British Tamils demanded a boycott of the Sri Lankan cricket team on Sunday, as they demonstrated outside the Oval as Sri Lanka played England in London. 

The protest took place in front of the Oval's main entrance as fans filtered through into the ground, as they urged the British government and sporting authorities to boycott all matches with Sri Lanka over their human rights record. 

During the demonstration, protesters chanted slogans such as "Sri Lankan team, go back," "Don’t hide Tamil genocide behind cricket matches from the international community," and "International Cricket Council, ban the Sri Lankan team!" 

This protest was held a day before the 57th session of the UN Human Rights Council, in which Sri Lanka’s lack of justice and accountability for mass atrocities was taken up once more.  

This is not the first time that Sri Lankan cricket team matches in the UK have been marred by protests and demonstrations. Previous Sri Lankan tours of England have seen protests and boycott campaigns, calling on the British government to ensure Sri Lanka is boycotted from international sport until human rights concerns have been addressed. 

“The Sri Lankan government has not changed,” said Theepan, an activist who worked on previous ‘Boycott Sri Lankan Cricket’ campaigns. “To this day, tens of thousands of Tamils remain unaccounted for and the perpetrators of war crimes continue to roam entirely free.” 

Earlier this year, former cricketer and ex-parliamentarian with the Rajapaksa clan, Sanath Jayasuriya, was appointed as the interim coach of Sri Lanka's national team. Jayasuriya is a controversial figure, having aligned himself with war criminals and served a two-year ban from cricket-related activity by the International Cricket Council's (ICC) anti-corruption unit, after he failed to co-operate in a corruption investigation. 

The boycott calls have a history going back decades when Tamil activists in the 1970s and 80s would protest outside stadiums and stage pitch invasions as Sri Lanka played in England, as part of long-standing campaigns for justice and accountability. 

The end of the armed conflict in 2009, where the government led by Rajapaksas oversaw the shelling of hospitals and execution of surrendering Tamils, saw the demands reinvigorated and gaining international attention.

Parliamentarian Wimal Weerawansa recently told a talk show that foreign intervention particularly those exerted by the United States through its ambassador Julie Chung intend to bring Ranil to power, failing which they intend to ensure that Anura Kumara Dissanayake becomes the next President of Sri Lanka. The video was taken down hours after the program was telecast live. 

(Translation of above text: What happened to Wimal Weerawansa who took part in the Hiru Salakuna program? Hours after it was telecast, it was removed).

Just hours after Sinhala nationalist parliamentarian Wimal Weerawansa claimed on a talk show that foreign intervention, particularly by the United States through its ambassador Julie Chung, was afoot in the Sri Lankan presidential polls, the video was mysteriously removed from all online platforms. 

Weerawansa claimed that the US and Chung aimed to bring Ranil Wickremesinghe to power in Sri Lanka. If unsuccessful, Weerawansa alleged that the U.S. intends to ensure Anura Kumara Dissanayake becomes the next President. The video of this program was taken down hours after it aired live. 

 The extremist lawmaker stated, "Julie Chung has been to the National People's Power office several times, and she has posted on X (formerly Twitter) following those meetings. Even Samantha Power, the USAID administrator, met with Harini Amarasuriya during her official visit to the country."  

He also mentioned that India’s National Security Advisor, Ajit Doval, who was in Sri Lanka last week, was keen on meeting with presidential aspirants. He added, "Recently, Anura Kumara Dissanayake went to India where he met officials. America's first choice is Ranil, followed by Anura Kumara Dissanayake."  

Weerawansa claimed that Chung, who has been the U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka since February 2022, had her term ended a few months ago, and suggested she was still in Sri Lanka to interfere in the presidential election and its aftermath. He further alleged that she played a role in the Aragalaya protests of 2022 and was attempting to forge alliances between different political parties in the country. 

 The program was aired on Monday, and by the next morning, the video had been removed from YouTube and other electronic platforms of the television station. Weerawansa took to Facebook to express his views, stating that the video had been taken down due to pressure from various parties. This led to a high demand for the video, and since then, many copies and transcripts of the program have been circulated on various platforms. 

One of the transcripts, seen by Tamil Guardian, included Weerawansa's comments on the proposed salary increments for government employees. According to a recently publicized cabinet decision, starting January 1, 2025, the basic salary for public servants will increase by at least 24% for the lowest ranks, with overall increases ranging from 24% to over 50% for all public service professionals. He claimed that this is the plan of both Wickremesinghe and Dissanayake.  

Furthermore, he suggested there is a concentrated effort to divide Sri Lanka by creating a separate state for the Tamils, which he compared to creating a second Gaza in South Asia. 

