Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka’s current President and leader of the United National Party, has served as Prime Minister from 1993 to 1994, 2001 to 2004, 2015 to 2015, 2015 to 2018, and 2018 to 2019. In the midst of the Aragayala protests of 2022, which saw the ousting of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, he was appointed Prime Minister and subsequent to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation, he assumed the presidency, despite holding but a single seat in Sri Lanka’s parliament.

Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka’s current President and leader of the United National Party, has served as Prime Minister from 1993 to 1994, 2001 to 2004, 2015 to 2015, 2015 to 2018, and 2018 to 2019. In the midst of the Aragayala protests of 2022, which saw the ousting of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, he was appointed Prime Minister and subsequent to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation, he assumed the presidency, despite holding but a single seat in Sri Lanka’s parliament.

Wickremesinghe has a long history in Sri Lankan politics but held his first government posts under the administration of his uncle J.R Jayewardene, where he served as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and then Minister of Youth Affairs & Employment. It was under the Jayewardene regime that Tamils would suffer from horrific losses during the anti-Tamil Black July pogrom; thousands of Tamils were killed by Sinhala mobs backed by the then UNP government and state forces.

As President, Ranil Wickremesinghe has been slammed by human rights critics who have noted a host of repressive legislations that he sought to implement to silence dissent as well as the crackdown on protests and memorialisations. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has released a damning report detailing these issues at length as well as the continued intimidation and sexual violence perpetrated by Sri Lanka’s security forces against Tamils journalists and political activists.

Position on 13th Amendment

Ahead of this election, Wickremesinghe's manifesto stopped short of fully implementing the 13^th Amendment and devolving land and police powers to the Tamil North-East.

The manifesto states that power will be devolved to the Provincial Councils “as per the constitution” but that the vesting of police powers “will be decided by the new Parliament”. It goes on to list the select few powers that Provincial Councils will have, including “tourism promotion” and “vocational training”.

The 13th Amendment was originally a product of the Indo-Lanka accord of 1987 however successive Sri Lankan regimes refused to fully implement the act which would see devolution for the North-East, including on powers of policing and land. Most Tamils do not view the 13th Amendment as a suitable final solution for their political demands with the TNPF going further and stating that this is not even a starting point. This refusal stems from the fact that the 13th Amendment does not break away from the unitary structure of the Sri Lankan state but instead keeps the provincial councils under the thumb of the executive president.

 

Tamil Families of the Disappeared

Wickremesinghe has also gained the ire of Tamils through his callous remarks towards Tamil Families of the Disappeared. In 2016, he triggered outrage as he twice claimed that the thousands of Tamils that surrendered during the final phase of the armed conflict or were forcibly disappeared Tamils were“most probably dead”.

He offered no explanation as to who killed them or why they had died but simply told Tamils in Kilinochchi that they should “forget the past and move forward”.

Tamils have criticised the Office of Missing Persons, which was established under the Sirisena administration, in which Wickremesinghe had served as Prime Minister, as a scam. In 2022, the UN High Commissioner highlighted that the OMP "has not been able to trace a single disappeared person or clarify the fate of the disappeared in meaningful ways". 

The latest OHCHR report further details the intimidation and sexual violence suffered by activists supporting the Tamil Families of the Disappeared in pursuit of their loved ones.

Read more below:

Missing and disappeared persons most likely dead says Sri Lanka prime minister

Sri Lankan PM faces backlash after telling Tamils to ‘forget the past’

The missing are considered dead says Sri Lankan prime minister

Mannar disappeared families protest Ranil visit

Police block families of disappeared protesting in front of Ranil

Keppapulavu residents protest Ranil's visit

Protest in Jaffna ahead of Sirisena-Ranil visit for Pongal

Armed security as Ranil eats ice cream in Jaffna

 

Defending the military and rejecting international accountability

Wickremesinghe has also consistently stated his opposition to any international accountability mechanism for violations of international humanitarian law, even claiming that his government’s ability to postpone UN resolutions “saved Mahinda Rajapaksa from the electric chair”. He also claimed to have saved members of the government from being hauled before the International Criminal Court.

"We will never accept an international war crimes tribunal," he told Sri Lanka's parliament in 2016. "I never approved the Rome Statute. Sovereignty lies with the people according to our Constitution."

He would reiterate how it was throughout his tenure that Sri Lanka “refused to sign the Rome Statute which established the ICC” and how he "has no desire to send soldiers to any court".

Alongside stating how he would “never betray the forces,” Wickremesinghe has close ties to those accused of mass atrocities.

Speaking on Shavendra Silva, the current head of the Sri Lankan army who is barred from entry to the USA due to his role in the execution of Tamils, Wickremesinghe said, “I have no problem with Shavendra Silva. He is my friend, and he has helped me a lot.”

In 2018, Wickremesinghe appeared at a defence conference alongside Sri Lanka's chief of defence staff Admiral Ravindra Wijegunaratne, just a day after a Colombo court had ordered his arrest for allegedly helping the main suspect in the abduction and murder case of 11 Tamil youths evade arrest. 

Read more below:

‘We will never accept an international war crimes tribunal’ – Sri Lankan prime minister

‘I saved Rajapaksa from the electric chair’ claims Ranil

‘I saved Sri Lanka from ICC’ says Ranil Wickremesinghe

‘South will look after the Southerners’ says Ranil

Ranil says 'govt has no desire to send soldiers to any court'

‘Why all this fuss?’ asks Ranil Wickremasinghe

No foreign involvement in war crimes probe - Ranil

Ranil claims to have ‘preserved Sri Lanka’s sovereignty’ at United Nations

 

A staunch Sinhala Buddhist

During his tenure as president, Wickremesinghe has consistently upheld the Sinhala Buddhist nature of the Sri Lankan state, pledging that any constitution for the island would ensure Buddhism continues to hold the “foremost” place and denying there would be any federal solution to the ethnic conflict.

Read more below:

New constitution drafted within 6th Amendment says Ranil

Ranil denies federal solution and pledges to uphold Buddhism in new constitution

Ranil assures monks of Buddhism's foremost place

Ranil claims to have ‘preserved Sri Lanka’s sovereignty’ at United Nations

Ranil pledges government will ‘do more work to protect Buddhism’

Responsibility of government to spread Buddhist message says Ranil

 

Easter Sunday attacks

Wickremesinghe has faced a wave of criticism following the Easter Sunday bombings. He admitted that the Government of India had alerted Sri Lanka’s Police intelligence service of the Easter Sunday attacks hours prior to the incident however the police failed to act.

