is charged with overseeing the ceasefire agreement, had helped arrange the meeting.
     
    "The (Sri Lankan foreign) minister strongly protested the action of Mr. Vestmann and requested his immediate recall," a ministry statement said.
     
    "SLMM had misused ceasefire agreement and we are going to check SLMM vehicles at checkpoints if necessary," Defence spokesman minister Keheliya Rambukwella said, contradicting the diplomatic immunity of the SLMM.
     
    Rambukwella described the visit of the Iceland diplomat to LTTE areas as a private visit taking refuge under the SLMM, adding it was very alarming as to how the monitors managed to make a passage for the diplomat under the cover of truce monitoring, the Daily Mirror reported.
     
    “It is a violation of the country’s laws for a diplomat on a diplomatic passport to make such a visit without prior permission from the government or informing relevant authorities,” the newspaper quoted him as saying.
     
    Days after Vestmann’s visit, other SLMM officials were blocked by the Sri Lanka Army from crossing the Oamanthai entry point.
     
    The monitors turned back after being informed of new routines that involved going through a body check, inspection of vehicles and early enlistment of travellers.
     
    Sri Lanka discourages visits by foreign officials into LTTE-controlled areas, saying it gives legitimacy to the Tigers whom it describes as "terrorists."
     
    "What happens when we allow those visits, the LTTE begins to think that they are also a (separate) country... Our problem is when they (UN officials) go there, they (LTTE) take advantage," said Director General of the government's secretariat for coordinating the peace process, Rajiva Wijesinghe.
     
  • ‘Recognize Tamil sovereignty’ – LTTE urges world
    Pointing to the ‘genocidal war’ the Sinhala-dominated state is waging against the Tamils of Sri Lanka, the Liberation Tigers this week urged the international community to “recognise the sovereignty of the Tamil people, and support the peace process in accordance with this principle.”
     
    The world should “provide appropriate opportunities to the Tamil people to express their aspirations, as have been given to the people of East Timor and Kosovo,” the LTTE also said.
     
    The LTTE statement, released to coincide with hardline Sinhala President Mahinda Rajapakse’s address to the United Nations General Assembly, said the Tamil people’s voice had been marginalized.
     
    “As the LTTE and Tamil people are denied a fair chance to interact directly with the International community, we choose to submit this statement,” the LTTE said.
     
    “We strongly believe that the international community understands that the Tamil liberation struggle against oppression has been taken up according to international norms. And it cannot be compared to aimless, intolerant causes of violence: terrorism,” the LTTE said.
     
    “Further, we expect the international community recognize that it is always the LTTE that keeps the doors wide open for peace talks.”
     
    “Whereas the LTTE continued to respect and urge for a full implementation of the [2002] ceasefire agreement (CFA), the Rajapaksa regime eventually embarked on its war of occupation.”
     
    “Since elected to office, President Mahinda Rajapakse has been systematically weakening the internationally-backed CFA and has blatantly ignored all the promises that were made at the Geneva talks.”
     
    The Rajapakse government was insincere in its claims to be prepared to negotiate a solution, the LTTE said, adding: “GoSL has made schizophrenic public statements that ranged from, the intention to ‘wipe out the LTTE’ and give a political solution to the Tamils, and to ‘weakening the LTTE’ in order to ‘force’ it to come to the negotiating table.”
     
    “The tactic of appointing ‘All Party Representative Committees’ and ‘Round Tables’ to resolve the national conflict are an established deceptive habit of the successive Sri Lankan governments.”
     
    “But some members of the international community had shown confidence in this latest APRC and have been assuring everyone that it would come up with a framework for the resolution of the conflict. This misplaced confidence has not brought any constructive outcome to date,” the LTTE said.
     
    Meanwhile, “the growing statistics of [Tamil] civilian casualties amply prove beyond doubt that this war conducted by the Sri Lankan armed forces is indeed a genocidal war against the Tamil people,” the LTTE said.
     
    “Oppressive laws sanctioned by a majoritarian Sinhala government are legitimizing its brutality. The Emergency Regulations give cover and impunity for unlawful arrest, torture, killing, and disposal of bodies without investigations.”
     
    A few days before their formal statement, the head of the Tigers’ Political Wing, Mr. .P. Thamilchelvan, said that amid international apathy, the Sri Lankan government is waging a genocidal war against the Tamil people,
     
    He warned that the LTTE’s military restraint in the face of continuing military offensives by the Sri Lnakan state should not be taken as weakness.
     
    “Without caring for international policies and [their] passive requests [for an end to conflict], the Government of Sri Lanka is continuing its genocidal war against the Tamil people,” the LTTE's Political Head S.P. Thamilchelvan said last week.
     