Weerawansa again took to Facebook to question why the video was removed by the TV channel and all other platforms. "This is the first time in the history of Sri Lankan media that a live television program has been removed from all the places where it was recorded within a few hours," he said, suggesting that political pressure from other parties may have been the reason for its removal. 

This is not the first time Weerawansa has made such statements. He recently told reporters that the proposed Commission for Truth, Unity, and Reconciliation (CTUR) bill, if presented close to the presidential elections, could weaken and demoralize the military. 

The current chairman of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) Mavai Senathirajah met with incumbent Sri Lankan president Ranil Wickremesinghe this week, as turmoil rocked the party over the central committee decision to back Sajith Premadasa at the upcoming presidential election. 

As debate continues in the Tamil polity over whether to back the Tamil common candidate, boycott the elections entirely or choose another candidate, Senathirajah hosted Wickremesinghe at his residence in Kankasanthurai, Jaffna.  

In comments to the media following the meeting, Senathirajah said, “I told him it is crucial to resolve the ethnic issue once and for all. I am confident in his ability to win and encouraged him to pursue all the development projects he has planned.”  

Senathirajah also told reporters urged Wickremesinghe to draft a new constitution within three months of taking office. 

This meeting comes amid a recent decision the ITAK’s central committee to endorse Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) for the presidency. Senathirajah was not involved in the discussions that led to this decision. 

The endorsement of Premadasa by ITAK has generated debate, particularly given the internal divisions within ITAK.  

On September 1, 2024, lawmaker Sumanthiran announced ITAK's support for Premadasa despite significant support within the party for Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, a candidate backed by a coalition of Tamil political parties and civil society. 

Ariyanenthiran has been backed by a range of Tamil political parties and civil society organisations. The Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) have meanwhile called for a boycott of the elections.  

The Sri Lankan police in Maruthankerny, Jaffna, obstructed Tamil National People's Front (TNPF) members, including Selvarajah Kajendren MP, as they campaigned for a boycott of Sri Lanka's presidential elections. 

On Sunday, the police officers confiscated pamphlets and blocked the path of the members of the TNPF as they questioned the members over their campaign. 

One officer, speaking in Sinhala, informed someone on the phone that only a few people with pamphlets were present.  The Sinhala-speaking officer mentioned that there were eight TNPF representatives present and was asked if they planned to hold a demonstration. He responded that they did not intend to march but were simply distributing leaflets. Officers from the Maruthankerny police station demanded that the TNPF withdraw and abandon their campaign.

Since May of this year, the TNPF has been urging Tamil people to boycott the upcoming Sri Lankan presidential election. A statement released earlier this year criticised the Sri Lankan government, stating: “The Sri Lankan government views the Tamil homeland as an enemy. They continue their policies of Buddhization, militarization, and structural genocide in the homeland. As long as the majority representation remains in their hands, they will regard Tamils not as their own people but as adversaries.”

The statement concluded: “The only option left for the Tamil people is to reject the presidential election.”

This incident in Jaffna is not the first time the Sri Lankan police have interfered with the TNPF’s election boycott efforts. Last month, the TNPF submitted a written complaint to Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Council, detailing how the police obstructed their campaign in Amparai. Footage from Amparai showed police stopping a TNPF member and claiming that leaflets promoting the boycott “could not be distributed.”

More human skeletal remains have been found at a former High Security Zone (HSZ) in Sri Lanka's capital Colombo, in yet another mass grave on the island.

The recent findings are part of the same remains that were initially unearthed in July this year, at the first roundabout after entering the Colombo Port from Chaithya Road in Colombo. The old post office and Sri Lanka’s naval base are also located in the same area.

The latest remains were found during an excavation of the access elevated highway. The first remains were found in July during excavation activities by a private firm involved in the construction linked to the Colombo Port City highway. According to the police spokesperson, the first remains were found buried six feet deep. Professor Raj Somadeva excavated the area following a court order. The Colombo Additional Magistrate was also present when the remains were exhumed. 

This is not the first such grisly finding in the southern Sri Lankan capital. The Shangri-La green grounds in Colombo housed a reported mass grave, after skeletal remains were uncovered during the construction of the hotel in 2017. The British reportedly used the site as a cemetery and until 2012, it was also the headquarters of Sri Lanka’s Army.

Reports by the local press and NGOs suggest that there are at least 32 mass graves in Sri Lanka. No one has ever been held accountable for any of them.

N. Srikantha, a lawyer and senior member of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), asserted that Eelam Tamils should not be misled by the narratives presented by Sinhalese politicians such as Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who has failed to adequately address the ethnic issue or accountability for the Tamil genocide. 

