Sri Lanka’s president Ranil Wickremesinghe claimed the “guidance and advice of the Maha Sangha are crucial in leading the country,” as he addressed the Sinhala Buddhist clergy on the topic of “establishing a new economic and political system” on the island.

Wickremesinghe compared Sri Lanka to “other Theravada Buddhist countries,” stating that Sri Lanka’s reliance on imports “has led to financial instability”.

He emphasized that the “guidance and advice” of the Maha Sangha—the senior Buddhist clergy—was needed “to establish both a new economic system and a new political system in the country as soon as possible”.

The Sri Lankan president made the remarks during the 44th Higher Ordination ceremony (or Upasampada) of the Ariyawansa Saddhamma Yuktika sect of the Maha Vihara Vamsika Amarapura Maha Nikaya.

“It is important to note that today’s Upasampada is also state-sponsored,” added Wickremesinghe.

“It is also important to acknowledge the significant efforts of the monks in preserving monkhood and order during British rule in Southern Sri Lanka.”

Wickremesinghe is a staunch Sinhala Buddhist nationalist, repeatedly vowing to ensure Buddhism has primacy in Sri Lanka and pledging to further Sinhala Buddhism on the island.

Douglas Devananda, the leader of the EPDP, a government-aligned paramilitary group, recently took in an event to distribute rice that China donated to Mullaitivu. Following the event, Devananda also initiated development work on a kilometer-long stretch of road in the Semmalai area. The road is being constructed at Rs.12 million through the Fisheries Ministry. 

Ironically China has been one of the most loyal supporters of the Rajapaksa regime and supported Sri Lankan authorities financially and military in the armed conflict which saw the massacre of tens of thousands of Tamils in the North and East. 

No sooner had the United States ended direct military aid to Sri Lanka in 2008, over its deteriorating human rights record than China stepped in to fill the breach. Beijing sold large quantities of arms and dramatically boosted its aid fivefold to emerge as Sri Lanka's largest donor. Chinese Jian-7 fighter jets, antiaircraft guns, JY-11 3D air surveillance radars, and other supplied weapons have played a central role in the Sri Lankan military successes against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam seeking to carve out an independent homeland for the ethnic Tamils in the island's north and east. China has become an enabler of repression in some developing nations as it seeks to gain access to oil and mineral resources, market its goods, and step up investment. Still officially a communist state, its support for brutal regimes is driven by capitalist considerations. But while exploiting commercial opportunities, it also tries to make strategic inroads. 

Recently Eelam fishermen also rejected funding from the Chinese government to build homes, adding that they were unsuitable and vulnerable to natural disasters. 

^{ustration by Keera Ratnam / wavesofcolour}

After 14 years of Conservative government, the British Labour Party has returned to power. In the days since assuming office, the newly elected Prime Minister Keir Starmer declared that Britain is “back on the international stage”, having held key meetings with NATO allies and European leaders. The prime minister has repeatedly pledged to rapidly enact the “work of change”. When it comes to British policy on Sri Lanka, that change is long overdue.

Leading up to the General Election, the issue of liberating the Tamil people from Sri Lanka’s oppression was hotly discussed. Senior Labour leaders made repeated assurances on the issue, having seemingly accepted several key demands. The current health secretary Wes Streeting told an audience of Tamils in parliament that “ensuring that you get the accountability that you deserve will form part of the key foreign policy priorities” as figures form the party lined up to reiterate pledges made.

Catherine West, the former shadow minister for Asia who has recently been appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary in the foreign office, was clear what her government would do. It would seek to refer Sri Lanka to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and enact sanctions on Sri Lankan officials accused of war crimes - both issues that she told a hustings event, could be tackled “quickly”. Sanctions in particular seem to be a particularly simple manoeuvre, given how the US and Canada already undertook similar moves years ago. British Tamils will be hoping that the government now follows through on them.

“Unlike the current government, in the most ordered way we can, we will be putting international law at the heart of our foreign policy,” West added. Though her remarks were undoubtedly made in the heat of electioneering, there was an acknowledgement that for years, Britain has failed to take any meaningful action when it came to Sri Lanka’s genocide of Tamils and ongoing human rights abuses. Unlike the US and Canada, the UK has failed to impose sanctions on Sri Lankan officials accused of war crimes. Calls to take Sri Lanka to the ICC were rejected – contrary to the Labour position – even as Tamils resoundingly demanded an international accountability mechanism. Instead, years of ultimately toothless resolutions were passed at the UN Human Rights Council with no progress to show for any of them. To this day, Tamil women still line the streets of the North-East, holding photographs of their disappeared loved ones, demanding to know their fate. British policy failed them.

