The Director General of the Interim Secretariat for Truth and Reconciliation Mechanism (ISTRM), Dr. Asanga Gunawansa, confirmed that the proposed Commission for Truth, Unity, and Reconciliation (CTUR) would not seek to hold Sri Lanka's military accountable for rights violations, despite widespread evidence of their involvement in war crimes and the genocide of Tamils.
He emphasized that the commission's purpose is not to indict military personnel, in an attempt to reassure Sinhala Buddhist nationalists, who have been vehemently opposed to any accountability mechanism for the decades of atrocities committed by the armed forces.
Gunawansa's assurances in the Islandcome amidst criticism from Sinhala nationalist groups, including the Sarvajana Balaya, who argue that the bill could potentially implicate military leaders in war crimes. National Freedom Front (NFF) member Wimal Weerawansa also voiced concerns that the bill, if presented close to the presidential elections, could weaken and demoralize the military.
Gunawansa cited clauses in the bill that require evidence to be vetted by the Attorney General’s Department, which has the authority to investigate and prosecute. He reiterated the legal principle that any prosecution must start with a presumption of innocence and that guilt must be proven beyond a reasonable doubt, thus ensuring protection for military personnel under the law.
He also noted that the police and armed forces expressed a desire for a credible mechanism to clear their names, as accusations have reportedly made it difficult for some of their children to obtain visas for overseas travel.
Eelam Tamils have repeatedly rejected the bill, arguing that no mechanism proposed by the Sri Lankan government would provide a fair investigation into war crimes. They have long demanded an independent international mechanism to secure justice for the atrocities committed.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) also criticized the initiative, stating that it does not constitute a serious effort to achieve truth or justice for past international crimes. HRW's 2023 report, "If We Raise Our Voice They Arrest Us" highlighted the lack of consultation with victims, underscoring the widespread mistrust in the government's approach.
The ongoing concerns from Tamils and international human rights organizations reflect deep-seated doubts about the impartiality and effectiveness of domestic mechanisms in addressing the history of atrocities by Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister M.U.M. Ali Sabry assured Parliament this week that the proposed Truth, Unity, and Reconciliation Commission is only a domestic mechanism to ward off foreign interference over war crimes, amidst the continued impunity granted over the years.
“Action has already been taken outside the country and in Geneva, through an external evidence-gathering mechanism. We, as a government, have outright rejected this,” he told the House, adding that this decision was made in 2015 and the government has maintained the same status quo. “What we are trying to do is assert that foreign nations need not interfere in our domestic affairs.”
He went on to say that this was a domestic mechanism that Sri Lanka is engaged in to prevent foreign interference from the outset. “If this is not done, it will be said that those who are victims will have nowhere to go. So they can at least come here.”
Ali Sabry also said that the commission does not have the power to take punitive action against anyone named as perpetrators in these investigations led by the commission; their job, as he put it, is to “file reports.”
SriLanka’s foreign minister @alisabrypc assures @ParliamentLK that the proposed Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Commission (TURC) is none other than a domestic mechanism to ward off foreign interference in alleged war crimes, and confirm continued impunity granted over the years pic.twitter.com/7NRvmXXaxt
He added that Tamil political parties have rejected the commission and its mandate. “They are saying that this is a sham and indicative of the Sri Lankan government's inability to face the international community.”
He told the opposition that they, on the other hand, were arguing that it was an attempt to bring Sri Lanka’s armed forces to trial. “If we are taking the forces to the beheading block, won’t the Tamil people support us then? Neither they nor you are accepting it.”
He went on to justify the bill in Parliament, stating that it is not an attempt to support one extreme or another but to find a middle ground through Sri Lanka’s constitution. He urged the opposition to make their objections to the Supreme Court, noting that they still have seven days to do so.
The bill has been slammed by Tamils across the North-East and around the world, who for decades have demanded an independent international mechanism to obtain justice for mass atrocities.
In an interview to the Tamil Guardian, Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam told the Tamil Guardian that the CTUR is "a joke."
“The Secretary to the President invited all sorts of Colombo-based civil society actors, organizations, and activists and had a lengthy meeting regarding how the government proposed to handle reconciliation and accountability, and bluntly stated that their efforts towards creating a TRC are to ensure that criminal accountability goes out,” said Ponnambalam.
Anura Kumara Dissanayake spoke in Jaffna yesterday, as he addressed a rally ahead of elections later this month.
"We are winning, " he said. "We will win by lakhs in the South."