“The National People’s Power is seeking the support of the Tamil people, and they should present their solution to the ethnic issue,” he said during a press conference in Jaffna this week. “Anura Kumara Dissanayake has promised to create a social structure free of corruption and abuse of power. What about investigations into war crimes and ensuring the rights of Tamils?” 

Srikantha informed reporters that Tamils are well aware of the actions of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), which has formed a coalition called the National People’s Power. “The Tamil people are well aware of how the JVP acted until the end of the war, and we also know that the division of the North-East provinces was carried out by the JVP.” 

He added that most politicians lack an understanding of the problems faced by Tamils, and issues such as enforced disappearances cannot be resolved through mechanisms led by the Sri Lankan government. “We have no faith in domestic mechanisms and will continue to demand an international investigation.” 

“Political parties should consider the problems of the Tamil people from the Tamil perspective,” he emphasized.  

Recently, Dissanayake vowed not to punish perpetrators of war crimes as he released his manifesto this week, notably excluding any reference to accountability or militarisation of the Tamil North-East. The manifesto available in Sinhalese and Tamil, but not English on their website, had stark gaps regarding justice and accountability for Tamils. There were no explicit references to the implementation of the 13th Amendment, accountability for Sri Lanka's war crimes, or the militarisation of the North-East. 

Meanwhile, Justice C.V. Wigneswaran, a Member of Parliament from the Jaffna District, stated that only Sumanthiran’s faction of the ITAK has extended its support to Sajith Premadasa, while the rest of the party supports the Tamil common candidate Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran. 

He made these remarks while campaigning for Ariyanenthiran in Jaffna this week. "Those who came to power did so with our votes included and then suppressed us,” he said commenting on the upcoming polls. 

He explained that this was one of the main reasons for fielding a Tamil common candidate, with the belief that Tamils should have the right to live in dignity. “Even if he does not become president, we have used this process to unite the Tamil people,” Wigneswaran added. 

He urged Eelam Tamils to think as a community and vote for Ariyanenthiran to demonstrate their unity. 

The 28th anniversary of Krishanthi Kumarasamy's gang rape and murder by Sri Lankan soldiers was commemorated at Chemmani on Saturday.

The gathering also remembered the murder and cover-up of those who had gone in search of Krishanthi; her mother Rasamma, brother Pranavan, and their neighbour Kirupakaran. The memorial was hosted by Gnanaprakasam Kisore, a former member of the Chavakachcheri City Council.

Chundikuli Girls High School student Krishanthi was taking her Advanced Level examinations at the time. A bright student, she had strong aspirations to become a doctor.

On September 7, 1996, Krishanthi was stopped by Sri Lankan soldiers at the Kaithady military checkpoint while travelling home from school. According to investigations, she was kidnapped by five soldiers at the checkpoint, then she was gang-raped and killed by another six. Her family was worried about Krishanthi's disappearance and set out to find her. The soldiers also murdered them. Forty-five days later, the four bodies were discovered inside the army base in shallow graves.

The Sri Lankan government was only forced to arrest the soldiers after persistent pressure from local human rights groups, Amnesty International and Women for Peace.

One of the suspects, Corporal Somaratne Rajapakse, informed the authorities about supposed mass graves. Subsequently, Rajapakse and his accomplices revealed locations in Chemmani and Ariyalai where hundreds of victims were buried. This is now known as the Chemmani mass grave site.

In 2007, S. T. Gananathan, a social worker who was actively involved in exposing Krishanthi's case, was assassinated by unidentified gunmen near Mampalam Junction Sri Lanka Army camp in Ariyalai. The common perception is that he was killed in revenge for exposing the murderers of the 18-year-old Krishanthi.

Sri Lanka Army Corporal Somaratne Rajapakse is on death row for the crime. This is the only case in which soldiers from Sri Lanka have been convicted of raping a Tamil during the armed conflict despite thousands of documented instances of widespread sexual assault and murder committed against Tamils by the Sri Lankan military.

UN High Commissioner Volker Türk urged Sri Lanka to address the "root causes of the conflict" to advance accountability and reconciliation whilst also calling on member states to take action through their own domestic systems and through the international fora. 

UN High Commissioner Volker Türk urged Sri Lanka to address the "root causes of the conflict" to advance accountability and reconciliation whilst also calling on member states to take action through their own domestic systems and through the international fora. 

During the interactive dialogue at the 57th session of the Human Rights Council, the human rights chief brought the Council's attention to his most recent report which details the sexual abuse and intimidation of Tamil activists by Sri Lanka’s security forces; continued crackdowns on memorial activities across the North-East; and failure to advance accountability for human rights abuses committed.

Türk said that in Sri Lanka, "a prevailing sense of impunity impedes meaningful progress and encourages continued violations and more corruption."