He also admitted the government's "failure" to ensure security which could have prevented the Easter Sunday bombings which killed over 250 people across the island. 

Speaking to Sky News, Ranil said there had been a "breakdown in government machinery" with intelligence not being passed on to himself and other ministers 

"If we had known the information and we had not acted then I would certainly say the government had to be held responsible and [should] leave office." 

However, in an interview with Channel 4, Wickremesinghe evaded his responsibility as prime minister in ensuring security, and laid the blame at the feet of the president. 

Read more:

Former Sri Lankan Prime Minister admits India provided alert for Easter Sunday attacks

Ranil admits 'failure' of government to ensure security

Sri Lanka's Prime Minister missed foreign intelligence warnings of terror attacks due to feud with president

 

The economics

Wickremesinghe has always been seen as leading the UNP towards a centre-right free market based economic policy. However, it is precisely that policy that brought him under fire from the Rajapaksas, who blamed his administration for beginning the current crisis.

When questioned if the previous administration bore the blame for the current crisis earlier this year, Wickremasinghe rejected this stating:

“No, it was not in the making at that time. We had problems from time to time, but an economic crisis was not in the making.

I don’t want to delve too much into the past. In 2015, We did have a problem in terms of debt repayment. But by 2017, we were able to build a surplus in the primary account for the first time after about 60 years. And we were building upon it. Then again, despite problems in 2019, the economy was doing fine. There was a setback, but we picked up in the six months that followed.

So, it wasn’t the period of time when the problems began. Problems began when the present government reduced the value-added tax (VAT). During our time, the budgetary position improved because we increased the VAT. By reducing the VAT, the government deprived the national coffers of the revenue that was required to maintain a surplus. S

econdly, Sri Lanka was quite unprepared for an external shock like the Covid-19 pandemic. Our economy should have been prepared for external shocks. We should have gone to the IMF and spoken with them to put the IMF facility back on track as we were finishing up the one we had been given at the time. We didn’t do that. The government just carried on. If we had spoken with the IMF, we wouldn’t have ended up here.”

 

A failed presidential run

In the 2005 Presidential election, Wickremesinghe faced Mahinda Rajapaksa at the polls. See extracts from our editorials before and after that election below.

Birds of a feather - 03 November 2005

Mr. Wickremesinghe has tried hard not to distance himself too far from Sinhala nationalism. Indeed, he has surreptitiously sought to court the right wing vote, publicly interacting with Sri Lanka’s powerful and hardline Buddhist clergy, and positing ‘defeating separatism’ as his primary stance on the ethnic question. He has even won over a prominent member of the hardline monks’ party – a small gain perhaps, but a telling one in the north. Most importantly, however, Mr. Wickremesinghe has failed to outline a clear, unambiguous position on the ethnic question. Whereas Mr. Rajapakse has rejected self-determination and the notion of a Tamil homeland, Mr. Wickremesinghe has simply avoided comment on these. This is not merely political prudence, as far as the Tamils are concerned, but one underpinned by a shared view.

In short, the Tamil view is that for the conflict to be resolved, the Sinhala leadership must break irreconcilably with the Mahavamsa mindset and the political dynamics of the past half century and approach the ethnic question from a bold new position: a multi-national, not merely a multi-ethnic, one. But neither Rajapakse, certainly, nor even Wickremesinghe is prepared to do this. Whilst the former bristles against a Tamil political identity, the latter is avoiding controversy by refusing to come clean. This is what makes them indistinguishable to the Tamils and underpins the apathy in the north.

A constant factor - 16 November 2005

 In a particularly crude display of patriotism, Wickremesinghe, the darling of local and international liberals, is reported to have held a Lion flag aloft and vowed to unite the island under it. The pledge will no doubt be put to a practical test should he win.

But the irony of the Tamils being called on to boost the chances of a candidate whose lieutenants only last week were boasting about how their government trapped and split the Tamil struggle through the peace process is not lost on us. 

True, Wickremesinghe may be better for some aspects of the peace process. But the catchall of ‘federalism’ demands close inspection and not merely blind faith. In this regard, as far as the Tamils are concerned, Wickremesinghe and Rajapakse have laid out the facts of the matter clearly over the past few weeks. Both are products of the same Sinhala-dominated political system. Both have now wrapped themselves in the Lion flag. And both are equally committed to denying a Tamil political identity and, thence, political rights. There is no real choice between them.

Falling Cards - 23 November 2005

The UNP and its leader must take the blame for his failure to bring the Tamils out in its favour. It may be easier – and certainly more comforting - to write off the Tamil boycott as a consequence of LTTE coercion, as many, including some members of the international community, have. But to assume that Tamils saw the ‘obvious’ benefit for peace of having Wickremesinghe as President is to misunderstand both Tamil sentiments and, we suggest, the man and his party. The UNP is gripped this week by internal post-poll wrangling: but the debate is not about the Tamils and the peace process, but how to recover the Sinhala heartland. Supports of the liberal peace in Sri Lanka undoubtedly would have preferred a Wickremesinghe win. But to fixate on the LTTE and any role it may or may not have had is to ignore the overarching dynamic: the Sinhalese have swarmed to support Rajapakse and his ultra-nationalist platform.

Before the elections Wickremsinghe did not utter a word on sharing tsunami aid with LTTE areas or setting up an interim administration for the Northeast – remember the ISGA? But these factors have simply been ignored amid misguided confidence that the hardline platform trod by Rajapakse and his allies, the ultra nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP) and hardline monks party, the Jeyatha Hela Urumaya (JHU), would make Wickremesinghe the Tamils’ de facto choice. The UNP leader did absolutely nothing to build bridges with the Tamils. 

In 2007, just two years after losing the presidential election to Rajapaksa, the Wickremesinghe-led UNP held a rally, under the banner “The Great Betrayal of the Great Buddhist". Placards with manipulated photographs of LTTE leader V Prabhakaran and Rajapaksa embracing were displayed, claiming the Rajapaksas were "colluding with the Tigers". Amongst those present were Rajapaksa’s former foreign minister Mangala Samaraweera.