This sounds eerily familiar, even though it may or may not mean the same thing, given who said it. But, the implication is clear. We can, and will win this election with or without you. This sounds as ominous now as it did when Gotabaya said it in 2019. Worse in a sense, because unlike last time around, most of the "progressives" are either in the National People's Power (NPP) or ‘backing this horse’. God forbid we say anything that could rock the boat.
Dissanayake (also referred to by his initials AKD) goes on to state,
"Jaffna must also be stakeholders of this victory. Do not be labelled as those who opposed this huge change. Be a stakeholder in this change… When the South is gearing up for change. If you are seen to oppose that change, what do you think the mindset of the South be? Would you like it if Jaffna was identified as those who went against this change? Those who opposed this change? Would you like it if the North was identified this way?"
This is clearly a thinly veiled threat. At best, it was a bad attempt at coercion. Even if this was not meant to be a threat of possible reprisal in the future, when you ask an ethnic minority if they want to be seen as an "enemy" of the majority who is voting for "change", it is essentially telling them, get on board or else...!
"I assure you again. We will win. But, you must become stakeholders of this victory. Don't be those who oppose it. Ever."
Adding salt to the wounds, he puts the onus of “change” on the Tamils, by placing the “responsibility” on them to vote if they want a change, with no acknowledgment whatsoever of the unholy alliances his party has had with successive governments who’ve systematically discriminated against Tamils, Muslims and the Malaiyaha Tamil communities, throughout history.
He then makes a patronising appeal of the intellects of Jaffna to “lead the way, shape the opinions of the people of Jaffna, to not endorse the political programme against voting for ‘change’, and to tell ‘your’ people that such a decision would be wrong.”
He ends with a final 'hope' that "[the people of the North] will be bestowed with the necessary 'wisdom' and 'intelligence' to make the right decision on September 21.”
For a man whose party origins were founded on empowering the working class, he doesn’t seem to think too highly of their capacity to make an informed decision regarding their own lives.
Even IF we were to give AKD the benefit of the doubt. To say, he didn't mean anything 'sinister' by what he said above.
Let's take a quick look at what he and his party have said and done to show minorities exactly where they stand, in the recent past alone.
I'd like to know which victims AKD's referring to here, because having worked more than 13 years as an activist now, I've never met a family member of the disappeared for instance, who has only asked to know the truth! Whilst of course there could be exceptions, for him to so blatantly dismiss decade-long calls for justice and accountability by victim families, just so he's able to protect the “war heroes” (being nurtured as a key voter base for the NPP), is pretty appalling.
And most recently when AKD addressed over 1,500 Buddhist monks in Maharagama, he "assures" the Sangha that Article 09 (giving foremost place to Buddhism) will not be touched, and that it has 'divine protection'. And that it's only a few 'extremist' groups shouting against it.
Just in case AKD wasn’t clear enough, NPP member, Nalinda Jayatissa yet again addresses the Sangha and the Sinhala Buddhist majority at a recent rally, stating “to rest assured that the NPP is committed to protecting Article 09, and to nurturing and nourishing Buddhism, as this is obviously a majority Sinhala Buddhist country and Article 09 has never been a problem in this country”.
Just to be clear, what he’s saying in essence, is that the Constitution giving foremost place to Buddhism has never been a problem in this country!
Please let this sink in.
"You did it (the war) with guns. We rallied the people around it (the war) as a political movement," - K.D. Lal Kantha, May 19, 2024.
Lal Kantha openly worshipping and posing for photographs, with rabid racist Gnanasara, who has publicly incited and partaken in unleashing brute violence against the entire Muslim community. If this is not a clear indication of what little consideration is given to the grievances and deepest fears of the minorities of this country, I don’t know what is.
Now imagine for a second, the audacity of the leader of such a party, to try and coerce the Tamil people of the North, to "do the right thing", "vote for change" and “join hands with the South” to usher in a new era!
Finally, I ask each of you who support the NPP, especially those who have spent most of your adult lives working with, and on behalf of the rights of ethnic and religious minorities, what is the “real change” NPP is promising the numerical minority communities of this country? Because I am just not seeing it.
_____
Note from the author: This is by NO means an endorsement of the Greens or Rajas. This is a warning to all mainstream parties, especially from the South, to check their majoritarianism and to work sincerely to win the confidence of the people of the North and East, who have been failed by every successive Government since Independence.
“The decision by members of the central committee of ITAK to support Sajith Premadasa in the upcoming presidential election without any guarantee regarding a resolution to the Tamil issue is condemnable,” said S Shritharan, Member of Parliament and the leader-elect of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) to the Tamil Guardian in an interview this week, labelling the move a “betrayal”.