Furthermore, political faith in the Conservatives was tested by figures such as Liam Fox, who took multiple trips to Sri Lanka funded by the island’s government, as well as more recent visits by David Cameron – a man that once pledged to ensure war criminals would be held to account. Alongside plans to bolster bilateral relations with Sri Lanka, it seemed as if the Conservative Party placed fostering ties with Colombo above standing up for international law - a far cry from the principles its leaders claimed to espouse. With the Conservatives having lost over 250 seats, including in a number of constituencies with large numbers of Tamil constituents, it is worth questioning if this lack of progress drove many British Tamil Conservatives to step back from the ballot.

This is not to say that the same criticism cannot be levied at Labour. Indeed, it was under Gordon Brown’s administration that the final genocidal onslaught in Sri Lanka took place in 2009. British Tamil protests were met with heavy-handed policing and indifference from many senior party leaders. Even as the Sri Lankan military shelled hospitals, aid lines and ‘No Fire Zones’, the British government continued to arm them. Whilst Tony Blair had championed the idea of the Right to Protect (R2P), and demonstrated this by supporting NATO’s intervention in Kosovo, when it came to Tamils, the LTTE was banned, British Tamil activists arrested and weapons sent to Colombo.

The suffering that the Tamil people have and continue to endure has been even more widely recognised since. From the United Nations offices in Geneva to Starmer’s own cabinet, officials around the world are well versed on the history of persecution and the steps needed to alleviate it. There can be no excuse not to take them.

Starmer himself has commemorated the genocide and repeatedly spoken on the need for Sri Lanka to be taken to the ICC. In his first speech as prime minister, Starmer stood outside Downing Street and told the public, “When the gap between the sacrifices made by people and the service they receive from politicians grows this big, it leads to a weariness in the heart of a nation […] this wound, this lack of trust, can only be healed by actions, not words”. Sri Lanka will be a litmus test of the Labour party’s words. A legacy of hypocrisy and inaction has left a deep wound - one that can only be healed by actions, not words. British Tamils will be watching very closely.

Less than four months after a Sri Lankan High Court sentenced racist Buddhist monk Gnanasara Thero to four years of rigorous imprisonment for defamatory remarks he made against the Muslim community, he was released on bail. The order was issued when the revision petition was filed by Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thero and was taken up for consideration. 

The Colombo High Court handed down a sentence of four years of rigorous imprisonment to Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara and a fine of Rs.100,000 over anti-Muslim remarks he made in 2016 during a press conference. 

The Colombo High Court judge also instructed that an additional year of imprisonment be added if he fails to pay the imposed fine. The verdict comes weeks after Gnanasara made an apology over his anti-Muslim remarks. He had told courts from the dock that he was remorseful if the remarks had caused distress. 

However, delivering the verdict High Court Judge Adithya Patapendi declared Gnanasara guilty on the two charges of causing harm and provoking religious animosity by insulting Islamic religious beliefs. These statements were made on two occasions between November 2016 and December 2016. 

In courts today, a Court of Appeal bench led by Justice Sampath Abeykoon, set the bail at Rs. 50,000 in cash and two personal sureties amounting to Rs. 500,000 each. 

Tamils lined the streets of Paris with flags and flowers to celebrate as Tamil baker Tharshan Selvarajah became the first Eelam Tamil to carry the Olympic torch ahead of the Paris Games.

Selvarajah was cheered on by friends and members of the French Tamil diaspora as he carried the torch through the streets of Paris last week.

Tamils lined the streets of Paris with flags and flowers to celebrate as Tamil baker Tharshan Selvarajah became the first Eelam Tamil to carry the Olympic torch ahead of the Paris Games.

Selvarajah was cheered on by friends and members of the French Tamil diaspora as he carried the torch through the streets of Paris last week.

The star baker, who last year won the title of having the best baguette in Paris, waved to supporters as he marched through Paris, many of whom were waving Tamil Eelam and French flags.

