Sri Lanka’s president Anura Kumara Dissanayake claimed that a prominent Tamil political leader has expressed interest in collaborating with the National People’s Power (NPP) after the upcoming general elections, as various Tamil parties called on the president to honour longstanding demands.

The announcement was made during a gathering of NPP candidates in Thalawathugodai on Sunday.

“We are going through a transition phase of gaining strong political power,” said Dissanayake. “Some decisions and actions require robust political authority.”

He then discussed the fleeting nature of political dominance in recent years, pointing out how previous presidents who secured significant parliamentary majorities, such as Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010 and Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2020, quickly lost their power. He warned that simply winning parliamentary seats does not guarantee lasting political strength.

In this context, Dissanayake’s mention of potential cooperation with a Tamil leader takes on added significance. “A well-known leader from the North informed me that his party is willing to work with the National People’s Power after the general elections,” he said.

Dissanayake also claimed that “even if this party does not choose to cooperate, the people of the North have already signalled their readiness to work with us.”

After Dissanayake was elected president last month, both the Tamil National People's Front (TNPF) leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam and Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) leader elect S. Shritharan called on him to embrace devolving power to the Tamil nation.  

The case regarding the mass grave at the Mannar 'Sathosa' site is set to be heard again in the Mannar Magistrate’s Court on Wednesday, according to lawyer V.S. Niranjan, who is representing the Tamil families of the disappeared.

The case, first initiated after the discovery of the mass grave in 2019 during construction work, has been contentious. The site, which contained 318 bodies, including 18 children, is under investigation for possible links to war crimes or other atrocities. The International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) reported that metal bindings, possibly used to tie victims' legs, were found at the site.

Skeletal remains were sent to Beta Analytics Inc. in Florida for carbon dating, which dated the grave between 1477 and 1719. However, local investigators, including Professor Somadeva, dispute these findings, believing the grave to be much more recent, likely tied to events in the last 30 years. These contradictions, along with delays and incomplete reports from medical officers, have raised concerns over transparency and whether justice for the victims will be served.

Excavations resumed under a media blackout last week and were led by Professor Raj Somadeva. Remains were packed and stored for further forensic analysis, which will reportedly help determine key details such as the period the remains belong to, their cause of death, age, and gender.

The 37th anniversary of the Kokkuvil Pirambadi massacre, when over fifty Tamil civilians were shot dead or crushed with an armoured vehicle by Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF), was commemorated in Jaffna on Monday.

The massacre is claimed to be the first of many by Indian troops during their occupation of the Tamil homeland in the late eighties. During the event, a lamp was lit, and flowers were offered to remember the lives lost in the massacre. 

On 11 October 1987, Indian forces in heavy military vehicles moved from their Elephant Pass military camp towards Jaffna. At the Puthukkaddu junction, the Indian forces jumped off their vehicles and started shooting at the people at the junction. Eight civilians were killed in this shooting and four more were injured.

According to a report from the North-East Secretariat on Human Rights (NESOHR), on October 12, 1987, the Indian forces stationed in the Palaly military camp advanced towards Jaffna town along the Railway Station Road. They subsequently rounded up civilians on Pirambadi Road and began firing at the residents in their homes. This senseless act of violence resulted in the deaths of 40 civilians, including women, children, and the elderly.

On the same day, another section of the IPKF moved along a different route and converged on Potpathi Road. They arrested the people living on that road and transported them to a community building located 400 meters north of the Kokuvil Pillayar temple. There, they ordered the people to lie on the road and ran heavy military vehicles over them.

“On that day, we heard heavy firing in the direction of my brother’s house,” said Thechenamoorthy Sivarajalingam, in an affidavit recorded by NESOHR. “I could go to his house only the next day around 7.00am. There I found the bodies of my brother, his wife, and their baby daughter inside the house. There were two more bodies in my brother’s house compound.”

“From about 1.00am on that day, we were all kept awake by the sound of gun fire,” said Nagalingam Nageswari, a survivor of the massacre. “About 5.30am, the Indian soldiers entered the compound of our house and asked us to come out of the house. While the soldiers were in our compound we heard shells exploding nearby. Then, perhaps frightened by the explosions, they turned their guns on us. They shot dead my brother and his six-year-old son Manoharan.”

A total of 64 lives were lost in this massacre. To date, no one has been held accountable.

A young Tamil man was severely injured today in the Kodikamam area of Jaffna after triggering an unexploded ordinance while working in a field. He was immediately rushed to Jaffna Teaching Hospital for urgent medical attention.

