Himalee Subashini Arunatilaka, the current Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations in Geneva, has been ordered by the Australian Federal Court to pay $543,000 in unpaid wages and interest to a domestic worker who served her when she was deputy high commissioner of Sri Lanka in Australia.

The Federal Court has ruled that Arunatilaka must pay Priyanka Danaratna $374,000 in unpaid wages plus $169,000 in interest after failing to pay the domestic worker any regular wages between 2015 and 2018. According to ABC Australia, when Priyanka Danaratna moved from Sri Lanka to Australia to work for a diplomat nearly a decade ago, she was optimistic about her future. She was in her mid-thirties and had never visited another country before. But that optimism faded when she arrived in Canberra and unknowingly entered a "slavery-type arrangement", says David Hillard, a pro bono partner at law firm Clayton Utz.

Over those three years, she was only paid $11,212 for her work. Hillard says effectively, "she worked nonstop for three years for about 65 cents an hour".  "It's an example of how modern slavery works," he added. Hillard represented Danaratna in legal proceedings against Ms Arunatilaka in a civil case under the Fair Work Act. She was accused of underpaying her employee $374,000. In a judgment handed down on Thursday (15), the Federal Court found that Arunatilaka breached the Fair Work Act in several ways, including not paying by Australian employment laws.

"She's in a very senior diplomatic role now in Geneva. I think it's absolutely appalling that this can be allowed to happen," Hillard says. "But I think it also reflects on perhaps the nature of … the diplomatic world in that I suspect that perhaps Arunatilaka and the Sri Lankan government have not viewed what she's done as something particularly extraordinary. That this perhaps is just par for the course in terms of how domestic workers are treated in the residences of senior diplomats."

Danaratna also told courts that Arunatilaka confiscated her passports and never returned it to her. She also said that she was never allowed to leave home alone and if she did, she would often be accompanied by someone else from the same household. Sometimes she was permitted to go for a short walk around the neighbourhood on her own. Eventually, this helped her escape.

"On August 14, 2018, I told Arunatilaka and her husband that I was going for a walk. I left Ms Arunatilaka's residence, and the two people from the Salvation Army were waiting for me nearby in a car," she said. The group drove to Sydney, where Ms Danaratna was taken to a Salvation Army safe house. Although diplomats are offered immunity, Hillard says Arunatilaka is not immune to prosecution in the case concerning her treatment of Danaratna. 

Arunatilaka is a staunch loyalist of the Sri Lankan regime and has found every attempt to deflect accusations of war crimes and genocide committed against Tamils during her tenure in Geneva as Sri Lanka's permanent representative. 

Read more here

Ahead of his headline London show in October, musician Sid Sriram sat down to speak with the Tamil Guardian about how he grew to embrace his identity, recall midnight recording sessions with A R Rahman and his deep love for the Eelam Tamil community worldwide.

 

Ahead of his headline London show in October, musician Sid Sriram sat down to speak with the Tamil Guardian about how he grew to embrace his identity, recall midnight recording sessions with A R Rahman and his deep love for the Eelam Tamil community worldwide.

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“I'm here in London because of the community, you know what I mean?” says Sid Sriram, from his hotel room in London.

The hit singer, producer and songwriter has taken the South Indian music industry by storm over the last decade. A multi-award winner, Sriram’s soothing vocals have won him fans from across the globe. And as he returns to London to perform for only the second time next month, he remains acutely aware that there is a community of Eelam Tamils in the British capital that is making the show possible.

“I mean, in so many of the cities I pull up to my fan base is primarily [Eelam Tamil],” he says. “I don't even like to use the words fans anymore, but just like the supporters of my music and the family that we've kind of fostered is the community.”

“So, I'm a big supporter and big respect for sure.”

'Respect, love and camaraderie'

Sriram speaks fondly about all his fans but singles out Eelam Tamils in particular for their longstanding support on his musical journey.

“Like I said before the Eelam community, it has been [there] from day one, I think even before I had music coming out in films,” he adds.

“A lot of folks from the community have been supporting me from like 2010-11,” he continues. “I'm always super cognizant of the fact that that support and acceptance, more than anything else, embracing me, is what has allowed me to pull up to London and do a show in front of 20,000 people. And that's never lost on me.”

“I feel like some of the conversations I've had with people from the Tamil community have been something like the deepest, just like most heartfelt conversations as well. So, forget the music and all that, but just on the human level, there's, I feel, a deep sense of respect and love and camaraderie.”

That connection Sriram speaks of is clear in his heartfelt performances in cities with large Eelam Tamil populations. It even led the singer to dedicate two songs to his “Tamil Eelam fam” during a performance in Toronto last year.

“We did ‘Oru Deivam Thantha Poove’ and ‘Unthan Desathin Kural’,” he recalls. The former is from the film Kannathil Muthamittal, a movie based around the Tamil Eelam struggle, whilst the latter is a poignant A R Rahman-composed classic on displacement and the Tamil yearning for a motherland.

“Those were the two specific songs that I dedicated,” Sriram continues, stating he included them to “extend a deep sense of love”.

“I think the mood when those songs come on, or when we perform those songs, there's just this feeling of…  it feels profound, honestly, man.”