    “The concerns raised by the International Community have failed to make any dent on the ethnic cleansing by Colombo government which has proved itself a terrorist-state.”
     
    Moreover, “some International governments, without understanding realities, give aid to the deceitful purposes of the Sinhala government,” he said.
     
    This “will only escalate the island's ethnic conflict to hitherto unseen heights," he warned, without elaborating.
     
    “The LTTE is maintaining patience and is still restricting itself to a defensive war,” he said.
     
    “By doing so, it wishes the International Community to realize the futility of achieving peace by dealing [in negotiations] with such a government.”
     
    Every form of international assitance given to the Government of Sri Lanka is "cunningly misused" under the cover of "development" to convert the Tamil homeland into a land of refugees and disrupt its contiguity and for Sinhala colonization, he said.
     
    It is the Colombo government is dictating the use of international aid, he pointed out.
     
    The core theme of the government’s development plans - and the "most cruel part" of the agenda - are to dismember the contiguity of the Tamil homeland in the island’s Northeast.
     
    "The Tamil people wonder in what way this [outcome] serves the interests of the donor countries," said Mr. Thamilchelvan.
     
    "The LTTE therefore requests the International Community not to be carried away by the deceitful program of the government and to stop every form of aid so as to pressure the government to create an environment for peace efforts,” he said.
     
    The Rajapakse regime was “desperately” trying to cover up its human rights abuses, by preventing news from reaching the outside world and by using all its resources for false propaganda, he said.
     
    “We expect the International Community to make its own assessment by visiting the affected areas and gathering information through its own sources,” the LTTE's political head said. 
  • Back Tamil self-determination, Tamil MPs urge world
    Tamil parliamentarians pictured last year protesting against the Sri Lankan state’s indiscriminate violence against Tamils in the east.
    Protesting that the Sri Lankan government had discarded negotiating a settlement to the island’s ethnic conflict, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) urged the international community to take a principled stand on the Tamil people’s right to self determination.
     
    The TNA is a coalition of Sri Lanka’s four largest Tamil parties.
     
    Outlining the humanitarian and human rights crisis that has emerged in the wake of Colombo’s military project, the TNA said: “the Sri Lankan State’s objective is to resolve the Tamil National question by military means.”
     
    “We strongly submit that the Sri Lankan State will not conform to international norms or standards,” the TNA said.
     
    “Only by the International Community taking a principled stand on the question of the right to self determination of the Tamil people and by taking meaningful steps, can the Sri Lankan State be made to realize that it cannot continue with the present disastrous trend,” the TNA argued.
     
    “Since 1956, the democratic verdicts of the Tamil people in the North-East, at every successive election, have overwhelmingly supported this demand for self determination. All activities by the Tamil people in support of this demand were non-violent and peaceful.”
     
    But the Sri Lankan State “has consistently denied the right to self determination to the Tamil people, and through the 1972 and 1978 Constitutions enacted without the consent of the Tamil people, enshrined the unitary system of government which is the antithesis of the right to self- determination.”
     
    “Racial pogroms were unleashed against the Tamil people. Moderate Tamil political leadership over a period of three decades, despite valiant efforts failed to achieve positive results,” the TNA pointed out.
     
    “It was in these circumstances that an armed struggle by the Tamil people commenced to defend the themselves from the genocidal intent of the Sri Lankan State and to further the struggle to realize the right to self determination.”
     
    Saying that Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) “are at the forefront leading this struggle for self determination of the Tamil people,” the TNA argued: “due to the intransigence of the Sri Lankan State, the struggle yet continues.”
     
    The Sri Lankan Armed forces are over 99% Sinhalese, the Police forces are over 95% Sinhalese, and are openly hostile to the Tamil people, the parliamentarians said.
     
    “The Tamil people look upon the Sri Lankan armed forces as an Army of occupation and have every reason to fear [them],” the TNA said.
     
    “The Sri Lankan State’s objective is to resolve the Tamil National question by military means,” it said, adding that since President Mahinda Rajapakse came to power, he has pursued military operations in flagrant violation of the ceasefire agreement signed in 2002 between the Sri Lankan State and the LTTE.
     
    Meanwhile “violence against Tamil civilians has been a continuing phenomenon, and has escalated since 2006,” the TNA said.
     
    The military uses heavy weapons indiscriminately against Tamil residential areas, the MPs said. “Though the Government claims that such attacks were directed against identified LTTE targets, the victims have very frequently and mainly been Tamil civilians.”
     