 

Devastating losses in 2020

Though Wickremesinghe would return to power in 2015, his tenure was short lived.

During the 2020 parliamentary elections, the UNP suffered humiliating losses, failing to win any districts and Wickremesinghe also losing his seat. The party secured just over 2% of the island's votes, losing more than 100 seats from the previous parliament. He would later be appointed to the position of prime minister under the presidency of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and subsequently gain the presidency via a secret ballot vote after the aragalaya protests ousted the Rajapaksas. 

Read the profiles of other candidates:  Who are the candidates standing in Sri Lanka's elections?

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and National People’s Power (NPP) candidate, initially entered parliament via the nationalist list in the 2000 parliamentary election via the nationalist list. Whilst initially supportive of the then Kumaratunga administration, the JVP aligned with hardline Sinhala nationalists in opposition to the 2002 peace negotiations with LTTE.  In 2004 the party rose to prominence by campaigning explicitly on an anti-ceasefire platform and forming an alliance, known as the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), with Mahinda Rajapaksa. 

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and National People’s Power (NPP) candidate, initially entered parliament via the nationalist list in the 2000 parliamentary election via the nationalist list. Whilst initially supportive of the then Kumaratunga administration, the JVP aligned with hardline Sinhala nationalists in opposition to the 2002 peace negotiations with LTTE.  In 2004 the party rose to prominence by campaigning explicitly on an anti-ceasefire platform and forming an alliance, known as the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), with Mahinda Rajapaksa. 

The JVP has consistently stood opposed to international investigations into war crimes; the granting of devolution to Tamils; and backed the Sri Lankan military during its genocidal campaign.

 

Consistent opposition to the 13th Amendment

Whilst touring the North-East this April, Dissanayake stressed the need for political reform and tackling corruption but emphasised that he did not come to offer implementation of the 13th Amendment.

“We didn't come here to ask for your vote. We didn't come here to tell you that we’d offer you the 13th Amendment and you can vote for us in exchange. I didn't come here to offer you federalism so I can ask for your vote. I came here to discuss how we can help Sri Lanka emerge from its crisis” Dissanayke told his predominantly Tamil audience.

Despite his lack of enthusiasm towards the 13th Amendment, Dissanayake would meet with members of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) and claim that his party would implement the amendment. This stands in sharp contrast to his party's longstanding opposition to the Indo-Lanka accord and to his own calls for the abolition of provincial councils. The Indo-Lanka Accord was signed in 1987, without any input from Tamil parties, and established the 13th Amendment to  Sri Lanka’s constitution which created the system of Provincial Councils, promising greater devolution of land and police powers to a merged North-East. 

“As a political party we strongly opposed the Indo-Lanka Accord decades ago, and dedicated our initiatives to safeguarding Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, at the cost of many lives," said Vijitha Herath of the JVP earlier this year. "This stance has not changed and will not change,” he told reporters in Colombo.  “Throughout the country’s history, we have consistently made decisions to safeguard our territorial integrity, and we stand by that commitment today and in the future. We give our assurance to the people of this country that these principles will not waver.”

The JVP staged two insurrections against the state in the early 1970s and the late 1980s. The latter of these was chiefly in response to the Indo-Lanka accord and the 13th Amendment which sought to devolve powers to Tamils in the North-East. Tens of thousands were killed. Then leader Rohana Wijeweera framed Tamil demands for self-determination as in-hoc with US imperialist interests in his 1986 book “Solutions for Tamil Eelam Struggle”.

In 2015, then-JVP Propaganda Secretary Herath told The Island, "the JVP is against federalism”. Whilst accepting that “the grievances of the Tamil people should be redressed,” Herath reiterated that “federalism is not that solution”. He also spoke out against the merging of the Northern and Eastern provinces, as outlined by the Indo-Lanka accord. “It is the JVP that went before the courts and got an order to demerge the two provinces that had been arbitrarily merged after the Indo-Lanka Accord,” he added, referring to when the JVP filed three separate petitions with the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka calling for the North Eastern Province to be demerged. The Province was formally demerged into the Northern and Eastern provinces on 1 January 2007.

Dissanayake's manifesto stresses that they will ensure "territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country without compromise". 

JVP party official, Handunnetti, claimed that the party would continue to uphold the provincial council system but that this was not a lasting solution. The JVP’s chequered history with Sinhala nationalism and anti-Tamil sentiment has left many Tamils with reservations.

In 2010, Dissanayake himself said the JVP will oppose if a new political constitution devolving powers to the Northern and Eastern provinces was to be created.

 

Support for genocide

As part of the governing United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) coalition in 2004, the JVP fully endorsed the military solution which would culminate in the Tamil genocide and stood opposed to continued peace negotiations.

^{A 2003 anti-peace rally in which Dissanayake participated.}

From its inception, the JVP was infused with Sinhala populism and found its support amongst the rural South. Founder Rohana Wijeweera framed Tamil demands for self-determination as in-hoc with US imperialist interests, setting in place a longstanding history of racism towards the island’s Eelam Tamils. Though the JVP staged two violent insurrections against the Sri Lankan state that saw tens of thousands killed, it found no sympathy or solidarity for Eelam Tamils and instead remained staunchly opposed to Tamil demands for autonomy. The party went on to breed some of the island’s most fervent Sinhala racists.

When a 2002 ceasefire agreement between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan government was initially signed, Dissanayake was amongst the parliamentarians who fumed against it, telling parliament that ‘the LTTE had laid a foundation to establish a separate state in the island’.

He repeatedly protested the agreement, leading JVP rallies such as the 2003 five-day, 116 kilometres foot march from Kandy to Colombo, demonstrating against the deal.

In 2004 the party’s continued agitation and campaigning explicitly on an anti-ceasefire platform, led to it forming an alliance with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and allowed Dissanayake to take up a position as the Minister of Agriculture, Lands and Irrigation.

After the devastating Indian Ocean tsunami that year, which saw the deaths of over 35,000 people, two thirds of which were reported to be from the Tamil North-East, the JVP rejected the possibility of joint post-tsunami aid distribution. Instead, the North-East saw vast sums of aid withheld by Colombo.