“There's a sense of heaviness, but then it's also very beautiful. I will never know that specific experience. I was born in India. I can't ever say that I can feel what has been felt. But as a figure who has been embraced by the community, and who sings Tamil music, I feel that it's not my responsibility, because it doesn't feel like a responsibility, but it just feels like it flows so naturally. And I'm grateful.”

Grappling with identity

The Chennai-born and California-raised artist also finds those ties to his audiences in the West are unique not just because they are largely Eelam Tamil, but also due to the “deep overlap and shared experience culturally”.

“In terms of like the fact that I grew up listening to A R Rahman music deeply, but also the first CD that I bought was 50 Cent’s Get Rich or Die Trying album.”

“I was talking to someone yesterday… where we were just talking about how we both love Jay Z’s Black Album. And then that person also has had time spent with Carnatic music, you know what I mean?”

“Not to say I don't like doing shows in other places. I love performing in Chennai because that feels like hometown. But there's something really special about having some of the same cultural cues on both sides when I come to some of these Western-leaning countries.”

This fusion of cultures and sounds shines through Sriram’s music, blending traditional Carnatic vocals with soulful R&B tones. It is a niche sound that is a result of his upbringing, infusing both his Tamil and American identities together, and one he has learnt to embrace growing up.

“I think my whole life, even before my professional career started, has been an exercise in first, grappling with what I thought were multiple identities within myself.”

“I was born in Chennai, but grew up in the States,” he continues. “And then as I grew older, realizing that there are no multiple identities. It's a single identity with a really beautiful and broad spectrum.”

Did he ever feel any tension between his Tamil-ness and American-ness?

“I felt that way when I was younger,” he admits. “I used to feel like I had to code switch a lot and really kind of figure out in which space I presented a certain way. And I feel like that was doing a disservice to the various roots of my identity.”

“I've been really lucky because music is a direct manifestation of my journey with identity. It's been so from the beginning. I remember I used to feel most myself when I was at home practising Carnatic music. I'd like have a weird day at school, like fourth, or fifth grade, for whatever reason, come back home, sit down and practice, and subconsciously, just enter the space of what felt like transcendence. For the longest time, Carnatic music specifically, was the mechanism that I used to embrace myself.”

“As I got older and I went to college that's when I started writing my own music and getting exposed to various forms of music. I would still have those moments in the practice rooms at Berkeley College of Music, where I went to. But then I would be in another space, and I would kind of distance myself from Carnatic music, in a way. Just try to highlight the more R&B and Soul and whatever I was doing. It even manifested in the way I dressed and everything.”

“But in the last decade, I've just been able to - not even develop - but dig deep and find who I am.”

“There's no need to build silos within oneself and just think that you have to exist in one in a certain context, and then jump into another for another. It's just one person. I'm one human being with a very complex and… kaleidoscopic experience. On any given day, the way the sun hits me, I might feel a certain way, but it's always going to be the same human being.”

“It's really allowed me to… not have to present differently in any one room. I can just be Sid Sriram wherever I'm at.”

On Coachella and a growing non-Tamil audience

The journey of self-discovery that he has been on, mirrors many of his audiences around the world.

“I think that's probably the struggle that a lot of folks that come from immigrant identities, or people who are away from their motherland, or who have been born in another place but still have roots face,” he says.

But in embracing those different parts of his identity, Sriram has been able to propel his music and career to the global stage - including to non-Tamil crowds.

His NPR Music's Tiny Desk performance last year has racked up hundreds of thousands of views and this year, he became only the second Tamil artist to perform at Coachella (the first having been M.I.A.).

“It was fire man,” he recalls, as he described ending his festival set with Thiruppugazh, an anthology of religious songs dedicated to Lord Murugan. “It was, I would say, 80% non-Brown folks in there.”

“It just went silent when I started that piece. And it was such a special moment because I didn't realize it then.”

“The next day, my brother sent me the video clip… I watched it, and that's where it really hit me. Not a responsibility, but I feel like I'm an ambassador of where I'm from and what I represent and the roots that I come from.”

“That moment just felt like such a powerful and beautiful moment to affirm that. To see these folks who have no context as to what I was singing language-wise or sonically, just really take it in and let the music wash over them.”

“I think for me [that] was a reference point of what my path is moving forward and what I want to do. The last 10-12, years of my life and my career have been specific paths, and I feel like, right now I'm in a point of inflection.”

“I want to take my music and spread it across the world. I already know that my community and the communities that support me are going to be at the foundational level, always lifting me up. And now it's time for me to take this music and spread it globally.”

Midnight recording sessions with A R Rahman

Even as he tours and creates solo projects – such as his all-English album Sidharth released last year – Sriram continues to perform tirelessly in the South Indian movie industry, singing for several hit releases this year alone.

Over the last decade, he has worked with legendary figures including Anirudh Ravichander, and D. Imman. His experiences with A.R. Rahman, the Oscar and Grammy-winning composer, however, stand out, with Sriram referring to the artist as his “mentor and guru”.

“I think one of the most memorable points was when we recorded at ‘Ennodu Nee Irundhaal’,” says Sriram. “I had just performed with him for like this private event, and then we went right to the studio afterwards. So it was like, maybe midnight or so, but he had recorded like, a scratch track for the song, which sounded incredible.”