“The decision by members of the central committee of ITAK to support Sajith Premadasa in the upcoming presidential election without any guarantee regarding a resolution to the Tamil issue is condemnable,” said S Shritharan, Member of Parliament and the leader-elect of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) to the Tamil Guardian in an interview this week, labelling the move a “betrayal”.
“This is yet another betrayal by some within the ITAK against the Tamil people,” said Shritharan, who is currently in London.
His remarks were made in the wake of an emergency meeting of the ITAK central committee, convened by MP M A Sumanthiran, which took place in his absence and without the interim party leader Mavai Senathirajah. The committee decided to back Premadasa in this month’s presidential polls.
“Despite me, the new leader of ITAK, not being in the country, and the interim leader of the ITAK, Mavai Senathirajah, not attending the meeting, some within the party have made arbitrary decisions,” said Shritharan. “This is highly condemnable and against Tamil interests.”
“No president elected from the South has ever taken any constructive decision on the Tamil people's issues. The Tamil people have been fighting for their rights for over 70 years.”
“We, who fought for a separate state, are now asking for a solution based on autonomy where we can govern ourselves. With this in mind, Tamil parties had collectively fielded a common candidate, Ariyanethiran, in the upcoming presidential election.”
“In this situation, the actions of some within the ITAK against the Tamil candidate are against Tamil interests. In the ITAK meeting held last July, it was decided that the party would reconvene and discuss whether to support a Sinhala presidential candidate who takes a firm stance on the Tamil issue.”
“However, despite my stance in support of the common Tamil candidate being announced, a few have made this decision with the backing of some who favour them.”
“When I return to the country, I will be looking into how this meeting took this decision without any leadership input, and I will campaign on behalf of the ITAK for the common Tamil candidate, Ariyanethiran,” said Shritharan. “No one can prevent that.”
The decision taken by the ITAK central committee highlighted the splits and turmoil within the already troubled Tamil political party.
Sri Lanka's foreign minister Ali Sabry assured the Sri Lankan Parliament that the proposed Truth Unity and Reconciliation Commission (TURC) is merely to ward off 'foreign interference' and reiterated how it would not be used to prosecute "war heroes".
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Sri Lanka's foreign minister Ali Sabry assured the Sri Lankan Parliament that the proposed Truth Unity and Reconciliation Commission (TURC) is merely to ward off 'foreign interference' and reiterated how it would not be used to prosecute "war heroes".
A clip of Sabry's address on the TURC in Parliament, shows the foreign minister explaining that the commission is to ward off "foreign intereference" as he contrasts it to the evidence gathering mechanism currently underway at the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Geneva.
Sabry states in his speech that the government has "categorically opposed" this UN mechanism. He instead says that domestic mechanisms such as the TURC mean "there is no need to meddle in a foreign country" and that it would "prevent foreign interference".
#SriLanka’s foreign minister @alisabrypc assures @ParliamentLK that the proposed Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Commission (TURC) is none other than a domestic mechanism to ward off foreign interference in alleged war crimes, and confirm continued impunity granted over the years pic.twitter.com/7NRvmXXaxt
In his speech, Sabry states that if such domestic mechanism is not done, "it will be said that those victims have nowhere to go", as he justifies the proposed TURC to the Sri Lankan parliament as a method of appeasing some Tamils. He emphasises that "no one has been granted the power to punish", referring to accused war criminals and confirming their persistent impunity in Sri Lanka.
Sabry explains that the TURC has "not been accepted by Tamil parties" due to this, in an effort to assauge his fellow Sri Lankan parliamentarians' fears over the mechanism.
"If we are taking war heroes to the chopping block, they [Tamil parties] would rally in support. Neither they nor you [Sinhalese parties] accept," he said.
Tamil political parties, civil society organisations and victims, including families of the disappeared, have for years demanded an international accountablity mechanism and for Sri Lanka to be referred to the International Criminal Court.
That has not happened so far. Sri Lanka is back on the agenda at the UN Human RIghts Council this month, where further options for advancing accountability are due to be discussed.
Gopinath, a coordinator and close aide of Pillayan—a prominent paramilitary leader aligned with the Sri Lankan government—was arrested on charges of sexually abusing a schoolgirl at a leading school in Batticaloa last month.
Following his arrest last month, Gopinath allegedly sought refuge in Pillayan's office, using his connections to the Sri Lankan government to obstruct the arrest.
Gopinath, who works as an Art teacher at the school, had initially evaded arrest despite reports from the victim's parents to the school principal and officials, who failed to take immediate action. A police complaint was subsequently filed, but the authorities instructed the parents to wait until Gopinath surrendered to court with his lawyer, as directed by the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) in Batticaloa.