“We should spit on NGOs and stop them from on our streets. Donor countries and their NGO agents are holding this country to ransom, telling the government to set up a joint tsunami relief mechanism with the LTTE”, Wimal Weerawansa, the propaganda secretary of the JVP told a Colombo audience in April 2005.

The Sri Lankan government faced accusations of using the tsunami as a weapon of war and of denying aid to Tamils. In January 2005, the Sri Lankan government refused to permit the UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, to visit the North-East.

Dissanayake and several other JVP parliamentarians would resign from the government a year later, displeased with the ongoing peace process. Instead, his party backed Mahinda Rajapaksa at the 2005 presidential polls, running on a platform specifically opposed to the ceasefire.

In 2006, Dissanayake was present as the JVP launched an organisation known as the “Joint Front to Protect the Nation" to defeat the LTTE and to work for the abrogation of the ceasefire.

As the Sri Lankan government launched a massive military offensive against the Tamil independence movement, the JVP world frequently rally in support of the state.

Demonstrations would be held outside Western embassies and the United Nations office in Colombo, as the government repeatedly rejected international human rights monitors.

^{Anti-peace process protests by the JVP in 2002, 2006 and 2007. (Photographs: TamilNet)}

Speaking before military officials in Ratnapura earlier this year, Lalkantha claimed that it was only the JVP, alongside the extremist monks in the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), that enabled for the defeat of “separatist terrorism”.

“Not the SLFP, not the UNP, not the SLPP. Only the JVP and JHU said that we must finish this by war and there is no other solution.”

 

Vowing to protect war criminals

^{Aruna Jayasekara.}

The Sri Lankan military would go on to kill as many as 167,679 Tamil civilians in a campaign that has been dubbed a genocide. Food and medicine were embargoed, hospitals were repeatedly shelled, widespread sexual violence deployed and surrendering Tamils executed.

The events have been the subject of several UN reports and resolutions, including one that is currently being drafted at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva this month.

The resolutions, and Tamil victims, have demanded an internationalised accountability process to hold perpetrators of war crimes accountable and finally deliver justice for the mass atrocities.

Dissanayake and the JVP have been firmly against such a move, with the JVP leader stating last month he "will not seek to punish anyone accused of rights violations and war crimes".

“Even the victims do not expect anyone to be punished,” he claimed, despite Tamils repeatedly calling for an international accountability mechanism and for Sri Lanka to be taken to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

At the same time, his party has openly embraced military officials implicated in war crimes such as retired general Aruna Jayasekara, reportedly entrusting him with their defence policy. Jeyasekara was the commander of the 3rd contingent to Haiti during a Sri Lankan peace keeping operation that faced allegations of running a child sex trafficking ring during a UN peacekeeping operation from 2004 to 2007.

 

Anti-India?

The JVP has traditionally been thought to have stood on an ‘Anti-India’ platform, having staged the 1987 insurrection, as the prospect of Tamil autonomy in the North-East and the presence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) stirred up a wave of Sinhalese nationalism.

The party had previously denounced Indian-origin estate workers, Malayaga Tamils, as a “fifth column instrument of Indian expansionism”. For decades it would rally against perceived Indian expansionism on the island, protesting against deals such as the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), a deal that would open up possibilities for greater trade and investment between the two countries.

^{Protestors holding placards during a demonstration against CEPA in 2010 (File Photo)}

Dissanayake shared those sentiments, telling parliament in 2008 for example that ‘a secret plot has been hatched to hand over Katchatheevu to India’and that it ‘cannot be allowed to succeed at any cost’.

Though the issue of Katchatheevu has been raised by New Delhi in recent months, India also invited Dissanayake for an official tour of the country earlier this year. The visit was seen as a significant outreach by Delhi and marked a possible change of heart from the JVP’s fiercely anti-India rhetoric that came to define its politics.

Dissanayake and a JVP delegation met with politicians, government officials, and members of the business community. 

^{(Photo courtesy: Dr. S. Jaishankar X)}

 

Renegotiating the IMF bailout

After the economic crisis of 2022, under the tenure of then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka has been desperately dependent on a $3 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout package.

The global body has repeatedly cautioned that Sri Lanka’s path to debt sustainability remains ‘knife-edged’.

The IMF’s Communications Department Director, Julie Kozack, said last week that a planned programme discussion will take place before the release of the next tranche of funding, which is estimated at about $350 million.

But Dissanayake has repeatedly said that his party would seek to “re-negotiate” the terms of the agreement, something that the current government has warned against.

Sri Lanka’s State Finance Minister, Shehan Semasinghe warned of an imminent economic collapse if parliament is dissolved and a third review of the much-needed IMF loan is not completed.

Semasinghe stressed that abandoning the deal would jeopardize Sri Lanka's recovery, potentially dragging the country into a crisis similar to the one it faced in 2022. “We must adhere to what we have agreed. We cannot unilaterally deviate from the program, as that would effectively mean walking out of the agreement,” Semasinghe told reporters during an event in Colombo.

“If that happens, Sri Lanka could easily return to the conditions we faced in 2022.”

 

Failure to comment on militarisation

Dissanayake's manifesto also fails to speak of the issues caused by militarisation in the North and East.

Instead, the manifesto attributes "social inequalities in the distribution of land" to privatisation, citing that this has caused "various political problems". It pledges that the NPP will develop a system of quasi-judicial institutions for "fast and fair" resolution of land-related issues. Currently, there are various ongoing land disputes and the military occupation of the North-East. 

 

Staunch Sinhala Buddhist nationalist

Despite presenting as a unifying candidate, Dissanayake has consistently appealed to hardline SInhala Buddhist nationalists. He recently addressed over 1,500 Buddhist monks in Maharagama, where he gave "assures" the Sangha that Article 09 (giving foremost place to Buddhism) will not be touched, and that it has 'divine protection'. And that it's only a few 'extremist' groups shouting against it.

NPP member, Nalinda Jayatissa, also addressed the Sangha and told the audience “to rest assured that the NPP is committed to protecting Article 09, and to nurturing and nourishing Buddhism, as this is obviously a majority Sinhala Buddhist country and Article 09 has never been a problem in this country”.