    The Sinhala government was blockading Tamil areas and stopping international aid agencies from providing humanitarian relief, it said.
     
    “Supplies of food and medicine to the civilian population have been obstructed by the Armed Forces, thus using food as a weapon of war. International and domestic NGOs and aid workers were denied access to these areas.”
     
    There have been over 3,900 extra-judicial killings of Tamil civilians by the security forces and allied paramilitaries in 2006, and over 700 people were killed in the first three months of 2007, the TNA said, adding: “Over the past one year over 1000 Tamils are believed to have ‘disappeared’.”
     
    Military attacks by the Rajapakse regime have displaced over 300,000 Tamils with another 20,000 fleeing to India. Apart from these, “over 250,000 Tamil civilians displaced by Tsunami and over 300,000 displaced during the earlier phase of violence have not yet been resettled.”
     
    Instead of resettling people, in many places, the government was declaring large tracts of Tamil areas as High Security Zones and it is unlikely that the displaced Tamils would be allowed to resettle in these areas, the TNA said.
     
    “This action of the Government is tantamount to ethnic cleansing,” the TNA said, also pointing to the forced eviction of hundreds of Tamils from the capitol, Colombo, in July.
      
  • ‘Get out whilst ahead’ - US tells Rajapakse
    The United States Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Robert Blake, cautioned the Colombo government, saying its victories were ‘tactical’ and urged resumption of talks. In short, Blake told the Sri Lankan government, which has been waging war against the LTTE for over a year now, to quit its military campaign whilst on a strong footing.
     
    He also told the government to abandon ‘divisive’ words like ‘federalism’ and ‘unitary’ in formulating a proposals for a solution to the island’s long running ethnic conflict.
     
    Mr. Blake made his comments whilst addressing a seminar titled “Sri Lanka: the Way Forward,” in Colombo last Friday organized by Fullbright Association.
     
    The Ambassador observed that the Colombo government faces significant risks if it fails to seize its opportunity in the East. He was referring to orderly transition from military to civilian control, consultation with elected representatives of Tamil, Muslim and Sinhala communities and control on the paramilitaries.
     
    Mr. Blake also cautioned against resettlement and development plans that change the ethnic composition of Eastern districts, restrictions on livelihood, and slow economic development.
     
    “We hope that all parties in the APRC will frame the final APRC proposals in a manner that avoids the use of divisive, emotive terms like 'federalism' and 'unitary',” the Ambassador said, urging negotiated settlement to achieve lasting peace for the crisis in Sri Lanka.
     
    Extracts of Mr. Blake’s speech, later issued by the US Embassy in Colombo, follows:
     
    “The Government of Sri Lanka has achieved some important victories in the last several months. The expulsion of the LTTE from the East and the recent sinking of several LTTE ships carrying arms and other provisions mark important military successes.
     
    “But these tactical successes should not tempt the Government to re-consider whether Sri Lanka’s conflict can be won by military means. It cannot.
     
    “While the Government must continue to defend the nation against terrorist attacks, the way forward lies in continuing to lay the basis for a negotiated settlement that will meet the aspirations of all of Sri Lanka’s communities: Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese.
     
    “A key part of that equation will be for the All Parties Representative Committee to complete its important work on a power-sharing proposal. From all accounts the APRC has made substantial progress.
     
    “But difficult issues remain that will test whether all of Sri Lanka’s parties can work together to arrive at a just and equitable proposal that will receive the support of Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese. To achieve a compromise that will lead to lasting peace will require statesmanship from all sides and the will to put the national interest above narrow party interests.
     
    “The governing coalition must demonstrate it represents the interests of all Sri Lankans, not just southern Sinhalese.
     
    “The opposition UNP, which deserves much credit for the important steps it took to advance peace in 2002-2003, should, for the sake of all Sri Lankans, build on that record of achievement and work responsibly with the Government to ensure a successful APRC outcome.
     
    “And we hope that all parties in the APRC will frame the final APRC proposals in a manner that avoids the use of divisive, emotive terms like “federalism” and “unitary.”
     
    “Let me a say a word about the stabilization and reconstruction process in the east, which also is an important part of the way forward.
     
    “Now that conflict has subsided in the east, the Government has a significant opportunity to stabilize and develop the east in a manner that would demonstrate to all Sri Lankans, but particularly Tamils and Muslims, that they have a bright future within a united Sri Lanka and that the Government is serious about ensuring their rights and providing opportunities equitably within a pluralistic state.
     
    “In short, a successful transition in the east can be an important confidence builder and a building block for a future negotiation process.
     