"The absence of accountability for past and present violations is a fundamental problem, illustrated by the lack of meaningful progress in emblematic cases," he added. 

Responding to the UN High Commissioner's report, Sri Lanka's ambassador Himalee Subhashini Arunatilaka restated the country's opposition to Resolution 51/1 and claimed that "the resolution was adopted without Sri Lanka's consent by a divided vote within this Council."

Resolution 51/1, passed at the UNHRC in October 2022, extended and reinforced "the capacity of the Office of the High Commissioner to collect, consolidate, analyse and preserve” evidence that may be used in future war crimes trials.

Arunatilaka went on to add that the evidence gathering mechanism was "unproductive and unwarranted". 

"The selective and disproportionate focus on handpicked developing countries while ignoring critical situations elsewhere is unacceptable. We urge the Council to avoid politicisation and double standards, and to focus on dire humanitarian situations that require urgent action to maintain its crediibility."

The United Kingdom said it shared the High Commissioner's concerns over the human rights trends in Sri Lanka. The UK noted that there has been little accountability for human rights abuses that took place during the armed conflict and the whereabouts of Tamils who were forcibly disappeared "remain unknown". 

The UK added that a "comprehensive transitional justice process that carries the support of affected communities is more pressing than ever" whilst also calling for independent investigations into the violations that highlighted in the High Commissioner's report. 

Addressing the Council, Canada stressed the importance of “inclusive transitional justice” in Sri Lanka that focuses on accountability, “including for enforced disappearances and that ends impunity by security forces for human rights violations and land seizures.”

They urged Sri Lanka to “take tangible steps” towards meaningful accountability and reconciliation that “addresses concerns of all victims and affected communities.”

Canada also expressed concern over new and proposed legislation and called on Sri Lanka to ensure all legislation complies with its international human rights obligations. 

The European Union noted that Sri Lanka has established a Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation but are "looking forward to getting a clear picture of its work". 

They added that they "remain concerned" over the lack of progress on accountability and truth and called on the authorities to "preserve civic space". 

The United States strongly urged the Sri Lankan government to continue the government return of lands, an end to land grabs and “enhanced transparency” concerning land deals. 

The US also said it was deeply concerned by the reports of ongoing torture outlined in the High Commissioner’s report and called on Sri Lanka to hold those responsible to account. 

“Longstanding impunity for human rights abuses remains an obstacle to reconciliation. Transitional justice institutions and reconciliation initiatives that are victim-centered, independent, inclusive, impartial and transparent restore trust in institutions and minimise the risk of renewed conflict,” they stressed. 

Speaking on behalf of the Nordic-Baltic countries, Finland called on the Sri Lankan government to take "immediate and credible steps to strengthen accountability and reconciliation efforts, address all violations committed during and after the civil war and put an end to impunity." 

Finland went on to add that the fate of those forcibly disappeared needs to be addressed with urgency whilst "acts of commemoration need protection". 

India told the Council that it is a "close friend" of Sri Lanka and stated that the "meaningful devolution of powers to Provincial Councils, holding of Provincial Council elections and full and effective implementation of the 13th Amendment" will facilitate reconciliation in Sri Lanka. 

Liechtenstein stated that "long overdue reforms" to advance human rights and reconciliation have not been implemented. 

"True reconciliation cannot be achieved with impunity. The lack of accountability for past and present human rights violations at all levels needs to be urgently and credibly addressed and the suffering of victims needs to be recognised," they added.

In their statement, Belgium said that it "regrets" the Online Safety Bill which expands restrictions on the freedoms of expression by "granting broad powers to the security forces". They urged the Sri Lankan government to allow journalists and civil society activists to "conduct their work without fear of intimidation, surveillance or reprisals, including those working on enforced disappearances, land seizures and environmental issues."

They went on to add that the intimidation of the families of the disappeared has a "devastating impact" on those already suffering from human rights violations. 

Montenegro told the Council that they are concerned to hear reports of restrictions on the freedom of expression and the shrinking of civic space in Sri Lanka. They urged Sri Lanka to "fully cooperate" with the High Commissioner's office and to re-engage with the Human Rights Council in addressing the concerns outlined in the High Commissioner's report.

Australia noted Sri Lanka’s bill for a Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation but emphasised the “importance of appropriate resourcing and implementation, and earning the trust and meeting the expectations of affected communities.”

Many member states commended Sri Lanka for the "progress" it had made in advancing reconciliation and said the Council should remain objective and avoid politicising the island's human rights situation.

China told the Council that it opposes the politicisation of human rights issues and added that the evidence gathering mechanism mandated in Resolution 51/1 ignores the progress made by Sri Lanka. 