Gopinath was not apprehended by the police and only appeared in court voluntarily. He has since been remanded.
Pillayan, also known as Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, is notorious for his involvement in various crimes. Most recently, Tamil livestock farmers in Mayilathamadu and Madhavanai, Batticaloa, who have been protesting state-sponsored violence by Sinhalese settlers, reported being threatened by a group linked to Pillayan, a paramilitary leader and ally of the Rajapaksa family.
Pillayan, who leads the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), has a controversial history and is accused of numerous abuses, including the assassination of former Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP Joseph Pararajasingham. His continued influence and the alleged involvement of his associates in acts of intimidation highlight the ongoing challenges faced by Tamil communities in the region.
Australia launched a set of military exercises with Sri Lanka last month, as part of the Indo-Pacific Endeavour 2024 (IPE), with ties between the two militaries drawing even closer.
Australia launched a set of military exercises with Sri Lanka last month, as part of the Indo-Pacific Endeavour 2024 (IPE), with ties between the two militaries drawing even closer.
This year’s IPE includes military exercises, training, and cultural activities with a focus on topics including humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and gender, peace and security.
The Australian Defence Force and Indonesian National Armed Forces also participated in Exercise Keris Woomera, a joint bilateral amphibious activity that includes complex air, land and maritime training, for the first time during IPE 2024.
“Indo-Pacific Endeavour demonstrates Defence’s commitment to a peaceful, stable, and prosperous region,” said Chief of Joint Operations, Vice Admiral Justin Jones, AO, CSC, RAN. “The Australian Defence Force advances our region through sustained and effective engagement with our friends and partners in Southeast Asia and the Northeast Indian Ocean.”
The Ministry said Exercise Keris Woomera is a significant activity and allows the Australian Defence Force to work closely with Indonesia to test their combined capabilities across the sea, on land and in the air.
Australia’s defence cooperation with Sri Lanka comes against the backdrop of rights organizations raising serious concerns on Sri Lanka’s failure to examine crimes committed by its security forces at the end of the armed conflict.
A Tamil mother, whose son was forcibly disappeared after surrendering to the Sri Lankan security forces during the final days of the 2009 genocide, has demanded that authorities reveal his whereabouts during a court hearing last month, after more than 15 years of searching.
The habeas corpus case was heard in the Sri Lankan courts in Mullaitivu, where the mother was represented by human rights lawyer Ratnavel. During the proceedings, Ratnavel informed the court that her son remains missing and that there has been no investigation by the Sri Lankan security forces or the government over the years. He stated that her son surrendered to the Sri Lankan army at the Mullaitivu camp and was last seen being transported in buses along with other Tamil youths. Since that time, no information about his fate has been available.
The mother was cross-examined by the prosecution, and her testimony was recorded. The next hearing has been scheduled for November 7. Since the end of the armed conflict and Mullivaikkal genocide in 2009, hearings regarding the disappearance of at least 20 Tamil youths have taken place in various courts across the North-East. To date, their whereabouts remain unknown, and no one has been held accountable for their abductions.
Families of the disappeared have been actively protesting throughout the North-East, demanding an international investigation and accountability mechanism for enforced disappearances. They have rejected the death certificates and compensation offered by the Sri Lankan government's Office of Missing Persons, insisting that they want answers, not financial compensation, which they claim is merely an attempt to silence them. The Sri Lankan government has refused to engage with any international accountability mechanisms.
Earlier this year, the Core Group on Sri Lanka made a statement at the 56th session of the UN Human Rights Council, urging the government to "address the suffering caused by enforced disappearances." This followed a report by the UN High Commissioner, which highlighted ongoing concerns.
The Canadian Court of Appeal for Ontario has affirmed the constitutionality of the Tamil Genocide Education Week Act (TGEWA), rejecting an appeal by Sri Lankan groups challenging the law.
(Ottawa, 11 April, 2009. Photo Credit: Ninaivukal)
The Canadian Court of Appeal for Ontario has affirmed the constitutionality of the Tamil Genocide Education Week Act (TGEWA), rejecting an appeal by Sri Lankan groups challenging the law.
However, the Ontario Court of Appeals rejected their claims and affirmed the constitutionality of TGEWA, ultimately declaring that “TGEWA has no discriminatory impact.”
he court declared,
“We reject Mr. Hewage’s submission that the TGEWA draws an express racial distinction against Sinhala-Buddhists. The impugned portions of the TGEWA’s preamble state that the Sri Lankan government’s allegedly genocidal policies were “Sinhala-Buddhist centric”, not that Sinhala-Buddhists are, as a racial group, collectively responsible for them. Likewise, claiming that the Sri Lankan state “orchestrated” a genocide does not imply that Sinhala-Buddhists are collectively responsible for “executing” the alleged genocide.”