“So I was listening to that and he's like, ‘Oh, I want you to sing this’. But it's a really high song and I was listening to it and was like, ‘is it possible to maybe bring it down a half step?’. He's like, ‘no, no, you can do it, it's fine’.”

“He was very nonchalant about it. But I went into the studio, and his studio feels like a place of worship. It has such a deep energy in it. That room that we recorded in has been intact for a long time now. So lots of energy has come and gone and stuck around in there, and it feels really special.”

“We started the recording, and it was this beautiful back and forth where he would just throw an idea at me in real-time. I’d try it, he’d tweak it slightly, and have me try it again. It was like a conversation almost, where I was definitely receiving the information and reacting to it, and he was throwing information out musically.”

“Those recordings with him are always so exciting because there's not a moment where you can get complacent or anything. You’re just constantly at it. And we know the results that come from that.”

“That recording specifically was such a magical night. Shankar Sir, the director, was there, Kabilan Sir, the lyricist was there. We started at one and probably went until like six in the morning. I got to take a 15-minute little nap at some point because they had to record something else. Went back in, and we recorded like 80% of the song that time.”

Those nights with A R Rahman are “always so special,” Sriram continues. “He has that energy about him where it's just like you get so instantly inspired.”

Advice for up-and-coming artists

As the Tamil music scene continues to grow, with a plethora of independent artists and a broad range of talent, Sriram acknowledges how this is an exciting time for the industry.

From his early SoundCloud tracks and YouTube videos, Sriram can relate to some of the struggles that young artists who are trying to make a name for themselves face in a hugely competitive and unforgiving industry.

What advice would he have to those up-and-coming musicians?

“Really spend the time, dig in with oneself, to find out what your sound is, or what your voice is,” he says. “And when I say voice, I don't mean like literally, but your whole perspective and ethos and spirit. What is you?”

“That takes a lot of soul searching, deep diving and just silence, spending time with yourself,” he adds. “Being successful and getting famous and having shit go viral online is all well and good, but at the end of the day, the reason we do what we do is to be able to take our highly specific, complex and beautiful perspective and give it to the world by way of music.”

“The second thing is just like the necessity for daily rigour. No matter what your art form is -  whether you rap or you sing, or you come from this genre or that one, just daily work.

“I think that's what's really fared me well from the beginning to now. To this day, I practice for when I'm home for like, two to three hours a day, and when I'm travelling at least an hour, to make sure that the discovery never stops. I think that's really important.”

He tells us how he learned these lessons himself, after the release of Adiye in 2012. That was his first venture in Tamil cinema with A R Rahman and Sriram had hoped it would lead to instant success.

“I didn't get any phone calls, really,” he says. “Except for the one from A R (Rahman) Sir. Until 2016 people weren't hitting my phone like that. They didn't know what to do with my voice. I thought I was going to be an overnight celebrity, and that definitely did not happen.”

“But those four years really taught me to prioritize rigour, and surrendering to the music and letting that give me whatever answers I need.”

With a headline show at the O2 arena in London coming up next, Sriram says that it will be a celebration of his time in the music industry thus far.

It will be a step up from his only other London show at the Wembley Arena last year, one that he called “one of the most deeply joyful experiences that I have ever had performing”.

An even bigger audience is expected for October, where Sriram says he will be performing pieces that he has never performed with a live audience before.

“I perform on stage for like, three and a half hours, just my crew and my guys. We don't stop. From start to finish, just us."

"It’s really a testament to my belief and just the power of raw music,” he continues “Tapping into a certain spirit and giving that to people from a really sincere, genuine place and honest place."

“I believe that music can change the world,” Sriram adds. “I want to spread that message, as much as possible, and do whatever I can do through my art form to make people's lives better.”

“When I first entered the film industry and I had my first song, I was enamoured by celebrity and fame. That was a large factor in, like, what drove me, for sure. But as I've gotten older, and I've experienced that, and in tandem, had these deeply spiritual breakthroughs with music, I've come to the point where I don't think any of the extra stuff matters.”

“There's something that is really pure in what artists can do. I want to be an example of that.”

A group of Sinhalese protesters disrupted a ceremony in which a foundation stone was being laid to mark the beginning of the construction of the Tamil Genocide Monument in Brampton, Canada on Wednesday. 

The protesters, who numbered just over a dozen in total, held Sri Lankan flags, shouted 'shame on you' and held placards that read claimed Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown is 'destroying peaceful Sri Lanka’, as Tamils gathered at the ceremony. Their attempts to disrupt it come after the Sri Lankan government tried to block  the construction of the monument dedicated to the victims of the Tamil genocide. 

 

 

Despite it being 15 years since the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, India and Sri Lanka continue to undertake joint military exercises to enhance their military capability for counter-insurgency operations. 

The 10th edition of the India-Sri Lanka Joint Military Exercise Mitra Shakti commenced on Monday (August 12), adding another chapter to the close defence cooperation between the two countries. The training will be conducted from August 12 to 25 at the Army training school in Maduru Oya Sri Lanka. According to the Ministry of Defence, the Joint Exercise aims to enhance the joint military capability of both sides to undertake counter-insurgency operations. 

As part of the agenda, tactical drills are to be rehearsed in response to terrorist action, the establishment of joint command posts, and intelligence and surveillance centres. 