"It is a hugely proud moment for us as French Tamils," said Shankar, a French Tamil who saw the scenes on social media. "Especially at a moment like this when the whole world has its eyes on Paris!"

"After the genocide we faced and all we have gone through as a community, we are finally beginning to be recognised for our incredible achievements around the world."

A smaller contingent with the Sri Lankan embassy in France was also present, holding Sri Lankan flags instead. The Sri Lankan embassy later posted about being at the event on its official Twitter account.

Selvarajah left the island of Sri Lanka in 2006 and currently lives in Paris, where tens of thousands of other Eelam Tamils, many of whom fled the genocide, currently reside.

^{All photographs courtesy of @sokka_vigithan.}

Following the global release of the 'Oozhi: A Dark Age', the Tamil Guardian interviewed its director Ranjith Jospeh to discuss the creative process behind making the film and why the film is important in educating the younger generation about the Tamil struggle.

Following the global release of the 'Oozhi: A Dark Age', the Tamil Guardian interviewed its director Ranjith Jospeh to discuss the creative process behind making the film and why the film is important in educating the younger generation about the Tamil struggle.

Inspiration for the film 

Ranjith credits his migration to Canada when he was 17 years old as the motivation to learn about Tamil Eelam history and culture. Whilst most of his Tamil peers were adapting to Western culture, he attended Tamil school and was encouraged by his teacher to read books to enhance his knowledge about Tamil Eelam. In search for answers as to why he had to leave his family and childhood friends behind in Eelam to migrate to Canada, he educated himself on the Sri Lankan government's continuous oppression of Tamil people and the need to defend their rights.

He described his life changing when he accepted an opportunity to return to Tamil Eelam and stayed in Vanni for four months.

During the time that he spent there, he met leaders, fighters and creatives involved in the struggle against the government for self-determination.

“Every day, we spoke about our struggle and what we were fighting for,” he recalled.

“Someone the same age as me was a bigshot leader and I was just an upcoming filmmaker. Their vision about our fight for freedom was phenomenal. They were prepared to sacrifice their lives for our people, our country. Even though I love my country and my language, I couldn’t give up my life to fight.”

“I met so many cadres and they told their stories about how they became freedom fighters, and I realised that the world needed to know these stories. Those four months totally changed my career. Today everything has changed. There is no more war, there is no more LTTE, there are no more freedom fighters. They gave up their lives for us. Everyone has moved on, but I cannot. I made a promise. I told them I would make a movie about them to tell their stories. If I cannot do any of this then I cannot sleep at night. They told me their stories because they hoped that one day, I would be able to share the truth. Even though they are no longer here, I cannot forget my promise.”

For Ranjith, the title of his films are important and must have a direct correlation to the story of the film. Following the release of ‘Sinamkol’, his friend asked him to directly translate the title into English and he replied that it simply means "get angry".

“The story of ‘Sinamkol’ is about the main character returning home to Tamil Eelam after many years and realises that so much has changed, which makes him angry,” he said. “The title was an instruction to the audience to get angry as well". Similarly, ‘Oozhi’ is a reference to a long quest for hundreds of years.

"The struggle for our land began from the moment the Western colonizers overthrew our kings to take over our kingdom. I thought about how long we have been fighting for our land and it is has not only been 40 years but nearly 400 years of struggle. My co-writer, Theepachelvan, and I discussed possible titles for the story, and I asked him what Tamil word can be used to describe the lifelong struggle that Tamil people have endured. We agreed on the word ‘Oozhi’ because it means the darkness, a dark age. Although the story is focused on the post- war context, 15 years since the war ended, I want people to realise that the Tamil people’s struggle for freedom and justice has been happening for hundreds of years. Tamil people in the North- East are still living in a dark age."

This prompted Ranjith to centre the story on the experiences of young Tamil people living in the North- East in the aftermath of the armed conflict. Kilinochchi acts as a central location in the film because Ranjith states that the younger generation in the area are battling internal and external dilemmas that contribute to the Sri Lankan government's ongoing oppression of Tamil people. The Sri Lankan government’s intentional withholding of adequate access to employment and educational opportunities in the North- East is a tactic to oppress the younger Tamil generation, causing them to turn to crime and drug abuse as a coping mechanism.