Arguing against the claims that TGEWA was discriminatory, defenders of the Act, including the Attorney General of Ontario and the Tamil Canadian Coalition, maintained that “TGEWA draws no distinction against Sinhala-Buddhists.” They asserted that TGEWA could only be reasonably read as “indicating that the Sri Lankan state is responsible for a genocide.” They further argued that “Sinhala-Buddhists are not complicit just because the Sri Lankan state, during the civil war or currently, is comprised of a Sinhala-Buddhist majority and favored Sinhala-Buddhist interests.”
The Tamil Canadian coalition advocating to uphold TGEWA included the National Council of Canadian Tamils (NCCT), Canadian Tamil Academy, Canadian Tamil Youth Alliance and Tamil Rights Group (TRG). The Sri Lankan Canadian Action Coalition arguing that TGEWA is unconstitutional included the Sri Lankan Canadian Action Coalition, Sri Lanka Canada Association of Brampton, and Sena Munasinghe.
In a statement released by TRG, Navaratnam Srinarayanathas, President of TRG recognized the decision, stating, “Genocide deniers have continually sought to undermine the legitimacy of the Tamil community’s suffering with baseless arguments... Today’s decision is a monumental step toward healing and acknowledging the decades-long marginalization of Tamils. It strengthens our collective resolve to ensure the lessons of the Tamil Genocide are imparted to future generations so that such horrors are never repeated.”
Speaking to Tamil Guardian, Dr. Sri Ranjan, the NCCT chairperson, said, “The dismissal by the Ontario Court of Appeal of the case against Bill 104: Tamil Genocide Education Week sends a strong message to Tamil Genocide deniers. I want to thank all those who helped us in defending Bill 104. It gives Tamil Canadians an opportunity to continue educating about Tamil genocide.”
In May of 2022, the Sri Lankan Canadian Action Coalition previously challenged TGEWA in the Ontario Superior Court of Justice and similarly failed. Justice Akbarali ultimately dismissed their challenge, upholding TGEWA.
TGEW was introduced by MPP Vijay Thanigasalam in April of 2019 and was enacted to recognize the genocide against Tamils in Sri Lanka, establishing 11 to 18 May as a week in which Ontarians “are encouraged to educate themselves about, and to maintain their awareness of, the Tamil genocide and other genocides that have occurred in world history.” 18 May 2009 marked the end of a genocidal campaign conducted by the Sri Lankan forces, which saw tens of thousands of Tamil civilians killed, hospitals repeatedly shelled, summary executions, and rampant sexual violence.
Read the full decision by the Court of Appeals of Ontario here.
Having created one of the biggest hits of the latter half of Ajithkumar’s career, all eyes were on Venkat Prabhu when his film with Vijay was announced. Expectations were high, further heightened with the title reveal: ‘The Greatest of All Time’. Despite a rocky filmography, Prabhu is more than capable of creating a solid entertainer. The Simbu starring sci-fi thriller ‘Maanaadu’ was a recent success for Prabhu, and perhaps thus far the highlight of his directorial ventures. Overall, however, his output has been unpredictable in quality since the start.
Having created one of the biggest hits of the latter half of Ajithkumar’s career, all eyes were on Venkat Prabhu when his film with Vijay was announced. Expectations were high, further heightened with the title reveal: ‘The Greatest of All Time’. Despite a rocky filmography, Prabhu is more than capable of creating a solid entertainer. The Simbu starring sci-fi thriller ‘Maanaadu’ was a recent success for Prabhu, and perhaps thus far the highlight of his directorial ventures. Overall, however, his output has been unpredictable in quality since the start.
Unfortunately, the same cannot be said about the majority of the plot for ‘GOAT’. The film follows MS Gandhi, a man living a double life as a loving, hardworking but mischievous husband as well as a James Bond-esque Special Anti-Terrorism Squad officer. Complications arise when these two lives cross. Despite the film’s globe-trotting and many twists in its tale, the core narrative thread follows a pretty standard masala formula.