Speaking to a Tamil audience Dissanayake warned

"Jaffna must also be stakeholders of this victory. Do not be labelled as those who opposed this huge change. Be a stakeholder in this change… When the South is gearing up for change. If you are seen to oppose that change, what do you think the mindset of the South be? Would you like it if Jaffna was identified as those who went against this change? Those who opposed this change? Would you like it if the North was identified this way?"

It is a sentiment that is widely shared in his party, with senior members such as K D Lalkantha openly associating with racist figures such as the Buddhist monk Gnanasara of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS or Buddhist Power Force).

Read more by Marisa de Silva: What 'change' does the NPP have for the North-East?

Read the profiles of other candidates: Who are the candidates standing in Sri Lanka's elections?

Namal Rajapaksa, son of Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Sports Minister, is the presidential candidate for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). The SLPP is itself a party split from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP); divorcing itself from the SLFP in 2016, which was then under the stewardship of Maithripala Sirisena. The party formed an effective opposition to the Sirisena administration and espoused a hardline Sinhala nationalist viewpoint opposed to concessions to the island's minorities. In 2019, the SLPP successfully campaigned on a message of Sinhala nationalism and enabled Gotabaya Rajapaksa to claim the presidency however years of economic mismanagement, corruption and nepotism, led to popular protests that saw the Rajapaksa’s removed from office.

Namal Rajapaksa, son of Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Sports Minister, is the presidential candidate for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). The SLPP is itself a party split from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP); divorcing itself from the SLFP in 2016, which was then under the stewardship of Maithripala Sirisena. The party formed an effective opposition to the Sirisena administration and espoused a hardline Sinhala nationalist viewpoint opposed to concessions to the island's minorities. In 2019, the SLPP successfully campaigned on a message of Sinhala nationalism and enabled Gotabaya Rajapaksa to claim the presidency however years of economic mismanagement, corruption and nepotism, led to popular protests that saw the Rajapaksa’s removed from office.

Speaking to the media in Colombo, Namal warned Tamils against casting a vote for political parties which switched their position ahead of elections and claimed that his party had consistently supported the 13th amendment. However, last August the SLPP’s General Secretary, Sagara Kariyawasam, wrote to Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe warning that now was “not the right time” to implement the 13th amendment, which would see greater devolution through the provincial councils. The SLPP has consistently opposed Tamil demands for federalism and in speaking at an election rally in Galle, Namal Rajapaksa vowed to oppose forces that sought to divide the country.

Ahead of these elections, Namal Rajapaksa castigated Tamil politicians asserting that there are “no second-generation Tamil leaders” and that efficient and educated leaders were “assassinated by the LTTE”. This followed his meeting with Tamil lawmaker M.A. Sumanthiran. He further slammed Tamil political leaders claiming that they were too provincial in their thought. 

Reflections on the war

Asked to reflect on the war and reconciliation efforts post-conflict, Namal Rajapaksa heaped praise upon his war crimes accused father. He asserted that the war effort was about “calculated damage, collateral damage”. Mahinda Rajapaksa campaign saw the indiscriminate shelling of hospitals, food lines and government designated “no-fire zones”, alongside a litany of further abuses include mass rape and the summary execution of civilians. In total, an estimate death places the figure as high as 169,000 Tamils killed.

During this interview, Namal Rajapaksa also castigated the Tamil diaspora asserting that during his studies in London, there was not a Tamil diaspora but “only an isolated LTTE diaspora who created trouble abroad”. “If these Tamil diaspora are so worried about Sri Lankan Tamils, they should come and help Tamils here” he told the interview.

This statement follows a damning report by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) detailing the continued intimidation and sexual violence committed by Sri Lanka’s security forces against Tamil on the island engaged in political activism. 

In his party's manifesto, Namal Rajapaksa vowed to continue the legacy of his father.

"By integrating sustainable solutions for the challenges of the 21st century and the modern technological revolution with Mahinda Chinthana, let us start again from where the development of this country was stopped," he stated, promising to rescue the country from its economic crisis, much like how his father "liberated and united a country torn apart by war."

Read more here: Namal Rajapaksa vows to pick up from where his father left off

 

Corruption and murder

Following the Aragalaya protests of 2022, the Rajapaksa clan’s reputation has suffered significant reputational damage and has become synonymous with cronyism and corruption. Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court had found that the Rajapaksa clan bore guilt for the bankrupting of the country and of economic mismanagement.

In 2016, Namal Rajapaksa was arrested on charges of money laundering relating to an agreement with a real estate company that occurred whilst his father was in power. 

The company leased state-owned land in the heart of Colombo for a mixed-use development plan valued at $650 million, including residential skyscrapers, a luxury hotel, and shopping. The project grew contentious after opposition party members accused figures of the Rajapaksa administration of accepting secret payments to secure the land deal.

Namal Rajapaksa has also drawn controversy over alleged connection to abduction, torture and murder  of star rugby player Wasim Thajudeen. Sri Lankan press have reported that Thajudeen’s murder was over a love triangle involving Yoshitha Rajapaksa, Namal Rajapaksa’s brother.

Read the profiles of other candidates: Who are the candidates standing in Sri Lanka's elections?

Sajith Premadasa, whose father Ranasinghe Premadasa had previously served as head of the United National Party (UNP) and had served in the roles of president and prime minister, is the leader of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB).

The SJB is itself a breakaway group from the UNP which formed to contest the 2020 Sri Lankan parliamentary elections separately.The decision to form a splinter organisation and separate itself from the UNP enabled the organisation to avoid the UNP’s dire fate as the 2020 elections saw the UNP only garner a single seat via the national list.

 

Position on 13th Amendment

Whilst touring the North-East, in Nallur Premadasa told the Tamil public that he would implement the 13th Amendment “in full”. However,  he does not clarify what he means by “maximum,” or whether this includes police, administrative, and legal powers. This was swiftly followed by officials in his party who sought to pacify concerns within his Sinhala nationalist base and claim that the commitment was simply to “reactivate the provincial councils”. 

“The government will be committed to fully implement the current constitution, including the 13th amendment to the constitution, until the passage of the new Constitution. Reaffirm the commitment to provincial councils by not retracting the powers granted to them, and instead, strengthen the developments made at the provincial level,” reads Premadasa’s manifesto.

Such a position has garned him the backing of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) central committee but there appears to be dissent amongst ITAK's senior membership over this decision. ITAK's leader-elect, Sivagnanam Shritharan told reporters that he did not support the decision of the central committee to back Premadasa at the upcoming polls.