    “Conversely, the government faces significant risks if it fails to seize its opportunity in the east. Specifically, a failure to effect an orderly transition from military to civilian control, a failure to consult elected representatives of the Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese communities on the development and other programs now being devised for the east, and a failure to rein in paramilitaries are all likely to destabilize the east and harden minority attitudes about prospects for negotiated settlement.
     
    “Likewise, resettlement and development plans that change the ethnic composition of eastern districts, restrictions on access to means of livelihood, and slow economic development will produce similar negative effects.
     
    “In conclusion, let me emphasize that a solution to Sri Lanka’s conflict is in reach. But it will require Sri Lanka’s government and parties to work together to put the national interest first. The United States, as a friend of Sri Lanka and a Co-Chair, stands ready to assist in any way we can.”
     
  • Core Issue
    Lumping Sri Lanka's bloody war into the catchall category of 'intra-state conflict', various international policy makers emphatically tell us that the cause of the island's ethnic strife is underdevelopment and poverty. The Tamils are fighting, they maintain, because this 'minority' can't have access to resources. For decades - and from long before the armed struggle began - a succession of Tamil leaders argued that it was the entrenchment of Sinhala chauvinism in the post-colonial state that was making it impossible for us to live as equals. As the state repression and, especially, Sinhala violence against us worsened year by year, Tamil demands changed from power-sharing at the state's centre to regional autonomy and, three decades later, to outright independence. We argued our demands are political, not economic. It is true we were marginalized from the state and denied access to higher education. But that was long after the island was defined as a Sinhala birthright and we were cast as tolerated interlopers.
     
    This struggle is not about underdevelopment. The core problem in Sri Lanka is the entrenched 'tyranny of the majority' that the 'one-person, one vote' ethos of democracy easily conceals and perpetuates. The core Tamil demand, enshrined in the Thimpu principles, is about the equality amongst ethnic collectives, not just individuals. Any solution will require a radical restructuring of the constitution that the Sinhalese, exploiting their numerical superiority, established in the seventies. It is no accident that out of 225 seats in the Sinhala state's parliament, just over two dozen are allocated to the Northeast.
     
    However, it has became vogue, ever since the ferocity of the Tamil armed struggle internationalized the conflict, for Sinhala governments, parroting the rheto-ric of international actors, to wax lyrical of the need to 'Tamil grievances' - after defeating 'Tamil terrorism' that is. Grievances, like 'peace', mean different things to different people. For us a lasting solution entails we are recognized - by constitutional arrangement- as a people living in our traditional homeland in the island's Northeast. It is not merely one where the Sinhala dominated state produces its documents also in Tamil or tosses the odd developmental project our way from time to time.
     
    Today, the Presidency of Mahinda Rajapakse has dropped all pretences, unleashing an overtly Sinhala war of conquest in the Northeast.. Of late, he too has adopted the rhetoric of 'Tamil grievances.' But he deploys the figure of speech with an ineptness that stems from an inability to transcend the Sinhala chauvinism that took over the state with the 1956 'revolution' - as he puts it. Last week, President Rajapakse proudly declared "I was elected primarily by a Sinhala constituency on an election manifesto which made it clear that an ultimate solution to the ethnic crisis could be evolved only on the basis of a unitary state." He went on to muse: "I cannot change history or my own political circumstances overnight... You must remember my political legacy and constraints." That means under no circumstances will he recognise the Tamils as one of the founding people's of the island. The bloodletting unleashed by the state armed forces under Rajapakse is not, as some international human rights groups insist, merely a 'failure to protect civilians' or 'investigate violators' but a strategic exercise of state terror, an effort to impose the primacy of Sinhala sentiments. True, some Sinhalese are also suffering the regime's wrath - but mainly when they oppose his war efforts.
     
    Some international actors, intoning the mantra of underdevelopment and conflict, believe they can ameliorate Tamil frustrations with aid and a few tweaks of the 1972 constitution. To do that, they believe, the LTTE must be first destroyed. The evidence to the contrary is everywhere now. The Rajapakse regime is not interested in their peace plans. Baying for blood, it is not concerned by their moralising or lecturing. It is less concerned about their conditionalities. In short, to their consternation and now undisguised irritation, they are unable to get the Sinhala state to pay the slightest attention to their values or self-declared authority. But ideologically wedded to their theories of conflict, they refuse to acknowledge these disconnects. Instead, blaming the LTTE for the mess, they are redoubling their efforts in Rajapakse's war.
     
    But Sri Lanka's crisis began at independence. Its cause was glaringly apparent then. This majoritarian oppression is now fully institutionalised. The international community is manifestly able to dislodge or check these forces, but has convinced itself that aid will cure all. But as Rajapakse himself mockingly put it last week: solving the island's crisis "is not like making instant coffee."
     