Iran questioned the transparency of the evidence gathering mechanism whilst Cuba said it voted against the resolution as it was "biased". In their address, Syria stated that the resolutions were adopted without the consensus and consultation of Sri Lanka and added that such resolutions "go beyond the mandate given to the Council."

Lebanon expressed support for Sri Lanka's domestic reconciliation processes and stated they appreciate the work of the Office of Missing Persons and the amendments made by Sri Lanka to the Prevention of Terrorism Act. 

In his concluding remarks, Türk said that dealing with the past requires a “comprehensive approach”. Türk added that while Sri Lanka has taken a number of steps including releasing lands held by the military, there is a “missing link”. He explained that the missing link is accountability.

“The primary responsibility for accountability in all its components – be it truth , justice, remedy, non recurrence – lies with the state's authorities,” Türk added. 

He added that there is a “clear accountability gap” which means that “a comprehensive investigation and prosecution of past human rights violations have not occurred to a satisfactory level.”

The human rights chief called on member states to look at additional and complementary measures to advance accountability on a domestic and international level. Türk stated that his office believes the UNHRC needs to continue its focus on Sri Lanka and extend support to his office for the continuation of this important work.

The High Commissioner stressed that there needs to be “sustained efforts” for accountability and long term reforms to prevent human rights violations in Sri Lanka.

The case in opposition to a common Tamil candidate rests upon the assumption that incremental progress is possible under the Sinhala political framework. It is not. Tamils are better off with a candidate standing as a symbol of their defiance. It stands as a stark reminder to the international community that the Tamil issue cannot be swept over.

^{The Tamil common candidate, Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, pays tribute at the Mullivaikkal genocide memorial.}

The case in opposition to a common Tamil candidate rests upon the assumption that incremental progress is possible under the Sinhala political framework. It is not. Tamils are better off with a candidate standing as a symbol of their defiance. It stands as a stark reminder to the international community that the Tamil issue cannot be swept over.

On September 21, Tamils will head to the polls for Sri Lanka’s presidential elections. After decades of unfulfilled promises and continued assaults on Tamil livelihood, there is a pervasive sense of pessimism among the Tamil community. Voter turnout has traditionally dwindled, with only an estimated 50% of Tamil voters participating from 1988 until 2010. In light of the lacklustre candidates, all seemingly committed to upholding Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, some Tamil groups have fielded a common candidate to uphold their values and advocate for accountability and self-determination.

This proposal, however, has been opposed by a section of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), with parliamentarian M A Sumanthiran, arguing it would be “an act of deception” against the Tamil people. Sumanthiran’s stance is based on two main points: first, supporting a Tamil candidate might allow a more extreme Sinhala nationalist leader to win, as seen in the 2005 election where a boycott led to Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory by a narrow margin. This brought about a genocidal military solution. The prospect of another war criminal in office, such as Sarath Fonseka, still looms in this election.

Second, Sumanthiran argues for the strategic value of supporting a “moderate” Sinhala leader, as demonstrated in 2015 when his party’s backing of Maithripala Sirisena helped him win by a small margin. This victory not only blocked Rajapaksa’s return but also created space for Tamils to push for accountability and devolution.

The overarching argument is that the Tamil vote, though small, can strategically influence the election, either as a thorn in the side of Sinhala nationalists or as a force for incremental progress. Fielding a common candidate, on the other hand, might amount to a boycott, enabling Sinhala leaders to dismiss Tamil political aspirations.

However, this argument has two key flaws: first, the limited impact of a “moderate” regime in Colombo, and second, the role of international pressure in any progress made.

The Sirisena administration initially raised hopes among Tamils and the international community, but this optimism was short-lived. Whilst his regime initially seemed to co-operate with demands for international accountability at the UN Human Rights Council, Sirisena quickly rejected recommendations for a hybrid court to address war crimes. Tamil Families of the Disappeared engaged with the government’s task force, but the newly created Office of Missing Persons (OMP) became a smokescreen, diverting international condemnation without advancing accountability. To this day, it remains toothless. As a result, participating in the political process may have further delayed justice for Tamil survivors.

Moreover, Sirisena’s true colours emerged in October 2018 when he attempted to replace Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe with his former foe Mahinda Rajapaksa, recognizing his waning support among Sinhala voters. This demonstrates that even a “moderate” administration can shift gears quickly and revert to its more chauvinistic leanings to maintain political survival, a lesson that Tamils have learnt throughout history with agreements like the Bandaranike-Chelvanayakam pact, which were ultimately aborted under Sinhala pressure.

While Tamil electoral support is valuable to Sinhala leaders, international pressure holds even greater weight. The Sirisena administration sought Tamil support in 2015, but it was also driven by significant international scrutiny over human rights abuses and corruption. The promise of an uptick in international relations and economic renewal helped pacify the Sinhala base. It is the threat of sanctions and the risk of Sri Lanka becoming an international pariah that drives action in Colombo.