Read more here: ITAK in disarray as senior leaders continue to divide party

The 13th Amendment was brought in after the Indo- Lanka agreement of 1987, which calls for a merged North-East and the devolution of police and land powers to the province. This proposal has been consistently opposed by Tamils on the island as simply inadequate as a solution for the problems they face as well as Sinhala nationalists who maintain that it concedes too much to Tamils. Following Premadasa’s claim that he would implement the 13th amendment, Udaya Gammanpil, leader of the an ultra-nationalist Pivithuru Hela Urumaya, lashed out against the decision claiming that with such a move “a terrorist movement more powerful than the LTTE can be born, with the blessings of the international community”.

Premadasa has also sought to garner the favour of the anti-Tamil Sinhala nationalist base and has previously stressed that he would “not permit space for separatism”.

 

Embrace of war criminals

Beyond opposition towards devolution for Tamils he has embraced a number of noted war criminals including appointing Sarath Fonseka as the party's chairman. Fonseka resigned from the post this August as he launched a bid to run in the election as an independent candidate. Fonseka stands accused of overseeing the bombing of hospitals,  the execution and torture of surrendees and disappeared civilians amongst a litany of human rights abuses against Tamil civilians and militants in 2009. 

Several other senior military figures accused of war crimes have also joined Premadasa's party. 

For example, former Chief of Defence Staff Major General Sathyapriya Liyanage was appointed as the head of the SJB’s Anti-corruption Unit. Liyanage is accused of overseeing the Mullivaikkal genocide over a decade ago as the head of the army’s Task Force 3 during the Sri Lankan military’s 2009 offensive. Tens of thousands of Tamils were killed as the military shelled hospitals, deployed rape and sexual violence, and executed those who attempted to surrender.

Retired Lieutenant Colonel Rathnapriya Bandu also joined the SJB under Premadasa's leadership. Ironically, Bandu has been appointed as the head of SJB’s committee for national unity, peace, and harmony at home and abroad. Bandu previously served as a Squadron Commander with Sri Lanka’s Special Forces before becoming the Joint Commanding Officer of the Civil Security Department for Jaffna, Kilinochchi, and Mullaitivu.

Premadasa also welcomed Daya Sandagiri, the 14th Naval Commander of Sri Lanka, to the party. Sandagiri has a controversial history; in 2006, then-president Mahinda Rajapaksa stated he would appoint a Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) to investigate military procurement deals entered into by Sandagiri, who had recently stepped down as Commander of the Navy and was Chief of Defence Staff at the time.

Additionally, Premadasa welcomed former Army Commander Daya Ratnayake to the SJB, another official who oversaw military operations during the Tamil genocide and has repeatedly denied that any war crimes took place.

Whilst presenting himself as an anti-establishment figure, Premadasa differs little in policy from the Rajapaksa when considering his deference to Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and defence of Sri Lankan war criminals. In October 2019, he defended Shavendra Silva, stating:

"No matter what pressures, I will protect Shavendra Silva and he will continue as the Army Commander,” declared Premadasa.

 “He is one of the heroic field commanders who spearheaded the national effort to eradicate terrorism,” said Premadasa at the time. “As a country we will always stand with the war heroes that brought an end to 30 years of terrorism,” he added in his tweet.

He has repeatedly opposed initiatives for an international investigation into war crimes claiming that Sri Lankan soldiers had sacrificed their lives deserved the respect of the entire country and should not be subjected to any international investigation into war crimes. 

 

Staunch Sinhala Buddhist nationalist

Premadasa has also vyed for suport from Sinala Buddhist nationalists by claiming that he would safeguard the island's "territorial integrity" and has recieved an honorary title from the Sangha Council “in recognition of his service to the nation and the Buddha Sasana”.

In the run up to the 2019 election, Premadasa attempted to rally support amongst hardline nationalists by claiming that he would be tough on security. "I will not allow any form of terrorism. We will eliminate all forms of terrorism" he told a crowd in Galle Face Green.

Read the profiles of other candidates: Who are the candidates standing in Sri Lanka's elections?

Yesterday, ahead of Sri Lanka’s presidential election, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Basil Rajapaksa, reportedly left for the United States for “medical purposes”.

He is said to have boarded the Emirates Airline flight EK 659 fom Katunayake Bandaranike International Airport at 3.05 AM to Dubai and will board a separate flight to America.

According to the party’s General Secretary, Sagara Kariyawasam;

The “former minister Basil Rajapaksa was scheduled to go abroad for his medical tests a few weeks ago, but he worked day and night till the last moment for the election activities of the party's Presidential candidate Namal Rajapaksa”.

Read more about the candidacy of Namal Rajapaksa, son of former president and accused war criminal Mahinda Rajapaksa, below:

Who is Namal Rajapaksa?

Read more here and here

Hundreds of ballot boxes with police protection arrived in several parts of the North-East today in preparation for the Presidential Elections which is to take place tomorrow morning in Sri Lanka. Voting will take place from 7 am in the morning till 4 pm in the evening. Eligible candidates are requested to mark a cross next to the candidate of their choice or to provide their preferences by assigning their first, second, and third choices. It is unclear when the results of the elections will begin to be streamed in, however, Sri Lankans will know by the 22nd of September who will lead the country for the next five years. 

 

 

At least five separate murders have taken place in the Colombo area of the last day, as gun violence increased around Sri Lanka’s capital in the run up to the presidential election.

There were at least five separate shootings, all of which resulted in the deaths of those targeted by unidentified assailants.

The first shooting occurred in the busy area of Dehiwala, where a 43-year-old shop owner was shot dead by two gunmen on a motorcycle at Saranankara Mawatha. The victim, a resident of Nedimala, Dehiwala, was inside his shop when he was fatally attacked.

Later that same evening, a second incident was reported in Tangalle, where a 32-year-old man was found dead with gunshot wounds on a coconut estate, according to police reports.

The third shooting took place in Matara, where a 38-year-old fish shop owner was shot by two assailants on a motorcycle. Two customers inside the shop were also injured in the attack. Police believe the shooting was carried out by criminal gangs based overseas.

In the fourth incident, a 30-year-old man was shot dead in the Nammuwawa area in Rasnayakapura. Police found the man inside an eatery after receiving information from local sources.