^{File photograph.}

A young Tamil man was severely injured today in the Kodikamam area of Jaffna after triggering an unexploded ordinance while working in a field. He was immediately rushed to Jaffna Teaching Hospital for urgent medical attention.

Initial investigations indicate that the explosion was caused by an ordinance left behind from the decades of armed conflict in the region. Sri Lankan police have reportedly launched an investigation into the incident to determine further details.

Even though the armed conflict ended over a decade ago, and Jaffna has been under Sri Lankan military occupation since at least 1995, unexploded remnants continue to pose a significant threat to the Tamil population.

These dangerous explosives are still found buried in fields, forests, and residential areas. The responsibility for clearing these explosives has been slow, leaving local communities vulnerable to these kinds of tragic accidents. They continue to persist despite the North-East being one of the most militarised places in the world per capita.

A protest was held in Jaffna on Monday to voice opposition against the opening of a liquor store in the area, as reports of alcoholism continues to plague the Tamil homeland.

The demonstration, organized by the Jaffna North Civil Society Association, took place in front of the Thellipalai Divisional Secretariat. Protesters expressed concerns about the negative impact of the liquor store on the local community, and a formal document outlining these concerns was submitted to the Divisional Secretary.

In Mannar last week, a group of Tamils, including elders, women, and men, protested against the opening of another liquor store. Despite strong objections from both the local population and religious leaders, authorities went ahead with granting the license to the store.

The protests underscore a broader resistance within the North-East against the normalization of alcohol sales, especially near youth centres, schools, and places of worship. Local communities have been clear in their stance, and despite initial promises from authorities to address these concerns, little progress has been made, leading to a rise in frustration and continued protests.

The community remains firm in its opposition, fearing that the presence of such establishments will have detrimental effects.

The Tamil homeland remains under military occupation, with locals stating that issues such as unemployment, alcoholism and drug use have grown under the Sri Lankan security forces.

The Sri Lankan state continued to target the Tamil families of the disappeared last week, as police issued another summons to Thambirasa Selvarani, the head of the Association for Enforced Disappearances (AERD) in Amparai.

Selvarani has been at the forefront of efforts to locate victims of enforced disappearances, and this is not the first time she has faced such intimidation. Sri Lankan authorities, particularly intelligence services and police, have routinely harassed and intimidated members of organizations like AERD, along with their families. The apparent aim is to stifle their voices and discourage them from continuing their campaign for justice regarding the missing.

Thambirasa Selvarani, head of #AERD in Amparai, who is among those in the forefront seeking to find the victims of #EnforcedDisappearances, was summoned by the police on allegations of attempts to reinvigorate the now military defeated #Tamil Tigers.
https://t.co/yW5WFEvk9G

— LankaFiles (@lankafiles) October 11, 2024

International organisations such as uman Rights Watch (HRW) have highlighted the Sri Lankan government’s persistent persecution of Tamil families of the disappeared. The organization noted the state's ongoing efforts to suppress the voices of those demanding truth and justice. HRW remarked that through harassment, the government "resists any progress to address the terrible legacy of enforced disappearances, and instead compounds the anguish of victims' families."

This persecution extends to blocking peaceful demonstrations. On the International Day of the Disappeared earlier this year, Tamil families across the Tamil homeland organized protests to mark the occasion. In response, police in Trincomalee secured a court order to prevent these peaceful demonstrations, citing potential ethnic tensions, public disturbance, and threats to national security.

"The relatives of the disappeared experience the daily torment of not knowing what happened to their family members," said Meenakshi Ganguly, Deputy Asia Director at HRW. "State agencies have cruelly compounded this suffering by trying to silence them. Hundreds of mothers, wives, and others have passed away without ever learning the fate of their loved ones, and many more fear they might not live to see justice served."

For individuals like Selvarani, this harassment is part of a broader strategy by the Sri Lankan state to suppress calls for justice.

Tens of thousands of Tamils were killed or disappeared by the Sri Lankan state. Despite several years of protesting and demands for justice, the state has refused to answer questions on the whereabouts of their loved ones or co-operate with any international accountability mechanisms.

Amnesty International has welcomed the recent adoption of a United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution on Sri Lanka, emphasizing the need for continued international scrutiny to address ongoing human rights concerns in the country.

Amnesty International has welcomed the recent adoption of a United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution on Sri Lanka, emphasizing the need for continued international scrutiny to address ongoing human rights concerns in the country. The resolution, passed at the 57th session of the UNHRC, extends the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the Sri Lanka Accountability Project by one year.