"I witnessed a free Tamil Eelam, where a woman could walk alone on the road at 3am without anything wrong happening to her because there was no crime,” he said. “When the war ended in 2009, the Sri Lankan President at the time said the country was free of terrorism and everyone would enjoy freedom, but we are losing our land and religious places, and young people are into drugs and alcohol. Is this how the government is supporting us? Young peoples' futures are being destroyed. This is not freedom. It is another war".

Responding to the question of the intention to create ‘Oozhi’, Ranjith said the film was written and filmed with the intention of reaching a younger audience.

"I wanted to tell the story to people who did not know anything about the war, to people who have no connection to their home,” he continued. “Fifteen years later, most young people are not aware of what happened".

When telling stories, Ranjith refuses to give explicit narration and encourages them to do the research for themselves in an effort educate them his audience.

"I tell my audience only 50% of the story and they must find the rest. Rather than showing them what happened to Kasi's father, I want the audience to go home and look up the answers on Google to find out what happened to the people that were taken away by the Sri Lankan army and never returned".

Eelam representation

When elaborating on the creative process behind the film, Ranjith explained how he utilised this as an opportunity to expand Tamil Eelam cinema as an industry and include more participants from Eelam in the filmmaking process. He partnered with the media faculty of the University of Jaffna and offered internships to around fifteen students to work in various departments of the filmmaking process, such as direction and cinematography, in an effort to teach them how to make reasonable films. He was exceptionally keen to have a "revolutionary" in the film and chose Sugash Kanagaratnam, Tamil lawyer and spokesperson of the Tamil National People's Front (TNPF), to make a brief appearance. When asked about this decision, he explained that Sugash made the character more relatable because he is already a "frontliner in Sri Lankan politics" and "aware of our struggle".

Ranjith also uses his films to document the ancient Tamil sites that are at risk of being replaced by Buddhist temples to create an archive for future generations to look back on and evidence the Sri Lankan government’s agenda to Sinhalise the North- East. The beginning of ‘Oozhi’ is set in the Eastern province, which is also where the final stage of the armed conflict began in 2006. He stated that scenes from the beginning of the film were shot at the Verigal Murugan Kovil, located on the journey from Batticaloa to Trincomalee, which the Sri Lankan government plans to replace with a Buddhist temple.

"When I got to know about the issues to take over Verigal Murugan Kovil, I documented it in ‘Oozhi’ because the government may deny that the Kovil ever existed in the future".

Censorship by the Sri Lankan state

Referring to the National Film Corporation of Sri Lanka as "one of the worst in the world", he disclosed the difficulties he had to overcome to film ‘Oozhi’ due to government restrictions. He was required to submit the written script to the film corporation and wait for their feedback before he began shooting any scenes. They also tried to control his artistic creativity by preventing him from filming in certain locations. He added that Sri Lankan investigating officers visited the set every day to supervise the filmmaking process. Nevertheless, Ranjith was adamant to stay true to his vision.

"I know my vision and the story I want to tell. We struggled a lot to make ‘Oozhi’ because the Sri Lankan government, the media and film board were aware that I wanted to make another film after ‘Sinamkol’".

When asked about how he evaded these barriers, he said:

"As the director, I am the only person who knows how the scenes will end and what will be narrated. Whenever the police were supervising the set, I shot scenes here and there so they wouldn't be able to catch on to what was happening. I'd later edit the scenes and put them in order. This is the freedom that visual media gives us to tell stories". 

Ranjith refused to create a separate cut for the Sri Lankan Film Corporation and submitted the entire film for their approval. Whilst waiting for the feedback, he was advised to begin promoting the film and gather support from the diaspora to add pressure to the Sri Lankan Film Corporation. Ranjith said he refused to use this approach as a marketing tactic as he had to prioritise the safety of the cast and crew in Sri Lanka.

Describing himself as the captain of the crew, he said " I have to protect my coworkers from any trouble".

The Sri Lankan Film Corporation eventually confirmed that eight scenes from the film had to be removed for it to be awarded permission to be shown in Sri Lanka, including a scene that challenged the definition of the LTTE as terrorists. Removing these scenes would interrupt the storyline and distort the intended message of the film. After receiving this feedback, Ranjith said that he "gave the choice [to remove the scenes] to my cast and crew in Sri Lanka because they worked hard on the film with the hope of seeing it shown on the big screen”.

“We are continuing to challenge the Sri Lankan Film Corporation. I am receiving support from Sinhalese directors because they understand they will not receive the same decision from the government in a similar way as a Tamil director has".