The fifth and most recent shooting occurred earlier this morning in Dehiwala, where a 45-year-old man was shot and killed by two gunmen on a motorcycle along Kadawatha Road.

These shootings are part of a worrying rise in gun violence across the South, with police reporting a sharp increase in incidents over the past year.

There have been at least 50 gang-related killings in the first six months of this year alone. Last year, there were 54 fatalities and 65 injuries from gun-related violence for the entire year. Authorities are now warning that these numbers may continue to climb.

Sri Lanka’s presidential election could mark a significant milestone, as it might be the first time in history that a single candidate does not secure over 50% of the popular vote.

If so, it could make the outcome of the polls dependent on preferential voting, something that has never happened before on the island.

The Preferential Voting System Explained

Sri Lanka's presidential elections use a preferential voting system, which allows voters to rank their top three candidates in order of preference. This system differs from the "first-past-the-post" approach, where the candidate with the most votes wins. Instead, preferential voting ensures that the president-elect secures a majority (over 50%) of valid votes, making the process more representative.

Here’s how it works.

Voters can either place a ‘X’ around a single candidate, or they can place the number ‘1’, ‘2’, and ‘3’ around their ranked first, second, and third choices.

The Elections Commission of Sri Lanka have said they will reject ballots that place three ‘X’ marks. In Sri Lanka's 2019 Presidential Election, there were a total of 135,452 rejected ballots.

If no candidate secures a majority, the top two will be retained and the ballots of the eliminated candidates will be checked for preferences given to either of the top two candidates, and those votes will be added to their respective tallies.

If the second preference is for one of the two top candidates, it is counted as a vote for that candidate. If the second preference is for an eliminated candidate but the third preference is for one of the two top candidates, it is counted as a vote for that top candidate.

The candidate with the highest number of votes will be declared the winner.

Results

There are approximately 17.1 million eligible voters. Approximately 1 million of them are first-time voters.

Votes will be cast at thousands of polling stations across the country under strict security measures. Once polling concludes, government employees will count the ballots, with oversight provided by officials from the Election Commission, election monitors, and representatives from the candidates.

The voting process is set to begin at 0700 local time ends at 1600 local time, with the counting of votes starting shortly afterward.

Results are expected to filter in throughout the evening and early hours of Sunday morning, with a final winner to be declared alter that day.

The elected candidate is expected to be sworn in as president on Sunday and will proceed to form a new cabinet of ministers.

 

Candidates

Read more: Who are the candidates standing in Sri Lanka's presidential election?

Responding to a letter by Sri Lankan Police warning of deaths threats against the Tamil presidential candidate Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, Tamil lawmaker MA Sumanthiran lashed out against the police and called on Ariyanenthiran to step down from his campaign.

The letter by the police makes reference to objections to his candidates by prominent members within the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) including MA Sumanthiran and Shanakiyan Rasamanickam. In addressing the letter, Sumanthiran stressed that he has “never supported violence” and viewed “this election as anti-war politics”.

He further slammed the Sri Lankan Police’s Deputy Inspector General claiming that he was under the direct control of Sri Lanka’s president Ranil Wickremesinghe. He further noted that the Inspector General’s assertion that there was rising support for Ariyanenthiran amounted to an election crime and that he is taking legal action by raising the matter with Sri Lanka’s election commission. Sumanthiran claimed that Tamil public organisations were overly reliant on information from the Sri Lankan security forces. 

Addressing Ariyanenthiran campaign, he claimed that ITAK’s central committee did not support his candidacy and encouraged Ariyanenthiran to step down. "Do not vote for the Tamil common candidate," Sumanthiran urged. "The party has resolved that he should withdraw from the race." He further warned of disciplinary against Ariyanenthiran for contesting the election as a “Tamil common candidate”.

Expressing his support for Sajith Premadasa in the Sri Lankan presidential polls, Sumanthiran said that Premadasa offered pragmatic proposals that the Tamil community could work with. This decision, however, has deepened the crisis within the party, with different factions backing opposing sides.

Read more here: ITAK in disarray as senior leaders continue to divide party

Despite the internal political discord, Ariyanenthiran appears to have garned significant support and helf his final rally in Nallur, Jaffna, before the election's silence period. During this time, rallies and door-to-door canvassing are prohibited. 

The Tamil common candidate for Sri Lanka's presidential elections, Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, received overwhelming support during a rally held in Nallur, Jaffna, yesterday.

This marks the final rally for the candidate before the election silence period begins, during which all rallies and door-to-door canvassing will be prohibited. Ariyanenthiran has seen growing support from across the Tamil homeland as the campaign draws to a close.

Ariyanenthiran is standing as a 'common' candidate in Sri Lanka's presidential election which is set to take place this weekend. 

In an interview with Tamil Guardian earlier this month, Ariyanenthiran said that he “seeks to serve as a representative voice to both the international community and the southern part of Sri Lanka, highlighting the rights that should be granted to the Tamil people, who have suffered genocide on their own land.” 

 

 

 

(Image courtesy: Vijitha Herath Facebook Page)

Senior member of the National People's Power (NPP), Vijitha Herath, reiterating his party's commitment to preserving Sri Lanka’s unitary state and offering privileged protection to Buddhism under an NPP-led government, just days before voting in presidential elections begins.

Speaking at a public symposium convened by the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress, Herath emphasized that the party remains steadfast in its stance on religious priorities.

"We made it clear then, and we remind it now, that provincial councils are not a solution to the ethnic issues in the country," Herath stated. "Article 9 of our constitution will not be changed in any manner."

Article 9 of Sri Lanka’s constitution asserts that “The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give Buddhism the foremost place, and it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14(1)(e)." Herath affirmed that the NPP would maintain the same prominence for Buddhism as previous governments have done.

He further explained that the NPP, as a political movement, has made “great sacrifices” to uphold the country's unitary state, territorial integrity, and national security. "Yesterday, today, and tomorrow, our stance remains the same. Protecting the unitary state is our bound duty," Herath declared.