     
     
     
  • Mistaking night for day in the new dawn of the east

    Reporter, Juliana Ruhfus, Director, Dom Rotheroe and Researcher, Aloke Devichand, have two films scheduled for broadcast on the al-Jazeera network which will be of interest to all those with an abiding interest in Sri Lanka both within and without the country. The first, “How the East Was Won” deals with the contemporary context and consequences of claimed military victory over the Eastern Province and the second, “Monks of War”, focuses on the political ascendancy of the JHU and the resurgence of the Sinhala Buddhist nationalism which has been the central ideological legitimation for the return to a military solution to the ethnic conflict.

    In that sense both documentaries are mutually illuminating of the political crossroads that Sri Lanka currently finds itself in but which is unfortunately also exemplary of the tragic and endless recurrence of attempts to pursue the same policies in the past albeit within the changed historical circumstances of the post-9/11 global dystopia. Despite the constraints of the brevity of the documentary, Ruhfus in ‘How the East was Won’ successfully counter-poses the justifications and claims of Sri Lankan governmental and military spokespeople she interviews with the realities facing those on the ground in the East. Realities, which clearly raises some fundamental questions as to the consequences and potential outcome of the present direction of governmental policy which has not only militarized Sri Lankan social space to an extent that the country did not even witness in the bishane period of 1987-1990 but has also securitised ‘development’ to levels witnessed in other contexts of militarised interventions in the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq.

    For example, Ruhfus presents the claims of senior military commanders, who claim that the security forces have now reoccupied 95% of the land mass of the Eastern Province and that as a result, 178,000 civilians who were formerly in LTTE areas are “now with the government” and that the armed services are actively engaged in a programme to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of the people through redevelopment as a means of demonstrating the superiority and commitment of the government in comparison to the LTTE. She then contrasts this with the humanitarian “fall-out” that the pursuit of the military solution has created. Months of MBRL and aerial bombardment, 140,000 displaced, civilian killings, disappearances, abductions, ongoing child recruitment, fears of governmental surveillance in registration processes, forced and/or inadequate resettlement aid are all on-the ground experiences which Ruhfus uncovers in her investigative foray into the situation in the Eastern Province. All this is compounded by civilians’ memories of the suffering that has accompanied past experience of military control, of the destruction of villages and eviction as well as the inevitability that the LTTE, having engaged in a strategic withdrawal from overt control over territory, have merely returned to low-intensity warfare through cadres that have infiltrated the East in the course of recent cycles of conflict, forced migration, encampment and resettlement.

    Finally, Ruhfus poses the question that the greatest obstacle to the government claims to be asserting a new found legitimacy through territorial control is to be found in the political ascendancy of Karuna’s TMVP which effectively controls many areas of the Eastern province and is extremely powerful in the Batticaloa District through what she describes as a regime of “intimidation, extortion and murder”. This development evidently gives the lie to the claims by Sri Lankan Army commander, Prasad Samarasinghe, that the Sri Lankan military is not collaborating with the TMVP and, due to its superior strength, has no intention or need to permit the activities of a paramilitary group. Whilst, this clearly spurious claim might betray the long-term dilemmas of the Sri Lankan government vis a vis its paramilitary proxies in the East, it does not ring true to the current unchecked reign of the TMVP which the government is more than happy to use in the short term as an attempted surrogate for the political legitimacy that the military clearly lacks amongst the Tamil community. Yet this is a strategy that, evidently, will not only continue to foment divides between pro-LTTE and pro-Karuna factions amongst Eastern Tamils but will also alienate the sizeable Muslim populations in areas of TMVP activity and dominance as some Muslim spokespeople argue that the current context is one where the TMVP and government are also actively cooperating in the combined economic expropriation of Muslims in the East. As a result, we are left with a profound questioning of the extent to which peace and development can really be achieved in the NorthEast for as long as meaningful devolution and federalism remain a taboo subject in government circles, a myopia rather farcically borne out by the smokescreen of the APRC on constitutional reform and its recent abrupt euthanasia. The only alternatives to a devolved settlement acceptable to ‘minority’ interests are surely the continuing spectre of civil war of multi-polar dimensions and the balkanisation of the country. As such, the Rajapakses must surely be mistaking night for day when beholding their vision of the New Dawn in the East.