A common Tamil political candidate could unify the nation in pressing that message globally and advocating for an uncompromising vision of self-determination and justice. This is not without challenges, as the ITAK has voiced opposition, highlighting fractures within the Tamil community. However, this approach recognizes that decisions made in Colombo have rarely served Tamil interests. As the common candidate, Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, himself has declared, his candidacy is not about winning the election. Instead, it is about sending a message to the international community about the Tamil people’s continued resolve and demand for justice, demilitarisation and self-determination.

Boycotting the elections entirely is a move that has been raised by other Tamil groups and one that also carries its own merits. It recognises that there is little utility in participating in a system that has brought nothing to the Tamil people.

Whatever choices the Tamil nation makes this month, it is clear - progress has been achieved not through compromise with Colombo, but through continued Tamil defiance and concrete international action.

Tamils have been protesting across Australia in recent weeks calling on the Australian government to grant asylum seekers with permanent residency after spending years in visa limbo. 

Tamils have been protesting across Australia in recent weeks calling on the Australian government to grant asylum seekers with permanent residency after spending years in visa limbo. 

In Perth, Tamil asylum seekers have been camping outside Labour MP Sam Lim’s office, a constituency with a high Tamil population, demanding that asylum seekers be recognised as permanent residents. 

The sit-in protest, which is currently on day nine, was launched to address the plight of asylum seekers in Australia. 

Tamils camped outside Labor MP Sam Lim's office in Perth, Australia. 

Many of the protesters are on bridging visas, a short term visa which needs to be constantly renewed.  Without permanent residency, asylum seekers do not have access to Medicare - Australia’s universal health insurance scheme, they do not have the right to work or study nor the right to travel. 

Last month, Mano Yogalingam, a Tamil asylum seeker self-immolated in Melbourne after waiting for 12 years for a permanent visa. Yogalingam was from Puttalam and fled the island at the age of 11 with his family following threats from the Sri Lankan military. The family arrived in Australia by boat from India in 2012 where he was detained for several months.

Commenting on Yogalingam’s death, Lim reportedly told protesters:

"If you can live for the last 12 years or 13 years in such a suffering state, why [do] you want to take your life?"

"Why? If you can sustain and live, you should have a strong energy to carry on … and you are under a good government," Lim said.

In response, Samuel Kugathas, one of the protest organisers, explained to Lim that asylum seekers are losing hope. 

"They have no work rights, they have no study [rights], they have no Medicare," Kugathas said. 

"So, if they have a medical sickness, where do they go? If they need money, there is no government support … they can’t rent a house.”

One protester, Stephni Jesuthasan told SBS News that she and her family are currently on bridging visas after they fled Sri Lanka in 2013. The family were placed in detention on Christmas Island before being moved to offshore detention centres in Malaysia and Indonesia. 

Jesuthasan explained the dangers of returning to Sri Lanka. 

"We were constantly faced with questioning and threats at home … it was unsafe for us to stay there," she said.

"Dad was taken away at times, where he was blinded and tied up and hurt."

Meanwhile in Melbourne, asylum seekers frustrated by the lack of progress on their cases,  have been camped outside Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke’s office for over a month, demanding the government to address their grievances. 

Tamils rally through Sydney, Australia, on August 31. (Photograph courtesy of Tamil Refugee Council.)

On August 31, over 500 people rallied through Sydney to echo nationwide calls for asylum seekers to be permanently protected and stop the risk of deportation to places, like Sri Lanka, where asylum seekers face persecution. 

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights recently released a damning report which highlighted ongoing arbitrary detention, torture, and sexual violence perpetrated against Tamils by Sri Lanka’s security forces, “mainly in Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu, and Vavuniya.”

Speaking to Tamil Guardian, Tamil Refugee Council spokesperson Renuga Inpakumar said: 

“We will not stop until this system of cruelty and indifference is dismantled. We will continue to support the 24/7 protest, to raise our voices, and to challenge the policies that perpetuate the injustice.”

“Refugees are not asking for special treatment. They are demanding what is rightfully theirs - the right to live in safety, to be reunited with their families, to work, to study, and to contribute to the country they now call home. They are demanding the chance to rebuild their lives, to be treated with the dignity and respect that every human being deserves,” Inpakumar added. 

Leader of the Opposition and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), Sajith Premadasa, has pledged in his manifesto to amend the current constitution to facilitate the full implementation of the 13th Amendment, which devolves land and police powers to the North-East, despite criticism from National People Power leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake who labelled it a false promise.