The Indian contingent comprises 106 personnel and is being represented by a Battalion of Rajputana Rifles along with personnel from other arms and services. The Sri Lankan contingent is being represented by personnel from the Gajaba Regiment of the Sri Lankan Army.

Over the last few months, India has been keen on pursuing defence and military interests in Sri Lanka. India’s Minister of State for Defence Sanjay Seth visited the country’s Southern tip via hovercraft last month, as he planted and saluted an Indian flag on an islet in the Palk Strait.

Meanwhile, in Colombo, the Indian High Commission organised an event where it showcased weapons for sale to senior Sri Lankan officials, including those accused of war crimes. A seminar under the theme of “Identifying New Opportunities and Forging New Bonds” was held to reportedly “explore avenues for collaboration in defence production”.

Sri Lanka’s interest in Indian weaponry comes despite Sri Lanka’s State Minister of Defence, Premitha Bandara Tennakoon stating last year said there were plans to cut down on the size of the army and military spending.

Sri Lanka's military budget revealed last November vastly outstrips spending in other sectors. In the 2023 budget, the Ranil Wickremesinghe government allocated $1.45 billion  (539 billion Sri Lankan rupees) as the cumulative budget for the Ministry of Defense and Public Security. The Ministry of Defense received $1.108 billion while the Ministry of Public Security received $350 million.

The Sri Lankan army continues to be one of the largest militaries in the world per capita and occupies vast swathes of land across the Tamil homeland.

In a bid to hold Tamil politicians accountable, Eelam Tamil youths signed a petition as part of a larger signature campaign demanding that promises made by Tamil members of parliament during the election be fulfilled. 

This part of the campaign which was held in Mannar was organized by the National Fisheries Solidarity Organization (NAFSO). This fisherfolk movement works with marginalized groups such as internally displaced people. 

During elections in Sri Lanka, politicians in a bid to garner support from rural communities often make lofty promises, particularly in the North-East, which continues to lag in development and livelihoods.  To this end, Tamil youths have taken matters into their own hands by collecting signatures to advocate for legislative action and call on elected representatives to honour their campaign promises.

The initiative has reportedly gained momentum across 17 districts, with people expressing their frustration and determination to see accountability upheld. The first part of the signature campaign was launched last month in Jaffna.

Tamil National People's Front (TNPF) MP Selvarajah Kajendran has leveled allegations against fellow Tamil politicians, claiming that they are deceiving the Tamil community by engaging in discussions about the 13th Amendment with President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

At a press conference held in Vavunia, Kajendran expressed his frustration over what he perceives as a betrayal of the people. He criticized the recent interactions between Tamil politicians and President Ranil Wickremesinghe. According to him, the general candidate selection process is nothing more than a planned drama. Civil organizations and party members who nominated general candidates have been supporting efforts to impose the 13th Amendment for the past 15 years.

Kajendran singled out Wigneswaran, Selvam Adhikalanathan, and Siddharth—as “handmaidens of India”. These individuals, he claimed, have previously written letters to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi advocating for the 13th Amendment as a solution. Kajendran believes that their actions are aimed at protecting India’s interests rather than genuinely serving the Tamil community.

The MP expressed outrage over the recent meeting between these Tamil politicians and President Wickremesinghe. He alleges that Selvam Adhikalanathan and Siddharthan received special funds during this encounter. Kajendran characterized their actions as treacherous, accusing them of compromising the Tamil cause for personal gain. He went on to tell reporters that former Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) parliamentarian Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanethiran who has been nominated as the common candidate, has a chequered ‘controversial’history. He mentioned that Ariyanethiran had consistently supported his party’s stance on the 13A. 

Kajendran criticized Ariyanethiran for aligning with those advocating for the amendment, emphasizing that it undermines the principles of self-determination. He also mentioned that Ariyanethiran has been a staunch supporter of Sumanthiran’s activities, particularly in 2012 when the Tamils made their representations in Geneva at the UN Human Rights Council .

Kajendran and his fellow party members were seen handing out pamphlets to Tamils in Jaffna, urging voters to consider the implications and boycott the elections. 

Ariyanethiran, a former MP from Batticaloa, was last in parliament after the 2010 polls, having failed to get elected in 2015. In 2014, Ariyanethiran gave an interview to the Tamil Guardian, where he spoke of Sri Lanka’s attempt at “destroying the concept of a Tamil homeland”, and continued military intimidation and justice for the Tamil genocide.

Read more: Interview with TNA MP Ariyanenthiran

 

Although it has been 15 years since the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka where particularly towards the end, tens of thousands of Tamils were reported enforced disappeared, the government-run Office of Missing Persons has once again resumed its fact-finding mission in Jaffna. 

Families and relatives of the disappeared were asked to appear before the officers of the OMP at the Divisional Secretariat to provide information, that has already been collected, collated, and documented. Tamils in the past have rejected attempts by the OMP to silence them by offering money (amounting to USD 600) and death certificates to confirm the death of their loved ones. Tamils have time and again sought an international investigation into allegations of war crimes, which the Sri Lankan government continues to evade. 