    The second of the documentaries, ‘Monks of War’, is the more ambitious of the two reports and, as such, does suffer more heavily due to brevity. Yet, despite the fact that an in-depth understanding of something as complex as Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ideology deserves more than a 21 minute time frame, the focus benefits from its willingness to engage across a broad spectrum from the more extreme proponents of Sinhala nationalism in the JHU, to secular critics and with those Buddhists who contest the right of the JHU and ‘just war’ monks to define the contours of the Buddhist tradition in Sri Lanka. It might be argued that allowing the JHU to voice their exclusivist nationalist platform is unwelcome when what was considered a fringe ideological chauvinism just a few years ago in the context of the CFA has now assumed hegemonic status. For, it has acted as one of the central legitimating motors to the current regime’s rise to power and in their pursuit of a military solution to the ethnic conflict. Political and ideological loyalty to the Rajapakses on the part of the JHU has also been rewarded by a fulfilment of many of their nationalist projects as well as the staple ministerial portfolio and, more significantly, powerful influence in the inner circles of the Rajapakse regime. Yet understandings of the Sinhala nationalist position in the English language visual media that have not resorted to external didactic critiques rather than from-the-horse’s-mouth perspectives are few and far between and it is therefore refreshing that the likes of Champika Ranawaka and Narendra Gunatillaka are allowed free reign to indulge in the enjoyment of nationalist fantasies however galling that may be to cosmopolitan sensibilities. I use the term fantasy not so much to disqualify the nationalist project as irrational but rather to point to the manner in which, as both the JHU as well as their detractors, notably, Professor Uyangoda demonstrate, nationalism to differing degrees is grounded in a politics of fear, distrust and, of course, at some level, exclusion and in the Sinhala nationalist case the political ascendancy of Sinhala nationalism has always thrived on the exclusionary othering of internal ‘minorities’, particularly Tamil and Muslim.

    The documentary goes on to examine how Buddhism has come to be the moral core of the Sinhalese and their identity and how this identity has come to dominate the postcolonial majoritarian state and the way in which the sangha act as the guardians of just kingship (which must protect Buddhism and the Sinhala Buddhist identity), facets of nationalist identity which achieve potent articulation in the politics of the JHU. Ruhfus achieves this through a series of interviews in which the talking heads of academics, monks, lay activists as well as political posters attest to the potency of the relationship between religion, the sangha and governance in Sri Lankan political culture. Consequently, Ruhfus manages to distil, in crude terms, some of the anthropological perspectives that have stressed the need to understand the cultural significance of the interplay between religion, identity, statehood, political leadership, patronage and centre-oriented political culture in Sri Lanka, including the work of Tambiah, Kapferer and Roberts; perspectives which have been criticised by detractors as excessively structuralist or culturalist but which are achieving a new-found relevance in the current resurgence of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism.

    The report also achieves its central strength from the presentation of the fervent faith of the JHU leadership in the success of the military defeat of the LTTE, in their conspiracy theories that the LTTE’s ultimate aim is to capture the whole of Sri Lanka by linking up the North, East, the Hill Country and Western Province or that Tamil Nadu is intent upon invading Sri Lanka and the destruction of the Sinhala people and their civilizational ‘heritage’. The documentary also reflects upon the way in which such nationalist yearnings also reflect an intrinsic fear about the impact and spread of globalization and the hegemony of western culture, politics, philosophy, ethics and economics. A retreat in the storm of modernity to the anchor and safety of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism which is nothing other than the attempted reterritorialisation of sovereign control over culture and the political in the face of a world increasingly subject to deterritorialising dynamics including the role of the dominant donor states, global economics, IFIs and INGOs. That is why Sinhala nationalism so frequently falls into a discourse of loss, of the desperate aim to recapture or reinvent a past that is irrevocably displaced by the fluid mobility and contaminations of modernity but which at the same time reproduces these reactive tendencies towards territorialisation, fixity and purity. Yet it is exactly this desperation which also drives the desire to preserve the unitary boundaries of the Sinhala nation and state and hence the recurrent dynamics towards the eradication of any Tamil movement that threatens this unitarism and, which, is at work in the legitimation of the current military strategy, a desperation which is repeated in the JHU discourse of necessary blood sacrifice that must accompany victory in national preservation. Hence, the inter-significance of both these documentaries and in a sense, it is a shame that they were not woven together but again, presumably, the end-product is constrained by the schedule frameworks.

    Additionally, whether it was a matter of time constraints or access, whilst the documentary recognises that many of these aspects of Sinhala nationalist ideology are also shared by the JVP, which evidently has a much larger grass-roots constituency base, the documentary misses the opportunity to explore the dynamics of the JVP at greater length including the social and economic differences and rivalry that exist between this party and the JHU. Such a focus would have demonstrated the extent to which nationalism is obviously riven by heterogeneous social, cultural, economic and hence political differences and demands which the process of the production of nationalist subjectivity is constantly attempting to meld together but which are also persistently ruptured, revealing the very constructed and fragile nature of the claims to national coherence and unity.