“The government will be committed to fully implement the current constitution, including the 13th amendment to the constitution, until the passage of the new Constitution. Reaffirm the commitment to provincial councils by not retracting the powers granted to them, and instead, strengthen the developments made at the provincial level,” reads Premadasa’s manifesto.

Premadasa has emphasized the need for a new constitution through “proper consultation with religious dignitaries, political parties representing the parliament, and members of the civil societies” to ensure the full implementation of bills such as the 13th Amendment.

He also expressed a desire to transform the current political system into a parliamentary system with “maximum devolution.” However, he does not clarify what he means by “maximum,” or whether this includes police, administrative, and legal powers, which most other political parties do not even mention. Incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe stops short of fully implementing the 13^th Amendment, whilst the topic has been noticeably omitted in the manifestos of Namal Rajapaksa, and Anura Kumara Dissanayake altogether.

The 13th Amendment was brought in after the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement of 1987, which calls for a merged North-East and the devolution of police and land powers to the province. However, it has been consistently rejected by the Tamil people as not being an adequate solution, whilst the Sri Lankan state for decades has obfuscated its implementation.

Dissanayake reportedly slammed Tamil politicians, such as M A Sumanthiran who recently came out in support of Premadasa, for  ‘buying’ false promises by southern candidates with regard to the 13th Amendment. According to the Sunday Times, Dissanayake described it as similar to a “blank cheque”.

Beyond these points, Premadasa's manifesto does not delve deeply into issues concerning the Tamil people, apart from promising equitable living conditions for North-East fisherfolk. He also assures that the Police Ordinance will be updated and the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act will be abolished.

“The Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act will be abolished, and a new anti-terrorism law that protects national security and human rights will be enacted.” Additionally, he pledges to implement the Trilingual Language Policy as required under the current constitution of Sri Lanka.

 The manifesto can be found here.

Despite these lofty promises, Premadasa has surrounded himself with several individuals accused of war crimes who are now serving as his advisors and on his security committee. These individuals are eyeing top positions in Sri Lanka’s military and government should the SJB come to power.

For example, former Chief of Defence Staff Major General Sathyapriya Liyanage was appointed as the head of the SJB’s Anti-corruption Unit. Liyanage is accused of overseeing the Mullivaikkal genocide over a decade ago as the head of the army’s Task Force 3 during the Sri Lankan military’s 2009 offensive. Tens of thousands of Tamils were killed as the military shelled hospitals, deployed rape and sexual violence, and executed those who attempted to surrender.

Retired Lieutenant Colonel Rathnapriya Bandu also joined the SJB under Premadasa's leadership. Ironically, Bandu has been appointed as the head of SJB’s committee for national unity, peace, and harmony at home and abroad. Bandu previously served as a Squadron Commander with Sri Lanka’s Special Forces before becoming the Joint Commanding Officer of the Civil Security Department for Jaffna, Kilinochchi, and Mullaitivu.

Premadasa also welcomed Daya Sandagiri, the 14th Naval Commander of Sri Lanka, to the party. Sandagiri has a controversial history; in 2006, then-president Mahinda Rajapaksa stated he would appoint a Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) to investigate military procurement deals entered into by Sandagiri, who had recently stepped down as Commander of the Navy and was Chief of Defence Staff at the time.

Additionally, Premadasa welcomed former Army Commander Daya Ratnayake to the SJB, another official who oversaw military operations during the Tamil genocide and has repeatedly denied that any war crimes took place.

Premadasa has repeatedly spoken out against holding Sri Lankan war criminals accountable, and in 2020 spoke out against a US travel ban on army commander Shavendra Silva over his role in executing Tamils. “He is one of the heroic field commanders who spearheaded the national effort to eradicate terrorism,” said Premadasa at the time. “As a country we will always stand with the war heroes that brought an end to 30 years of terrorism,” he added in his tweet.

Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Ali Sabry appeared visibly agitated during a recent interview with Deutsche Welle in Colombo as he downplayed the numbers of enforced disappearances that have taken place on the island. 

When the journalist asked about the numbers involved, Sabry challenged the source of the figures, saying, “Where do you get those 100,000 numbers? The mass grave and 100,000, how do you come to that position?”. 

He dismissed these figures as “rubbish” and “Western nonsense,” stating that the Sri Lankan government had set up mechanisms and obtained numbers from the United Nations and the Red Cross, which identified only 6,075 complaints, out of which 5,776 cases were resolved. 

 Sabry further claimed that 90% of those reported as disappeared had been found.  

“We have restored peace, we have rehabilitated over 12,000 LTTE soldiers, and 96% of the lands in the North-East have been given back to the people,” he added, seemingly provoked by the questioning. Sabry accused Western countries of having “vote bank politics” and suggested that the diaspora had settled in influential areas where votes count during elections, adding, “We will not allow any foreign interferences in our country’s affairs.” 