Speaking in parliament, the Sri Lankan government’s chief whip and public security minister, Tiran Alles, encouraged the police to engage in extrajudicial killings claiming “eliminating criminals from the country is not a sin”.

“Don’t be afraid to use the weapon in your hand for the right thing, and we stand by you” he added.

This is not the first time Alles has made such claims and he faces calls to resign from Sri Lanka’s Bar Association for these statements. However, Sri Lanka’s President Wickremesinghe has seemingly endorsed such a position slamming human right lawyers for their advocacy which he implied was undermining law and order. During his speech, Wickremesinghe also lashed out at the former British prime minister alleging that a failure to uphold law and order led to the collapse of his government.

These remarks come as tens of thousands have been arrested across Sri Lanka as part of a Sri Lankan police and military operation, purportedly aimed at stemming drug trafficking. ‘Operation Yukthiya’ has come under criticism from human rights organisations and United Nations experts for its widespread violation of human rights.

The Sri Lankan president maintained the need for even stricter laws to deal with drug traffickers. 

Read more here.

India has decided to suspend fresh loan or Line of Credit (LoC) projects in Sri Lanka due to the current state of the economy. Instead, India will now focus on grant-based projects and investments related to connectivity, the Daily Mirror reported. One significant ongoing loan project involves the design, installation, testing, and commissioning of a signaling system for Sri Lankan Railways, covering the stretch from Maho to Anuradhapura, with a credit line of US $14.90 million. However, existing projects will remain unaffected by this decision. Sri Lanka recently completed bilateral debt restructuring with India and other countries, with India being one of its main bilateral creditors.

Additionally, India has converted the development of the Kankesanthurai port into a grant project. Previously, India had announced a loan of over US $60 million for the port, but it has now been converted to a grant.

Meanwhile, Japan has also made a similar decision. Although it will resume 11 stalled projects in Sri Lanka, it will not approve any fresh yen loans until the country’s economic situation improves satisfactorily. The Japanese projects set to resume cover various areas, including wastewater management, airport development, water supply, and infrastructure enhancement

^{Sri Lankan soldiers carry the body of R Sampanthan earlier this month.}

Rajavarothiam Sampanthan, a veteran figure of Tamil politics has passed away aged 91. He died whilst still in office, holding the post as the Member of Parliament for Trincomalee and a record as the oldest lawmaker on the island. Though his passing has drawn tributes from the West and politicians from across the Sinhala political spectrum, the reaction from Eelam Tamils in the North-East and in the diaspora has been much more muted. It reflects his tumultuous political life and legacy that he leaves behind.

His activism started when he joined the legendary S J V Chelvanayakam’s Federal Party (also known as the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi or ITAK) in the 1950’s. It was only in 1977, when through a wave of Tamil nationalism the ITAK-backed Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) swept the North-East, that Sampanthan was first elected to Sri Lanka’s parliament. The overwhelming mandate he received was clear, under the just passed Vaddukoddai resolution. The party vowed to work towards an independent state of Tamil Eelam.

Unfortunately, the Sri Lankan state’s chauvinism did not allow that dream to come to fruition. Sampanthan joined other Tamil lawmakers in resigning from Parliament in 1983, protesting Sri Lanka’s 6th Amendment to the constitution, which effectively outlawed any mention of Tamil independence. Years of armed conflict and destruction followed, with tens of thousands killed.

In the decades after his resignation, Sampanthan was left in the political wilderness. He unsuccessfully stood in both 1989 and 1994 in Trincomalee, failing to win the seat. He briefly re-entered Parliament after the assassination of A Thangathurai in 1997, but failed to get elected once more in 2000, for years remaining an almost fringe figure in Tamil politics.

It was only in 2001 with the formation of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the overt backing of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), after decades of rejection at the ballot box, Sampanthan finally won a seat. In this era, he was full throated in his support of the liberation movement, publicly praising LTTE leaders and attending events to raise the Tamil Eelam flag. The TNA coalition explicitly recognised the LTTE as sole representatives of the Tamil people and Sampanthan himself declared “the time has now come for all the Tamil political forces in the northeast to unite under one banner to give full support for the militants who are involved in the freedom struggle”.