    Yet, if there is one thread of hope that the documentary leaves the viewer with, it is that social heterogeneity and difference is also expressed in the resistance to the complete capture and definition of socio-cultural and political tradition that nationalist movements such as the JHU attempt to establish. This is seen in the testimony of those members of the sangha and the laity Ruhfus interviews who are attempting to articulate a Buddhism free of the will to war. What should also perhaps have been expressed in the documentary is the still dire need to separate Buddhism from State as the latter continues to use the former to legitimate its political, social and developmental policies and practices and this continues to feed the distrust and fear that inhibits dialogue and drives conflict and the delusions of a military solution despite the lessons of history.

  • The hunted soul of the Tamil Diaspora
    I start with an admission. For many years, I have been a British Tamil. Britain has been good to me, I had taken on the citizenship of this country and I thought the matter ended there. One could say, broadly, the moral choices of Karna, having eaten of the bread of the Kauravas.
     
    But last year has shaken the foundations of this identity. And it must do so for the tens of thousands of others who, by some accident of birth and luck are, like me, part of the Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora. For now as never before the words of the anti Nazi poem, attributed to the Rev. Martin Niemoller come to mind:
     
    First they came for the Communists,
    and I didn't speak up,
    because I wasn't a Communist.
    Then they came for the Jews,
    and I didn't speak up,
    because I wasn't a Jew.
    Then they came for the Catholics,
    and I didn't speak up,
    because I was a Protestant.
    Then they came for me,
    and by that time there was no one
    left to speak up for me.
     
    For the Diaspora, there is a version of the Niemoller poem:
     
    "First they came for the plantation Tamils
    I didn’t speak up because I am not a plantation Tamil
    Then they came for the Colombo Tamils
    I didn’t speak up because I am not a Colombo Tamil
    Then they came for the Eastern Tamils...
    I didn’t speak up because I am not an Eastern Tamil
    Then they came for the Jaffna Tamils...
    I emigrated, I am no longer a Jaffna Tamil..."
     
    By definition the Diaspora are those who have at some point chosen to walk away. To walk away from the conflict of Sri Lanka, seeking for themselves and their children, safety, stability, prosperity and even happiness.
     
    But this year, we need to ask - what sacrifices did they intend to make, what did they believe they could take with them, and what leave behind?
     
    As for the homes and land that has almost invariably been in families for generations, did they intend to never return, or if to return, under what conditions? 
     
    For those who walked away from the violence, did they intend to leave behind their hope and dream of Eelam? If they walked away from politics, did they intend to repudiate their friends, relatives, and colleagues who still believed in Eelam?
     
    Did they intend, in the event that the international political process has failed, as it was perhaps it was doomed to do, that they would say to their children – now you are British, Australian, American, German, Norwegian, Swiss – forget that there is a place for which people are dying, and for which many thousands have died already, called Eelam.
     
    Did they intend to say to their children – “Well Uncle Bush/Uncle Blair (delete as applicable) knows best … and as for cousin Krishna who died in the battle for Jaffna in 1995, forget him, because Uncle Bush/Uncle Blair says he is a terrorist”, “And remember not to leave a SIM card in any of your cousins houses since who knows what could happen”, “And that tee-shirt .. didn’t I buy you one with a Panda on it ?.. no I know it’s the Chola emblem, dear, but these are difficult times.”
     
    This year has seen the arrests of Tamil activists all over the world, from every walk of life, every religion.
     
    It coincides with the failure of the internationally backed negotiations, and the new war of aggression of the Sinhala government against the Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka. The timing of these arrests have been nothing short of political.
     
    And so we come to the heart of the dilemma. How far away from Eelam will you walk and where will you find your place of safety?
     
    But this international environment has been made possible by legislation. And we come back to the root of the dilemma.
     
    How will you accept for yourself and the generations to come the legislation of the British (substitute Australian, French, American, etc.) state in relation to issues that are essentially Tamil, in relation also to Eelam?
     
    And so let us look at this legislation. It is an offence under the British Terrorism Act of 2006 to glorify terrorism (whether past, present or future). The praise of the activities of the South African ANC would be conceivably caught under this section. So too any statement in support of Subhas Chandra Bose. Or for that matter, the founding American fathers.
    When the House of Lords debated the Act, Lord Thomas of Gresford questioned the legislation's definition of 'glorification' as "includes any form of praise or celebration."
    He protested: "The word is used to refer to acts committed at any time and in any place in the world, whether going back 2,000 years or moving 2,000 years into the future, and 'any form of praise'. Nothing could be vaguer than that."
     