Relatives from Nallur, Chavakachcheri, Karanaigar, Sandilippai, Sangani, and other areas within the jurisdiction of the Jaffna Divisional Secretariat were summoned to provide information. This latest round of data collection comes after years of delays by the OMP to take any proactive measures. It is unclear how much more another round of investigations would contribute to providing justice to the families of the disappeared. The government under Ranil Wickremesinghe has in the past appointed several committees and task forces. Yet 15 years since the armed conflict families still languish for answers to what happened to their loved ones. 

The OMP has been routinely criticised by international human rights experts and Tamil family members of the disappeared. In 2022, the UN High Commissioner highlighted that the OMP "has not been able to trace a single disappeared person or clarify the fate of the disappeared in meaningful ways". Eelam Tamils in the North-East and the diaspora have rejected the OMP citing that it has failed to find their loved ones, with many labelling the institution a whitewash.

 The ferry ‘Sivagangai’ run by a private operator, IndSri Ferry Services, completed its maiden journey between Nagapattinam and Kakesanthurai (KKS) in approximately 4 hours with around 44 passengers on board. The passengers were welcomed at the KKS port by the Consul General of India at Jaffna.

IndSri Ferry Services Private Limited, a subsidiary of Subham Group of Companies, is operating the international service after the previous operator, which relaunched the service between the regions after nearly four decades in October 2023 through another ferry, suspended it soon after citing monsoon.

Sundarraj Ponnusamy, the CEO of Subham Group, said, “The service will support those interested in visiting places of religious, historical and cultural significance, and those visiting to improve their businesses.” Niranjan Nanthagopan, the MD of IndSri Ferry Services Private Limited, said the service can be operated 10 months a year.

The new ferry ‘Sivagangai’, which offers 123 economy seats and 27 premium economy seats, is operated by a 15-member crew led by the captain.

According to the Indian High Commission, the resumption of ferry service is a "testament to the broader effort to enhance maritime connectivity between India and Sri Lanka." To ensure the smooth resumption of this ferry service, the government of India has also decided to provide financial assistance of over LKR 25 million per month, for one year, to cover relevant charges and operating costs at Nagapattinam port.

The High Commission also referred to the restoration of the KKS port, for which India has committed a grant of USD 63.65 million under a line of credit. India is keen on maximizing the use of the port for the service of the ferry. India's economic and business interest in the North-East is a cornerstone of its diplomatic ties with connectivity by air and sea being high on its agenda. The High Commissioner to India Santhosh Jha has during previous instances remarked that the Indian government is keen on pursuing increased connectivity between the two regions. The High Commission noted that "future plans include the exploration of additional routes and services that will further expand connectivity and economic collaboration." 

“Connectivity undoubtedly is the central pillar of our emerging partnership,” said Jha. “When I speak of connectivity, I mean all its dimensions – air, maritime, trade, digital, energy or people-to-people connectivity. Daily flights between Jaffna and Chennai and the launch of ferry services between India and Northern Sri Lanka are some of the latest steps in this direction.”

The Indian government is also keen on carrying out a feasibility study for the construction of a 23-kilometer bridge connecting Tamil Nadu’s Dhanushkodi to Tamil Eelam’s Talaimannar. The proposal for a sea bridge between Dhanushkodi and Talaimannar has been a subject of discussion for over two decades. Several Sri Lankan governments, however, have remained staunchly opposed to such a move, with Sinhala nationalists claiming with such a bridge “sovereignty will be destroyed”.

Sinhalisation of Kankesanthurai (KKS)

Following the closure of the ferry service in 1981, KKS fell under Sri Lanka's Naval control between 1983 and 1993. People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL) has highlighted in a report from 2020 that this militarization follows a long history of economic discrimination. 

Through forced displacement, Bhuddhisization, militarization, and economic development the government of Sri Lanka has been able to carry out the Sinhalization of KKS. 

KKS is of strategic importance to the Sri Lankan government due to its proximity to India. The area is situated near the coast making it rich with agricultural and fishing potential.

In the 80s' the KKS harbor was left underdeveloped despite Tamils asking the government to develop the town. The area was also excluded from processes of development when "Sri Lanka's governmental regulations prevented the establishment of Free Trade Zones outside of Colombo", these regulations ensured that economic benefits remained within Sinhalese regions. 

 

President Ranil Wickremesinghe when questioned in Jaffna as to why he chose to speak in Sinhalese while in Jaffna when the majority understands and speaks English, he retorted by stating that he wants the Sinhalese to know what he says while in the North-East.

"I want the Sinahlese to know what I have said. If I speak in Sinhalese it goes to the rest of the country. If I speak in English, it can be misinterpreted," he said. He told a gathering of reporters at the Uthayan newspaper office in Jaffna that his vision for the North-East is to have a fully functional provincial council.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe defended speaking in Sinhalese in Jaffna saying he wants the Sinhalese to know what he is saying.

Responding to a question raised during his visit to the Uthayan newspaper office in Jaffna, Wickremesinghe said that if he speaks in English while… pic.twitter.com/d8WRJe4Q4f

— DailyMirror (@Dailymirror_SL) August 4, 2024

"I want to ensure all the provinces in Sri Lanka will have their provincial council. Each province must develop itself, the government will give them the facilities," he said. "There is much opportunity for the Northern province to develop itself with solar and renewable energy projects coming in." 

He went on to say that he never spoke about a minus 13 or plus 13 and that he will abide by the constitution. "There are political differences and I will resolve it," he said. "But lets talk about the development instead. We've come out of an economic crisis. We were bankrupt." 