^{Sampanthan raises the Tamil Eelam flag as the Tamil National Alliance opened its headquarters in Trincomalee, 2005.}

At the time, the Tigers were at the peak of their military strength. However, after peace talks broke down, the expanded Sri Lankan armed forces launched a massive military offensive on the Tamil homeland. It brought about an onslaught that massacred more than 150,000 Tamils.

Though he initially protested the genocide, Sampanthan soon sensed the winds of change and began searching for his own political survival. It is with great shame that reports emerged of how the TNA leader - one of the most senior Tamil voices on the island - refused to answer desperate calls from the Vanni at the height of the massacres whilst nestled at his home in India. As the dust from Sri Lankan artillery fire settled over the beach in Mullivaikkal, it seemed Sampanthan had switched his political allegiances. 

^{Sampanthan outside the United Nations office in Colombo, 2006.}

In the aftermath of atrocities, the TNA steered away from explicitly pushing for international accountability, genocide recognition or demilitarisation, as so many Tamils in the homeland and around the world had demanded. Sampanthan and his party had now taken up the more comfortable position of seeking concessions from the state – the very same state responsible for the horrific violence unleashed on his people. As Tamil civil society activists in the North-East and diaspora were fervently lobbying for action on war crimes at the United Nations, the TNA leader instead told visiting British parliamentarians that his “main priority” was ensuring bicycles were delivered to the North-East. Sampanthan had gone from challenging Sinhala chauvinism to accommodating and even partnering with it.

The principled positions he once stood for had been seemingly abandoned. Sampanthan was firm in his conviction of working within the confines of the Sri Lankan state and now sought to appease Sinhala leaders. In 2010 for example, barely a year after the Mullivaikkal massacre and amidst widespread calls for a boycott, he drove his party to back army commander Sarath Fonseka over incumbent president Mahinda Rajapaksa at the presidential elections, despite both men having led the genocide. The backlash led to a major party split and the formation of the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF). Rajapaksa, a man despised by the Tamil people for leading the massacres, would win those elections. But it did little to deter Sampanthan’s engagement. He was frequently seen shaking hands and smiling with Rajapaksa, who he himself accused of committing a genocide. Shortly after his death, Rajapaksa described Sampanthan as “an old friend and colleague”.

That congeniality he held with Sinhala leaders, including those accused of war crimes, would continue. For those in Colombo he presented a more pragmatic Tamil face, and one that could be held up to demonstrate a veneer of engagement with the island’s Tamils even if tangible progress remained lacking in reality. Sampanthan was all too happy to oblige.

His ascendency within Colombo’s political circles would come with his decision to back the Sirisena-led government, with repeated pledges that Tamil autonomy would finally be delivered. So eager was Sampanthan in his support for the newly elected government, that he even boldly went on stage and waved the lion flag - the same flag the military raised at its bases and on camps across the Tamil homeland. It was the most striking visual representation of his political crossover. Sampanthan had abandoned his Tamil Eelam flag for a Sri Lankan one. The image would haunt him for years to come.

^{Sampanthan and Ranil Wickremesinghe waving the Sri Lankan flag together at a rally in Jaffna, 2012.}

^{Mahinda Rajapaksa shares a joke with Sampanthan, 2014.}

The Sampanthan that emerged after the Mullivaikkal genocide, bore little resemblance to the man in the decades before him; one who was first elected on the Vaddukoddai resolution and pledged allegiance to the Tamil liberation movement. This change of heart brought with it many critics. Sampanthan faced frequent protests in the North-East, partly why he spent much of his time in Colombo. Though many still saw him as a veteran statesman, his politics faced harsh rebuke. Effigies were burnt and slogans regularly raised against him. The TNA that he led now relied on more grassroot politicians who continued to espouse Tamil nationalism and invoke past associations with the LTTE.

^{An effigy of Sampanthan at a protest in Jaffna in 2015.}

That doublespeak however could not last long. Predictably, the Sri Lanka state remained as stubbornly chauvinistic as it had ever been. The Sirisena coalition would collapse, and, despite Sampanthan’s pandering, to this day the Tamil homeland remains under occupation, war criminals remain free, and the prospect of devolution remains remote.