The film has the general feel of a wind-down of Vijay’s film career. As can be expected in a Venkat Prabhu feature, it is a clunky mix of intertextual references in celebration of both Vijay and the Tamil film industry as a whole. The cast is star-studded. Prashanth appears as Sunil Thiagarajan, Prabhu Deva plays Kalyan Sundaram (both strange references to the actors’ nepotistic ties, as is the case with a lot of the film’s cast and crew) and Sneha plays the wife of Gandhi. Most of the characters lack the depth and character development to truly create a connection with any of them. One of the film’s biggest blunders may have been their casting for the main antagonist, Rajiv Menon, played by Mohan. The actor lacks the screen presence, charisma or command to portray a cartoonish villain in a masala film.
The technical aspects of the film are lacking, which the film does not attempt to hide. Deepfake, CGI backdrops, AI music generation are all used haphazardly, regardless of the quality of the final product. I am often forgiving of CGI in films as it is best used as a tool to finetune storytelling, however, it is used with reckless abandon here and detracts greatly from immersing the audience. There is also a strange epilogue, a reference to the epilogue to the Ranbir Kapoor starrer ‘Animal,’ which completely misses its landing and leaves the film on an awkward note.
Yuvan Shankar Raja’s accompanying soundtrack is underwhelming too. The first single and opening song of the film ‘Whistle Podu’ remains one of Yuvan’s weakest offerings in his entire career. ‘Spark’ has grown on me since its initial release, however, due to its earworm chorus. There is no great ‘Mankatha’ theme tune which sticks with you once the film is finished.
The film is not without its strengths. The costume department provides Vijay with some classy outfits. Vijay’s second role in portraying Gandhi’s son Jeevan gives this film some life. What is visible in the action choreography (a lot of it is indecipherable due to the heavy reliance of CGI) is decent too. There are moments which elicit a smile. A quick montage of Gandhi’s struggles in juggling his espionage work with family life early in the film felt new and funny.
But there are too many factors working against this film for it to be considered a success. The film is fun at times, reaching moments and scenes which could have worked better if they had felt deserved. This is perhaps Vijay’s second-best outing in the last decade, with ‘Master’ taking the top spot. Despite its artificial flash and extravagance, this may be the start of a subpar farewell to one of the biggest Tamil film stars of the 21st century. Fans of the actor will most likely enjoy this film, however.
The National People’s Power is the only political party in Sri Lanka that can ensure the safety and security of all citizens as it is the only one that does not tolerate extremism in any form, leader of the party and presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake recently told a rally.
Speaking in Batticaloa, he said that Sri Lankans must reject politicians who exploit racism for political gain and sow divisions among communities.
“The vast majority of Muslims, Sinhalese, and Tamils, in the country, are not racist. It is the politicians, supported by a very small minority, who incite incidents leading to outbreaks of racism and disunity. Once we defeat these politicians and their henchmen, most of these problems will be resolved,” he had said.
Dissanayake often criticizes politicians in Sri Lanka by stating that for the last 76 years, they’ve used differences in ethnicities, religions, and ideals to sow discord. “They have masked their incompetence by fuelling racism. These politicians pretend to belong to different camps. One group stirs up racism among the Sinhalese, another among the Muslims, and yet another among the Tamils. This has been the nature of our politics.” he said.
Dissanayake ostensibly left out the Anti-Tamil pogrom that saw the daylight massacre of over 3000 Tamils. Despite his claims, throughout the armed conflict, the JVP would weaponize the pretense of Marxism to justify their hardline opposition to Tamil demands.
In the 2004 parliamentary elections, the JVP became a coalition partner of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and stood opposed to continued peace negotiations with the LTTE; they further rejected the possibility of joint post-tsunami aid distribution, and in 2005 endorsed Mahinda Rajapaksa on a platform specifically opposed to the peace process. In early 2006 the JVP openly promoted a military solution that would culminate in the Mullivaikkal genocide.
Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, the common Tamil candidate, held a press briefing in Mannar this week, stating that his candidacy in the upcoming Sri Lankan Presidential election serves as both a lesson for the Sri Lankan government and an opportunity for Tamils in the homeland to stand united.
“There is a clear consensus among the Tamil people that this platform should be used to demonstrate that we will not be deceived again,” Ariyanenthiran said while speaking at the TELO office in Mannar. “We are a community that has consistently fought to assert and preserve our identity. In this context, a Tamil’s right is to support the aspirations of all Tamils.”
He emphasized that one of the key objectives of his candidacy is to unite Tamil political parties under a single banner. “I urge the people of this homeland to stand united. Someone will become president—it could be anyone. But this is our chance to show that Tamils will no longer be misled.”
Ariyanenthiran noted that seven Tamil political parties and several civil society organizations have already rallied behind his candidacy, and he expressed hope that others would also join in support.