Sri Lanka's Supreme Court has scheduled October 14 for the hearing of five fundamental rights petitions filed against the wind power plant project undertaken by India's Adani Group in Mannar.

Less than three months after the Sri Lankan government entered into a 20-year power purchase agreement with India's Adani Green Energy, for two wind power stations developed by the company in the North-East, the case is now before Sri Lankan courts, with a date set for hearings that will determine the projects future.

The three-member bench of the apex court has ordered the respondents, including the government, the Board of Investment, and the Central Environmental Authority, to file their objections by September 13.

The Wildlife and Nature Protection Society is among the groups that filed the case. They claim that the decision by the Cabinet to categorize the Adani wind power project as a government-to-government venture between Sri Lanka and India is illegal and would cause significant harm to the migratory bird population and the environment. The society also challenged the action by Minister of Environment Pavithra Wanniarachchi to exclude the Viddathalathivu area in Mannar district from being designated as a forest reserve, a move made to facilitate the project. 
 
Earlier in June this month, the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) refused approval to award procurement of the 484 MW wind power plant in Mannar and Pooneryn to Adani Green Energy. The PUSCSL stated that the information submitted for approval by  Adani Green Energy SL Ltd. (AGESL), did not adequately assess the least cost and technical compatibility.  Environmentalists and Tamils in Mannar over the proposed construction of a Wind power project in Mannar and Pooneryn.

Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera posted on X (formerly Twitter) citing that the cabinet of ministers had decided to enter into a 20-year power purchase agreement with Adani Green Energy for the development of 484 megawatts of wind power in Mannar and Pooneryn. The Mannar (250 MW) and Pooneryn (234 MW) wind projects will be implemented with an investment of US$ 740 million.

A member of the opposition party Kabir Hashim, leveled accusations against the government for intentionally obstructing the process of opening financial bid proposals from companies vying for a contract to construct a separate 50-megawatt wind power plant.  According to Hashim, this obstruction was an attempt to conceal the potentially lower electricity prices that could result from an open and competitive bidding process. The opposition MP contrasted this situation to a previous 484MW wind plant project awarded to India's Adani Group through an inter-government agreement, bypassing a competitive tender process. India's ventures on the island have been dogged with opposition from within Sri Lanka and allegations of cronyism in India, particularly with the involvement of the Adani group. 

India's ventures on the island have been dogged with opposition from within Sri Lanka and allegations of cronyism in India, particularly with the involvement of the Adani group. 

Earlier this year, speaking to EconomyNext a Sri Lankan cabinet minister said that Sri Lankan officials disgruntled with India's involvement in Infrastrucutre projects had delayed the fast tracking of the Mannar Wind farm. 

“Some officials are stubborn and not helping to fast track the project,” a cabinet minister told EconomyNext when asked the reasons for the delay.

“Most of them are still living in the past and do not trust India despite this project has direct benefit to the country,” the Minister said referring to anti-Indian sentiment among Sri Lankan bureaucrats following India’s role in Sri Lanka’s 26-year armed conflict.

In a questionable move, the Sri Lankan government has relinquished control of the Kankasanthurai cement factory to a private company, Luminex PLC. This decision, approved by the Cabinet of Ministers, raises concerns about the fate of once-profitable state-owned industries and lands.

 

The Kankasanthurai cement factory, once a symbol of industrial development, is now handed over to private interests. The government’s eagerness to divest itself of valuable assets in favor of foreign investors and private companies is disconcerting.

 

The awarding of the cleanup and metal collection project has been critised for its lack of transparency. Despite bids from six parties, the process remains shrouded in secrecy, with three bidders disqualified. The contract lands in the hands of Luminex PLC. The Kankasanthurai cement factory, with its abundant limestone deposits, could have been a cornerstone of local industry. Instead, it is repurposed into an industrial zone, leaving the North-East economic future in the hands of private entities.

 

The factory’s closure in 1991 due to war already resulted in job losses and economic setbacks. Now, the limestone reserves are being cleaned up and squandered for economic benefit. The proposed $500 million industrial park, backed by Canada-based entrepreneurs, further underscores this trend. The defunct cement factory’s land becomes a playground for foreign investment, while local communities bear the consequences. It is reported that the huge limestone deposits exceeding 80 million MT in the area is sufficient for the manufacturing of cement for another 100 years – even if they are extracted at a rate of 3,500 MT a day.

As Sri Lanka’s economy collapsed in early 2021, the impact was particularly harsh for Tamil residents of the Nort-East, including Vavuniya, Mannar, Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, and Jaffna.

In a report by the Global Press Journal, Selvaruban, a 29-year-old, faced dire circumstances. Her husband’s kidney disease left him unable to work, and Selvaruban struggled to make ends meet. Earning a meager 1,000 rupees (approximately 3 dollars) per day by picking groundnuts and doing odd jobs for farmers, she dreamed of a better life for her family. But opportunities were scarce, as rare as a horse with horns, according to a Tamil saying. Their modest, leaky home left her girls hungry and exposed during rainy days.

Desperate for a solution, Selvaruban turned to a local recruiter—an “agent”—who promised her a well-paying job abroad. The recruiter assured her that the opportunity was legal, and that she would be registered with the Foreign Employment Bureau. The enticing offer included a monthly salary of 100,000 rupees (about 337 dollars), a substantial amount for a Sri Lankan maid.