"No police or land powers to provincial councils"

At a public symposium convened by the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress, @NPPSLOfficial national ex-co member Vijitha Herath guarantees the protection of #SriLanka’s unitary state structure and elevated position granted to #Buddhism. pic.twitter.com/GRvpjsVHOw

— LankaFiles (@lankafiles) September 18, 2024

Addressing the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution, Herath criticized the provincial council system, which was introduced as a supposed solution to the national question. He reiterated that his party had raised concerns about it from the outset, rejecting it as an ineffective solution.

"Today, it has been proven that this provincial council system, despite functioning for years, has neither resolved the national question nor aided in the development of the provinces," Herath said. He made it clear that the NPP would not grant land or police powers to the provinces and pledged that they "will never do it."

Herath also recalled the NPP's staunch opposition to the Indo-Lanka accord, reaffirming the party’s commitment to protecting Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity.

"Throughout the country’s history, we have consistently made decisions to safeguard our territorial integrity, and we stand by that commitment today and in the future. We assure the people of this country that these principles will not waver," Herath concluded.

Sri Lanka’s State Finance Minister, Shehan Semasinghe warned of an imminent economic collapse if parliament is dissolved and a third review of the much-needed International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan is not completed.

Semasinghe stressed that abandoning the deal would jeopardize Sri Lanka's recovery, potentially dragging the country into a crisis similar to the one it faced in 2022.

“We must adhere to what we have agreed. We cannot unilaterally deviate from the program, as that would effectively mean walking out of the agreement,” Semasinghe told reporters during an event in Colombo. “If that happens, Sri Lanka could easily return to the conditions we faced in 2022.”

Presidential candidates Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake have both vowed to reconsider the terms of the IMF agreement, particularly criticizing the tax policies, which they argue disproportionately affect the poorest citizens. Both have expressed a desire to revise these terms in order to reduce austerity measures. Additionally, they have pledged to dissolve parliament if elected as Sri Lanka's 9th President, with Dissanayake stating he would call for a parliamentary election that very day.

Semasinghe also pointed out that President Ranil Wickremesinghe has no plans to dissolve parliament and will continue with the current program until the IMF’s third review in October. Under Wickremesinghe, two IMF reviews have been completed, and three tranches of a $3 billion loan have been disbursed. Following the 2022 Aragalaya protests, the IMF became a financial lifeline for Sri Lanka, providing crucial funding to help alleviate severe shortages of medicine, fuel, and food.

The country also risks delays in debt restructuring and financing from multilateral lending agencies, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, if the IMF program is disrupted due to renegotiations.

As Sri Lanka approaches its presidential election on September 21, a new report by the International Crisis Group (ICG) highlights the stakes for the millions pushed into poverty by recent economic reforms.

"Despite initial successes in stabilizing the economy under President Ranil Wickremesinghe, the IMF-backed austerity measures have done little to ease the widespread economic misery that followed the 2022 financial collapse,” said the ICG. “For many Sri Lankans, the election offers a glimmer of hope for a fairer distribution of the burdens imposed by austerity, but also deep anxiety about the future."

Since taking office in July 2022, following the mass protests that led to the resignation of his predecessor Gotabaya Rajapaksa, current president Ranil Wickremesinghe has implemented a series of tough fiscal policies aimed at securing international aid and addressing the nation’s debt crisis. However, millions continue to struggle under soaring taxes, energy costs, and rampant inflation. In the last three years, poverty rates in Sri Lanka have more than doubled, with urban poverty tripling. Many small and medium-sized businesses have collapsed, public services like healthcare have deteriorated, and youth unemployment has surged.

Despite these challenges, Wickremesinghe has relied on support from the same political establishment that brought the country to the brink of economic ruin. The report argues that his reforms have disproportionately impacted the poor and middle classes while protecting the wealth of the political elite. The lack of accountability for corruption, both during the Rajapaksa administration and within Wickremesinghe’s own government, has deepened the public's sense of injustice.

For many, the upcoming election represents more than just a judgment on Wickremesinghe’s policies. "It is an opportunity to address the deep-rooted governance issues that triggered the crisis in the first place," the report states. His main challengers, Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake, have pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement to ease the strain on working people, although neither has presented a clear strategy for doing so.

The international community, particularly Sri Lanka’s creditors, will be closely monitoring the election. A responsibly conducted election with legitimate results could lay the groundwork for future debt relief negotiations and a more sustainable economic recovery. For now, the country's future remains uncertain, but one thing is clear: the outcome of this presidential election could either offer a path out of the crisis or deepen the hardship faced.

The situation in the North-East also remains dire. A recent Multidimensional Vulnerability Index (MVI) by the UNDP in Sri Lanka revealed that a large percentage of individuals in the North-East live below the poverty line and face numerous vulnerabilities, with several districts in this region being the worst affected in the country. The Northern and Eastern Provinces had the highest rates of multidimensional vulnerability, with Mullaitivu being the hardest-hit district. The report noted that in Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi, the primary concern is not household debt but rather access to a reliable water supply.

Amid these economic hardships, calls for recognition and a referendum continue to resonate strongly from the North-East.

The full report can be found here. 

The Tamil families of the disappeared have called on the Tamil community to vote for the common candidate Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran as Sinhala political leaders have failed to address the grievances of the Tamil nation. 

The heads of Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappearances in Mannar, Kilinochchi, Jaffna, Amparai, Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Vavuniya issued a statement this week stating that even though 15 years have passed since the Tamil genocide, the nation has not had any justice or accountability. 

"We clearly understand that we will not get justice from the Sinhalese political leaders and we have been forced to fight for our rights, including the right to self-determination," the statement reads. 

"Chauvinistic Sinhalese governments continue to encroach on the Tamil homeland through militarisation and the Sinhalisation of the North-East. Therefore, it is imperative that we as Tamils should stand together as one nation and vote for the common candidate in the upcoming presidential elections," the statement adds. 

S Elankothai, the leader of the Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappearanced in Jaffna said:

"We have met with so many Sinhalese presidents but we have not any form of justice. For 15 years, we have been waiting for justice for our [forcibly disappeared] children."

S Jenita, the head of the Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappearances in Vavuniya told the press that the Tamil nation have no rights or justice for the Tamil genocide . 

“We need to give a clear message to the Sri Lankan government that the Tamils have voted for the common candidate to call for a lasting political solution.” 

The families of the disappeared are aware that Ariyanenthiran will not win the presidential election but urged Tamils to cast their votes for the common candidate as a protest vote to reject Sinhala political leaders.