Continuing his campaign in Vavuniya, Ariyanenthiran toured the town, engaging with Eelam Tamils and distributing flyers. “The people of the North-East are wise; they will make the right choice. We all know that we’ve been misled by eight presidents in the past,” he said. “The outcome of this election will send a strong message to the international community, India, and the Sri Lankan government about our demand for a referendum and self-determination.”
Addressing the ongoing issue of fishermen, Ariyanenthiran highlighted it as a key concern he intends to tackle if given the chance. “The encroachment by Indian fishermen is indeed a serious problem,” he said. “Instead of resorting to blame and animosity towards India, we should seek a lasting solution that ensures the protection of fishermen on both sides.”
Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe unveiled his manifesto ahead of the presidential polls, stopping short of fully implementing the 13th amendment and devolving land and police powers to the Tamil North-East
The manifesto states that power will be devolved to the Provincial Councils “as per the constitution” but that the vesting of police powers “will be decided by the new Parliament”. It goes on to list the select few powers that Provincial Councils will have, including “tourism promotion” and “vocational training”.
There was no mention of justice and accountability for the atrocities committed by the Sri Lankan state, and largely sidestepped significant issues and Tamil grievances, such as the militarisation of the North-East, Sinhalisation, land grabs and ongoing human rights violations.
In his manifesto, Wickremesinghe however acknowledged that "water scarcity has been a burning issue in the North for many years," and noted that his government has already initiated a seawater desalination project. He emphasized that the "River for Jaffna" project will be prioritized, with commencement slated for 2027. He also outlined plans to construct the Punarin Tank by 2026 and refurbish smaller tanks across the North-East. Additionally, he proposed building a reservoir along the Paliaru river, which flows into the sea at Mannar.
Wickremesinghe's plans align with India's initiative to develop the North-East. Furthermore, he promises to establish an annual Tamil Literary Festival.
In the East, Wickremesinghe pledged that Trincomalee “will be transformed”.
The Northern Province Fisher People Unit association has announced a collective protest by fisherfolk, civil society, and other organizations which is scheduled to take place on the 10th of this month.
Speaking at the media briefing announcing the call for a protest, Annalingam Annarasa, the media spokesperson said that the demonstration will be held under the theme of ‘Let's protect the resources of Mannar District.’ He went on to say that several fisherfolk associations, as well as civil society and citizens, will take part to show their opposition to the issues faced by residents in Mannar.
“Through this rally, we want to continue to highlight the issues faced by the people of Mannar,” he said. “This includes the issue of illegal sand mining, the construction of the wind power generators, the continuous encroachment of illegal fishermen, and destruction to the environment in Mannar.”
He went on to say that fisherfolk from Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu are said to take part in this rally. He called on Tamils to provide their support by taking part in this protest.
The central committee of the Ilankai Arasu Tamil Katchi (ITAK) announced that it would back Sajith Premadasa at the upcoming Sri Lankan presidential elections, in a move that has highlighted the splits and turmoil within the already troubled Tamil political party.
The committee decision, announced by parliamentarian M A Sumanthiran this week, comes despite the leader-elect S Shritharan and the Kilinochchi district branch of the ITAK overwhelmingly declaring their support for Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, the common Tamil candidate endorsed by a coalition of Tamil political parties and civil society.
M A Sumanthiran, S Shritharan, P Ariyanenthiran
The central committee of the Ilankai Arasu Tamil Katchi (ITAK) announced that it would back Sajith Premadasa at the upcoming Sri Lankan presidential elections, in a move that has highlighted the splits and turmoil within the already troubled Tamil political party.
The committee decision, announced by parliamentarian M A Sumanthiran this week, comes despite the leader-elect S Shritharan and the Kilinochchi district branch of the ITAK overwhelmingly declaring their support for Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanenthiran, the common Tamil candidate endorsed by a coalition of Tamil political parties and civil society.
A controversial call
In recent weeks Sumanthiran had repeatedly spoken out against the Tamil candidate, despite calls from Tamil civil society organisations to support Ariyanenthiran at the polls. Many felt that supporting a Tamil candidate was the only way to demonstrate to the international community that a united Tamil voice in the North-East is still demanding self-determination and liberation from Sri Lankan oppression.
The only other Tamil demand had been from the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) to boycott the elections entirely, stating that it was the “only option” left for the Tamil people.
Until the committee meeting, there had been no call to support a Sinhala candidate.
Premadasa meets with Sumanthiran and Senathirajah at the ITAK office in Jaffna earlier this year.