Amidst years of broken pledges and failed placations, the gap between the TNA in Colombo and the Tamil people had been steadily widening, with Sampanthan’s legitimacy rapidly fading. The coalition formally disbanded last year and the leadership of his beloved ITAK party is currently being contested in court. Until his final days, however, the ailing leader’s strategy of appeasement had not changed. Perhaps it was a blind faith that the Sri Lankan state would eventually hand out crumbs of power sharing. More likely, for someone of Sampanthan’s stature who was enveloped within Colombo’s parochial politics, it was a desperate grasp at maintaining relevance.

In recent years, Sampanthan rarely ventured out in public, with his ill health limiting his appearances. He still held on to his post as Trincomalee MP, a decision that even his closest colleagues had repeatedly questioned for years. He passed away still holding that position, never having relinquished it. He leaves behind a legacy of missed opportunities.

Politicians are intensifying pressure on the central government in response to the recent arrests of Indian fishermen by the Sri Lankan Navy. The maritime boundary dispute between Sri Lanka and India has escalated, with Indian fishermen resuming fishing activities within Sri Lanka’s waters after the annual fish breeding period.

Eelam Fishermen have taken to the streets, staging protests and hunger strikes, urging the Sri Lanka Navy to protect its territorial waters. Last week, a Sri Lankan Navy officer lost his life while attempting to board an Indian trawler.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin has written to External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, urgently requesting the activation of diplomatic channels to secure the release of 13 Indian fishermen arrested this week. Additionally, three fishing boats were seized by the Sri Lankan Navy during the arrests.

Stalin emphasized the impact of these detentions on the livelihoods of the fishermen and their families. He urged a coordinated effort by the Ministry of External Affairs to address the situation promptly. Stalin’s latest appeal is not the first; he previously corresponded on June 19, 24, and 25. The Indian High Commission in Colombo and the Indian consulate in Jaffna have consistently engaged with Sri Lankan authorities on this matter.

The Sri Lankan Navy, facing scrutiny from Tamil communities, has intensified efforts to prevent Indian fishermen from encroaching on Sri Lanka’s waters. In 2024 alone, the Navy has apprehended 35 Indian trawlers and 252 fishermen engaged in poaching activities.

The Indian High Commission Head of Chancery, and Commercial Representative Shri V Ram Mahesh made a visit to the long-abandoned Oddusuddan Brick and Tile Factory signifying an interest in the Indian government's attempt to revive the debilitated factory.

Consecutive governments, private companies, and even the military which claim a significant part of real estate in the homeland that houses military camps have attempted to revive the factory, with little fruition. 

The factory was last reported about in the local press in 2021, when the Secretary to the Ministry of Industries V.P.K. Anusha Pelpita assured that it would be opened by October 2021 and that manufacturing machines would be newly installed. The Sri Lankan cabinet of ministers in 2020 approved the necessary action to reinitiate the production of the tile and brick manufacturing company. 

The Sampson Rajarata Tiles which is a company under the umbrella of DSI group of companies had also stepped forward to revive this factory. The Sri Lankan military attempted to lay claim and manage the factory when it was vested with the public following the Northern Province Industrial Development program funded by Sanasa Bank. 

In a rare show of interest, the Head of Chancery, and Commercial Representative visited the factory. He inquired about the repairs needed and the factory’s capacity. 

Local residents expressed their concerns about the factory’s prolonged inactivity and urged the High Commission representative action to revive it. Hundreds of potential employment opportunities in the Mullaitivu district hinge on the factory’s restoration.

During the monitoring visit, Sri Lanka Freedom Party’s Mannar District Coordinator, NMM Faris. Those who took part in the inspection tour hoped the visit would create an opportunity for the factory to be revived once again was also present. The community hopes that this visit will pave the way for the factory’s revival. 

Sri Lanka’s President Ranil Wickremesinghe who attended former commander Sarath Fonseka’s book launch, lauded the accused war criminal for his “instrumental leadership” and defended his military recorded, which includes overseeing a genocide that killed tens of thousands of Tamil civilians.

Fonseka served as Sri Lanka’s army commander during the final years of the armed conflict, from 2005 to 2009, which oversaw a litany of war crimes, including the indiscriminate shelling of hospitals, mass executions, and sexual violence. During the final months, UN data suggests that over 70,000 Tamils were slaughtered whilst reports that as many as 169,796 people are unaccounted for.

Wickremesinghe however made use of the opportunity to laud Fonseka for being Sri Lanka's only field marshal. 

“Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka holds a unique position as the only Field Marshal in the Sri Lankan Army. Beyond triumphing in military challenges, he has also navigated political challenges beyond the battlefield,” he said at the event, which was held at the Nelum Pokuna Theatre in Colombo. Other accused war criminals, including Shavendra Silva, were also in attendance.

Wickremesinghe went on to tell the audience that the Sri Lankan army’s morale suffered following the failure of the Jaffna Jaya Sikuru operation. “During that period, I served as Prime Minister and faced the critical decision of who should oversee Jaffna’s transfer," he said. "By then, casualties had significantly depleted our forces. Some suggested that Jaffna required a division. At that juncture, I directed the army commander to entrust Jaffna to Sarath Fonseka. He took charge and persevered until stability was restored.” 

He went on to defend Fonseka's record, claiming “War is not a game." "It entails loss of human lives and destruction of property. His leadership was instrumental in guiding the army through those challenging times.” 

In 2010 Fonseka stood against Mahinda Rajapaksa during the Presidential elections but was defeated. He was then imprisoned by his political rival under charges of corruption relating to military procurements and treason. He was given a 30-month jail sentence.

In 2011 he admitted that during the armed conflict, LTTE cadres who had surrendered were summarily executed under the orders of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, then acting defence secretary. Fonseka would later recant the statement and claim he was misquoted. Fonseka has since lashed out at moves towards accountability, accusing the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet of harbouring LTTE sympathies.

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After months of delay by the Sri Lankan government, excavation work has recommenced at the Kokkuthoduvai mass human burial site, with three human remains thought to be of female LTTE fighters having been discovered this week.

Four other skeletal remains were also found however researchers have decided not to excavate them as of yet. So far from both phases of the work, a total of 40 human remains were found.

The Sri Lankan government initially declined funding for research into this mass grave, but recent developments have reignited efforts to trace the history of this mass grave. The decision to resume excavation comes after prolonged delays and repeated requests for financial support. The Sri Lankan authorities were indifferent to the facts of this case, intentionally withholding funds which led to the postponement of two hearings related to the case.

Despite this setback, forensic experts, including Professor of Archaeology Raj Somadeva and Special Forensic Expert Kanakasabapathy Vasudeva, were involved in the ongoing excavation. Mullaitivu Court Judge Dharmalingam Pradeepan was present at the site during the excavation. 

In September last year, excavations revealed remnants of weapons, dog tags, and uniforms worn by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) cadres, along with a device designed to purify water, all of which have been collected as vital pieces of evidence.

It remains unclear how many bodies remain in the mass grave.

The US has blocked Supreme Court of British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) access into British territory of Diego Garcia and prevented Eelam Tamil migrants' court hearing, citing security concerns.

The Supreme Court of BIOT was due to hear a case this week on whether a group of Eelam Tamil migrants were being unlawfully detained on the island of Diego Garcia. The island has a complex administrative system with it falling under British control, deemed 'unlawful' by the United Nations' highest court, but also under partial control by the US via an agreement. The US military commander can refuse access to areas operated or controlled by the US military for security reasons. 

Last week, the US had sent a notification of a "withdrawal of consent" of access onto the island for lawyers representing the migrants, as well as the press, the BBC one which was due to attend. This withdrawal came a mere few hours before the relevant British personnel were to board the flight, late last Thursday. The "hearing is cancelled, " BIOT's deupty commissioner Nishi Dholakia explained, "as the room in which it was due to take place is inaccessible without US co-operation.".

The group of Tamils fled Sri Lanka in October 2021, attempting to reach Canada to claim asylum before their boat had come into trouble near Diego Garcia. The UN refugee agency UNHCR had released a damning report finding violence, abuse and arbitrary detention of the migrants in Diego Garcia. Allegations of sexual abuse against women and children were also presented to the UN inspectors. The UN report called for "immediate relocation" due to concerns of safety. Tom Short, a UK lawyer representing some of the migrants, said the cancellation of this week’s hearing had been “a devastating blow to our vulnerable clients”, and called for immediate re-arrangement. He continued that “It is of paramount importance to our clients that the Judge see the detention camp and that they attend a hearing in person.”. The US would be “willing to reconsider” withdrawing consent if the visit addressed its “security and operational concerns”.

Earlier this year in April, the British Supreme Court had ruled in favour of Eelam Tamil children held in Diego Garcia and found that key protections in the UK's Children's Act also applied to them.