“The family you will be working for will pick you up,” the recruiter told her. “They will provide everything, including clothes, and take good care of you. If any issues arise, we will handle them.”

Selvaruban dared to hope. She envisioned saving money to send back home, ensuring proper meals for her girls, and securing her family’s future. Sri Lanka has a longstanding tradition of exporting cheap labor globally. Labor contributed 8% to the country’s gross domestic product between 2014 and 2020. Worker remittances, covering 80% of the nation’s trade deficit over two decades, have been a crucial economic pillar. In June 2023 alone, migrant workers sent home a staggering 475.7 million dollars.

While one in five registered migrants in 2022 worked as domestic help, many Sri Lankan women bypass the formal migration system. Instead, they seek out recruiters who promise an easier route, putting them at risk of trafficking.

Although most of their experiences remain undocumented, data suggests that even legally employed domestic workers abroad face exploitation. According to the GPJ, in 2022, Sri Lanka’s foreign employment bureau received 578 complaints from legal domestic laborers about harassment, excessive workloads, and premature termination.

The US Department of State’s 2023 human trafficking report highlights the plight of migrant domestic workers in Oman. These workers endure non-payment of wages, restricted movement, physical and verbal abuse, contract manipulation, long work hours, denial of essential care, and threats of force, arrest, and detention—all clear indicators of trafficking. Shockingly, the majority of these cases were not criminally investigated by the Omani government.

Mohanraj (who prefers to be identified by her last name due to stigma) stands out among the women Global Press Journal interviewed. She was one of the few who traveled abroad legally. However, her experience was far from smooth, and she faced significant challenges during her stay overseas. Unlike some others, Mohanraj had the advantage of being able to seek help from the Sri Lankan Embassy.

Mohanraj initially intended to go to Kuwait, but in April 2022, her recruiter redirected her to Oman. There, she encountered a series of exploitative employers who either mistreated her or withheld her wages. Frustrated and desperate, she sought refuge in a safe house operated by the Sri Lankan Embassy in Muscat, Oman’s capital, in February of the following year. These safe houses are specifically designed to assist registered women migrants; those who migrate illegally do not have access to such support.

However, Mohanraj found the conditions in the Omani safe house dismal. Groceries were scarce, making it difficult to prepare meals. Despite her situation, the embassy seemed unprepared to facilitate her return home. For three long months, she waited, growing increasingly desperate. Eventually, she joined other women from the safe house in a protest outside the embassy, demanding repatriation.

The Omani police intervened, arresting the protesters. Mohanraj remained in detention until July when the Omani government deported her back to Sri Lanka.

In response to such challenges faced by women like Mohanraj, RAHAMA has established 198 anti-trafficking groups. These groups include government officials, community organization members, and women who have experienced exploitation abroad. Their mission is to educate people in the Vavuniya and Mullaitivu districts about the risks and realities of trafficking.

^{The final design of the Tamil Genocide Monument that Brampton City Council approved earlier this year.}

A group of Tamil Canadian civil society activists, representatives and organisers have denounced Sri Lanka’s attempts to halt the construction of a memorial dedicated to victims of the Tamil genocide this week.

The Canadian Tamil Collective also called on the Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC) to “unconditionally apologize,” after it emerged that the Sri Lankan Consul General in Toronto was highlighting the organisation’s work with the government to further a false narrative of reconciliation on the island.

In a letter exclusively released by the Tamil Guardian this week, Sri Lanka’s Consul General Thushara Rodrigo wrote to Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown in May 2024,  in a bid to try and halt the construction of the monument.

Rodrigo also claims that the Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC), which it calls “one of the leading Tamil Organization in Canada (sic), commenced their humanitarian activities in Sri Lanka with the participation of the Canadian High Commission in Colombo”.

“Also, the CTC has made important engagements with Buddhist monks under the framework of Himalaya Declaration to support the reconciliation efforts (sic),” the letter continues, in a bid to try showcase “constructive engagements with the Tamil community”.

^{CTC meets with Mahinda Rajapaksa in December 2023.}

CTC’s involvement with the Sri Lankan government-approved ‘Himalaya Declaration’ initiative, triggered outrage last year, with widespread condemnation from the Tamil diaspora who called it a ‘betrayal beyond belief’.

Read more: ‘A betrayal beyond belief’ - Tamil Canadians vent their fury at CTC after meeting with Rajapaksa

“The letter makes clear that the CTC has misrepresented to the Tamil people and has actively covered up their role in the Sri Lankan government’s strategies to undermine the Tamil people’s fight for justice and freedom,” said the Canadian Tamil Collective.

“The CTC has denied involvement in the Himalayan Declaration, but the letter exposes the truth. There is no mention of any other organization undertaking this work, only the CTC.”

“Most importantly, the letter shows that the CTC is being used to oppose the construction of the Genocide Monument in Brampton,” the collective continued.

In a message posted on their Facebook page, however, CTC responded by stating that it “unequivocally rejects and condemns the baseless allegations suggesting any collaboration with the Sri Lankan government on a peace process”.

“These accusations are completely unfounded and appear to be a deliberate attempt to tarnish the reputation of the CTC,” it continued thought it did not mention the widely criticised Himalaya Declaration.