    Lord Thomas went on to say: “My Lords, I have made the point before that it refers to William Wallace in Scotland, to the Welsh nationalists in 1937 .., to the Easter rebellion, and to any movement throughout the world — as I said, this applies to the whole world — where a movement or organisation takes up arms against the recognised government. We may support that movement, but in these terms we would still be glorifying it.”
     
    The government replied that glorification was only an offence if it is about encouraging others to emulate terrorist acts "in existing circumstances".
     
    So battles that are in the past, which are considered irrelevant to the present – such as the struggle of the ANC or William Wallace (better known as “Braveheart” of the Mel Gibson movie fame) – might be exempt. Baronness Ramsay of Scotland, speaking in support of the government said: “That (its bearing on “existing circumstance”) is what makes the difference; it is not about the ANC, William Wallace or any of the other examples given by the noble Lord.”
     
    Which is lucky for the South Africans - they may praise Mandela for the activities that led him to a South African jail, but only because their struggle may be deemed by the British government t be irrelevant to present circumstance - and for Mel Gibson, who glorified Braveheart, but not so lucky for the Tamils who are living with the present.
     
    While there are over 150, 000 Tamil British citizens in London, there were none present in the commons or the Lords to debate this point. Not surprisingly, for as in Sri Lanka, the Tamils are a minority in the UK, as they are worldwide. And they will continue to be.
     
    The definition of terrorism has now been broadened. It means the use or threat of action, for the purpose of advancing a political, religious or ideological cause, or to influence a government, which involves serious damage to a person or property, endangers a person’s life, or create a serious risk to the health and safety of a section of the public, seriously disrupts an electronic system.
     
    So for example one may not use or threaten violence to a person or property or an electronic system – to influence any government in the world. Nor may one support, or praise a person who does this or who has done this in the past several thousand years (unless their political circumstances are utterly irrelevant to the present circumstances).
     
    Did Gandhi 's effort to take over the salt works at Dharsana threaten damage to the property of British India? Did he cause a serious risk to the health or safety of any section of the public during his marches? What of other political struggles?
     
    The government had initially wished to make it an offense to ‘condone’ such a past or present person, but the word condone was deleted after parliamentary and Lords debate and we are left with glorification (which means here praise or celebration).
     
    So what does this mean for the Tamil Diaspora? It means that one may not use or threaten violence against the government of Sri Lanka. Nor praise any person who does this.
     
    Whereas the government of Sri Lanka may use and threaten violence against the Tamil people. And one may praise it for this. Some kinds of violence – such as the bombing of the school children at Sencholai may be war crimes. But the praise of war crimes is not an offence in UK legislation. Violence and the praise and support of it, is the monopoly of the state.
     
    One may support the idea of Eelam (and even this right is now open to question) but not support or praise the right to take up arms to achieve it. One may not praise or celebrate any of the rows and rows of dead in the Tamil homeland who have so taken up arms. But one may applaud Jack Straw praising (as he did in a recent Tamil gathering) the rows upon rows of tombstones of soldiers of the British empire from India and Tamil Nadu who fought for the British against the Germans in the first world war.
     
    It is also an offence to support a proscribed organisation. And British Parliamentarians, among whom the British Tamils have until recently had zero representation will decide who is proscribed.
     
    And what does support mean? It means to further the activities of a proscribed organisation. It includes addressing a meeting to encourage support for a proscribed organisation or to further its activities.
     
    But what activities might this include? The legislation does not say. If the LTTE runs the de facto state in the Vanni, would this include all the activities of this Tamil state – the building of roads, the operation of traffic police and the local courts, the Tsunami relief, the provision of medicine at a time when the government is embargoing the North and East?
     
    If one may not further the activities of a proscribed organisation, but the sole purpose of this organisation’s activities is to achieve independent Eelam, then may one conduct any activities in support of Eelam? Presumably one could, as long as these activities in support of Eelam were carried out by some other organisation.
     
    But how long before the British state, for reasons of geopolitical interests, decides to proscribe the new organisation? What would an organisation in Sri Lanka have to do to avoid proscription? It would have to give up arms and, with them, the possibility of self-defence.
     
    Herein is the Kafkaesque dilemma that tears the soul of the Diaspora. As in Sri Lanka, so it is world wide, that the Tamils will never have a voice in legislation that threatens their physical and political safety. For everywhere except in Eelam, they are a minority.
     
    So how far will you walk away from Eelam, and for how many generations to come?
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