He went on to criticize those calling for justice, stating “Who is providing the diplomatic cover, who is providing arms and ammunition? We are not an apartheid state; we take care of all our people as one.”  

He also highlighted the case of an LTTE suspect sentenced to 200 years for involvement in the Central Bank bombing who was recently pardoned. Sabry appealed to the diaspora, saying, “Rather than continue to agitate for a separate state and mislead the Sri Lankans, causing them to go through conflict again, come back, look at these infrastructures in the North-East, create opportunities, and uplift your own people.” 

When asked about high-ranking military generals in Sri Lanka accused of war crimes, Sabry argued that the actions of a few should not tarnish the reputation of the entire military, which he described as “the most respected in the world.” He dismissed many of the allegations as being from sources seeking refugee status abroad, including the “so-called Channel 4 documentary.” According to Sabry, “The only source is a fellow who left the country illegally, went to France, and then to Switzerland seeking refugee status. They can sell anyone to get greener pastures.” 

The foreign minister has been one of the most vehement oippnents to an international accountability mechanism that Tamil victims and families of the disappeared have been demanding, as his government has repeatedly refused to comply with UN Human Rights Council resolutions. 

The Eastern University in Vandaramulai, Batticaloa, marked the anniversary of the forced disappearance of 158 Tamil civilians, who were detained by the Sri Lankan army while seeking refuge at the campus 34 years ago.

The Eastern University in Vandaramulai, Batticaloa, marked the anniversary of the forced disappearance of 158 Tamil civilians, who were detained by the Sri Lankan army while seeking refuge at the campus 34 years ago.

The commemoration, which took place on Thursday, was organised by the Batticaloa Association of Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared and the Eastern University Faculty of Arts and Culture Students' Union. Families and relatives of the disappeared, Eastern University students, and civil society activists also attended the event. A minute of silence was observed, and candles were lit in remembrance after a protest demanding justice for the disappeared,

The event commemorated the case of a mass disappearance that occurred in 1990 during the height of the armed conflict. On Sept 5^th,1990 the Sri Lankan army entered a refugee camp located on the Eastern University campus and ordered civilians to assemble on the university grounds. Many recall their experiences of seeing masked spotters who were brought in by the army picking certain individuals and taking them away in buses, 158 in total. They have never been seen or heard from again.

Sri Lanka conducted a ‘Presidential Commission’ report which confirmed that, according to witnesses, the army had detained 158 individuals on that day. However, nothing further has come of it. The families of the disappeared continue to suffer as they search for news of what happened to their loved ones.

The demonstration at Eastern University is another example of the persistent search for justice and closure by Tamils, amid the Sri Lankan military’s and government's continued refusal to take accountability.

The Sri Lankan government has announced a significant pay hike for military personnel just weeks before the presidential polls, as it reinforces the already overwhelming militarisation on the island amidst ongoing economic hardships.

The proposed salary increase, approved by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, ranges from 24% to 60%, with basic salaries starting at Rs. 30,000 and structured on a ratio of 1 to 6. Top military positions will see substantial increases, with basic pay set at Rs. 76,300 for Lieutenant General, Vice Admiral, and Air Marshal ranks, and Rs. 84,700 for General, Admiral, and Air Chief Marshal, excluding allowances. Lower ranks such as Major, Lieutenant Commander, and Squadron Leader will also see increased salaries, with corresponding pay adjustments across the military hierarchy.

The pay hike will be implemented from January 1, 2025, following the Treasury's agreement and Cabinet approval, according to Udaya R. Seneviratne, Chairman of the Presidential Expert Committee.

Despite reported austerity measures, Sri Lanka's military spending remains high, with the 2023 budget allocating $1.45 billion to the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Public Security. Sri Lanka continues to maintain one of the largest militaries in the world per capita, most off which is currently occupying the Tamil North-East.

This substantial investment in the military comes amid widespread economic challenges, including food insecurity and high levels of malnutrition. Opposition legislator Rohini Kaviratne highlighted a UNICEF report indicating that one-third of Sri Lankan children suffer from malnutrition due to food insecurity exacerbated by the economic crisis. She criticized the government's failure to control the prices of essential food items, such as eggs, which are a crucial source of protein for many families.

In response, Education Minister Susil Premajayantha argued that prices have decreased since the height of the economic crisis, suggesting that the data cited was from 2023. He defended high import duties as necessary for protecting local farmers, despite the ongoing struggles faced by the population.

This pay increase for military personnel comes as the incumbent President Wickremesinghe attempts to reinforces his support amongst the nationalist Sinhala Buddhist base ahead of presidential elections this month.