The ITAK central committee met in Vavuniya on Sunday without a full turnout. Yet after a reported five hours of deliberation, Sumanthiran addressed a press conference declaring that the decision had been made to support Premadasa.
The move caught many by surprise, including the current chairman Mavai Senathirajah, who initially told reporters that he was unable to attend the meeting and was not aware of its outcome.
Speaking to reporters the following day, Senathirajah however acknowledged the decision and said, “we will discuss in ongoing meetings about its implementation”.
“We will discuss what the public should do in this election for the liberation of our people,” he added.
“We have a duty to implement the decision taken by the central committee, but, people should bear in mind that the election results will determine the future, especially when they are voting that this is for the liberation of the Tamil people.”
“We, all the Tamils, should unite and use this election for the liberation of our people. That liberation is very important for us. We should all work as one for that liberation."
Split within the party
Prior to the central committee decision, grassroot party membership had already been working towards backing Ariyanenthiran, the common candidate.
The Kilinochchi branch of the ITAK announced their decision in a press release and party meeting last week.
“In this difficult situation, our people are looking forward to the leadership that should take the initiative to find compensation for the losses occurring during the war and after the war, to develop international approaches, to strengthen the decisions made in Geneva (at the UN Human Rights Council) and facilitate the transitional justice process in the International Criminal Court, and to demand a referendum in the homeland,” said the statement.
Their decision to back Ariyanenthiran was “unanimous” said the branch. Their full statement can be found here.
The move follows that of leader-elect S Shritharan, who was in London at the time of the central committee meeting, and actively expressing his support for Ariyanenthiran. In a letter seen by the Tamil Guardian prior to his departure, Shritharan stated that he was unable to attend the meeting but wanted the committee to know of his decision to back the common Tamil candidate.
“It is from those Eastern homelands we are seeing this common candidate,” he said. “So, what is our message to the spirits of the fallen?”
A party in turmoil
The latest announcement demonstrates the split that has been prevalent in the party, which has seen a steady decline in its popularity.
The ITAK, also known as the Federal Party, has a rich history dating back to S J V Chelvanayakam – a legendary figure fondly remembered as the father of Eelam Tamil nationalism. In 2001, with the overt backing of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the party led the newly formed Tamil National Alliance (TNA) coalition.
In the wake of the 2009 genocide and the defeat of the LTTE, the alliance depended on its near-monopoly of Tamil nationalist politics to defend unpopular positions and partnerships – including the backing of other Sinhala candidates at previous presidential polls. Sumanthiran, a divisive figure within the Tamil polity, would staunchly defend such moves, despite the backlash.
But in recent years discord has grown and the parliamentary election of 2020 saw the party lose six seats. Other parties such as the TNPF and the Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kootani (TMTK) began gaining seats at the ITAK’s expense. In 2022 TELO leader Selvam Adaikalanathan lashed out at his colleagues in the TNA, claiming there were “two black sheep” in the coalition – hinting at both Sumanthiran then party leader R Sampanthan.
Last year the TNA was disbanded after constituent parties Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) and People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) quit, leaving the ITAK out on its own and almost derelict. Sampanthan passed away aged 91, earlier this year, having refused to ever step down as leader.
Shritharan pays tribute to those who gave their lives in the militant struggle for the liberation of Tamil Eelam, after his leadership election victory.
Earlier this year, the party seemed to be heading for a nationalist revival, after Shritharan beat out Sumanthiran to be elected as leader.
“In order to win the national aspirations of the Tamil people, I will make my best efforts to rebuild the mobilisation of the Tamil nationalist forces as they were before 2009 and to unite everyone without the expectation of leadership or competition so we can chart the correct path for the rights of the Tamil people,” he told the Tamil Guardian after his victory.
But that too has been marred in controversy, after Sumanthiran challenged the result and proceedings still underway. To date, the matter remains in the hands of authorities and Senathirajah remains the current chair.
The matter has left a bitter taste in the mouths of members, some of whom bemoaned the current state of the party to the Tamil Guardian. The splits threaten to push the party further into irrelevance they added.
With the Sri Lankan presidential polls just a few weeks away, the controversy around the ITAK has not subsided.
Speaking to the Tamil Guardian last week, Ariyanenthiran admits that while he does not expect to become the president of Sri Lanka.
However, he said that he “seeks to serve as a representative voice to both the international community and the southern part of Sri Lanka, highlighting the rights that should be granted to the Tamil people, who have suffered genocide on their own land”.
“We have lost many Tamil lives in the struggle for our rights,” Ariyanenthiran said. “After being repeatedly deceived by successive [Sinhala] presidents, it is time to reflect on these issues”.