Earlier this year, CTC defended its work with the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) and claimed that there had bene “misinterpretation of the intent behind the Himalaya Declaration”.

The organisation did however state that it “has consistently supported the establishment of a Tamil Genocide memorial in Brampton and reaffirms its dedication to this cause”.

It posted a copy of a press release from 2022, which “encourages Tamil Canadians to support” the construction of the monument. The press release does not appear on the CTC website.

“Moving forward requires acknowledging the past as genocide,” said CTC.

^{The original memorial at the University of Jaffna, which was bulldozed in 2021.}

The construction of a memorial Brampton was first proposed in 2021, in response to the destruction of a memorial dedicated to Tamil genocide victims in Jaffna. At the time, Canada's Minister for Foreign Affairs and several MPs condemned the destruction, which sparked widespread protests on the island and in Canada.

Sri Lanka continues to crack down on remembrance event held by Tamils, who have faced arrest under terrorism charges for attempting to commemorate the genocide, even when lighting lamps or raising red and yellow flags.

“The CTC's work with Sri Lanka is being weaponized to erase Tamil history and prevent the memorialization of those lost in the war,” said the collective. “The CTC’s actions facilitate Sri Lanka's foreign interference in Canada and undermine the rights and interests of Tamils in Canada. “

Whilst the construction of a monument was approved unanimously by Brampton City Council, it has faced outrage from the Sri Lankan government, even reportedly summoned the Canadian High Commissioner in Colombo over the plans.

“It has become apparent that the Sri Lankan government has used CTC's initiatives as a facade to conduct a public relations campaign in Canada, aimed at undermining the construction of the Tamil Genocide Memorial,” the Canadian Tamil Collective statement continued. “This insidious strategy not only diminishes the legitimate grievances of the Tamil community but also seeks to erase the historical injustices faced by Tamils.”

“Such actions betray the trust of Tamil Canadians who look to the CTC for leadership and advocacy in the pursuit of justice and recognition. The Tamil community needs to ensure that the CTC’s work cannot be co-opted by external forces that seek to silence the voices of the Tamil diaspora and impede their efforts to honor and memorialize the victims of genocide.”

“The CTC must cease enabling Sri Lanka's foreign interference in Canada and stop engaging in activities leveraged against Tamils. It must immediately condemn the Government of Sri Lanka’s interference in Canada and clarify its position regarding the Genocide memorial. Unfortunately, the CTC’s silence on this matter can be interpreted as collusion with the Government of Sri Lanka.”

“Our community will not stand silently and watch such betrayals. It is imperative that the CTC recognizes the harm they have caused to this community. CTC must unconditionally apologize for the trauma caused and rededicate itself to being a voice of Canadian Tamils.”

Read the full text of the Canadian Tamil Collective statement here.

Singapore’s Law Minister Kasiviswanathan Shanmugam speaking in Colombo during the opening of a Special Task Force Command center said that Sri Lanka could use some of the tactics deployed by the Singaporean Special Operations Command. 

“Heartiest congratulations to Tiran on the successful opening of this command center. I think undoubtedly establishing a command center in the heart of Colombo will strengthen the capabilities of the STF and we are happy to have been able to play a small role,” Shanmugam told reporters at the event. 

Singapore’s assistance in the sphere of public security comes at a questionable juncture in Sri Lanka, at a time when the Sri Lankan Police does not have a sitting Inspector General and in the backdrop of increasing human rights abuses. Sri Lanka’s Public Security Minister Tiran Alles, himself has encouraged the police to engage in extrajudicial killings claiming “eliminating criminals from the country is not a sin”.

The remarks by remarks by Shanmugam come as tens of thousands have been arrested across Sri Lanka as part of a Sri Lankan police and military operation, purportedly aimed at stemming drug trafficking. ‘Operation Yukthiya’ has come under criticism from human rights organisations and United Nations experts for its widespread violation of human rights.

Shanmugam went on to reveal that Alles during a recent visit to Singapore was particularly interested in knowing more about Singapore’s Special Operations Command.

“Tiran liked what he had seen and you have a long tradition with STF, it's more about sharing experiences,” he said. “You had to deal with it in a civil war context while we dealt with it in an urban context. There is room for us to learn from each other.”  Since Alles' visit, both Sri Lankan Special Task Forces and the Singapore counterparts have been exchanging “notes and experiences” according to Shanmugam who added that Alles will also bring in tactics and equipment that Singapore uses.

The STF is a paramilitary unit widely understood to be responsible for a range of human rights violations and extrajudicial killings, including a string of massacres of Tamils, such as the 'Trinco 5' murders.

In a 2018 report, the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) identified 56 STF individuals who the group said should not be deployed as UN peacekeepers, including an officer then serving in Africa, as they were involved in extrajudicial killings.

The unit has been known to receive international training, including from Britain.

Secret CIA reports at the time noted Britain’s training of the STF through a private company, adding that “US Embassy sources assert the STF is behind most of the violence against Tamil civilians in Eastern Province… These sources report a common STF tactic when fired upon while on patrol is to enter the nearest village and burn it to the ground”.

In 2018, Police Scotland came under fire for continuing to train STF troops, despite the reports of human rights abuses