Babu Ram Pant, Deputy Regional Director for South Asia at Amnesty International, highlighted the importance of this extension in maintaining global oversight of Sri Lanka’s human rights situation.

“The adoption of the UN Human Rights Council’s resolution underscores the continued need for international scrutiny on human rights concerns in Sri Lanka,” Pant said.

Amnesty International called on the new government to fully cooperate with the UNHRC and the OHCHR’s Accountability Project, breaking from past practices of resistance to international mechanisms. Pant expressed concern that the Sri Lankan government had maintained its opposition to evidence gathering by the UN, which raises doubts about its commitment to accountability.

“It was disappointing therefore that the government instead chose to continue past policy and express opposition to evidence gathering by the UN,” Pant noted. “This casts a shadow on the government’s willingness to utilise available resources to ensure accountability for serious human rights violations and risks perpetuation of deep-rooted impunity.”

“With this resolution, the international community should step up its engagement with the new Sri Lankan government towards meaningful progress on truth, justice, and reparations. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka must fully cooperate with UN human rights mechanisms, including the Accountability Project, and demonstrate its commitment towards all victims and survivors who have been waiting for justice and accountability for the serious human rights violations and other crimes under international law,” Pant said.

The People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL) called on United Nations member states to take "swift action" to bring Sri Lankan perpetrators of human rights abuses to justice using the evidence collected by the OHCHR mandated Sri Lanka Accountability Project. 

Last week the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) passed a resolution which extends the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for a further year so that it can continue collecting evidence of Sri Lanka's human rights violations that may be used in future war crimes trials.

Although PEARL welcomed the UN resolution, they called on the international community to pursue "broader accountability efforts" for Sri Lanka's human rights abuses. 

"Member states should heed the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’s call to investigate and prosecute perpetrators through universal jurisdiction and other international legal options, including the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court," PEARL said. 

The new Sri Lankan government rejected the resolution and claimed that it will pursue domestic mechanisms to address accountability and reconciliation. 

In their statement, PEARL highlighted that Sri Lanka's promises of reconciliation "ring hollow" as human rights abuses such as land grabs, heavy militarisation, attacks on Tamil memorialisation, and surveillance, intimidation and harassment of human rights activists are ongoing in the North-East. 

The advocacy organisation went on to add that domestic mechanisms are "a disturbing reminder of the deep entrenchment of the culture of impunity, and Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarianism in Sri Lanka’s state structures and the general public in the South."

Read PEARL's full statement here. 

Amid heavy rains, Eelam Tamil farmers from Manthai West gathered in protest last week, demanding the return of their ancestral lands, which are at risk of colonisation from Sinhala settlers.

These lands, particularly the Cholamandala Pond land in Iluppaikadavi, under the Manthai West Divisional Secretary Division, have been cultivated by Tamil farmers for over 30 years, and now face the threat of losing them to external settlers.

On Thursday dozens of farmers braved the rain to assert their rights to continue farming these lands. Organized by the Federation of Community Based Organizations and led by union president V. S. Sivakaran, the protest drew significant attention. Among the participants was prominent human rights activist Reverend S. Jayapalan Adikalar. Protesters carried banners with slogans like "Are government officials aligned with land mafias?", "Don’t deceive the poor farmers", and "How can our land be given to outsiders and people from Colombo?"

The farmers allege that despite their decades-long cultivation, authorities have granted land rights to settlers from outside the North-East, leaving them without formal land documentation. Despite numerous meetings and petitions to local authorities, including lists of farmers eligible for land rights submitted to the Divisional Secretary, no resolution has been achieved. Union president Sivakaran expressed the frustration of the local farmers, noting that despite over 30 years of cultivation, they lack legal documents for their land. "Despite writing to four presidents, no action has been taken," he lamented.

A decision had been reached at a previous meeting at the President's Secretariat to allocate 200 acres of the 250-acre land to 100 local farmers (each receiving two acres), with the remaining 50 acres designated for 10 settlers from outside the district. However, the local Department has refused to grant permission to implement this agreement, placing the livelihoods of the farmers at risk as the new cultivation season approaches. The farmers questioned why the land had to be given to those outside of the district and given the long-standing nature of the issue, why the government has not sough to resolve the matter.

Earlier in June this year, the same organization sent a letter to then-President Ranil Wickremesinghe, requesting the release of these lands to Tamil farmers so they could cultivate without fear.

Despite more than 15 years that have passed since the Mullivaikkal genocide and the end of Sri Lanka's armed conflict, the Sri Lankan government and armed forces continue to occupy large portions of land historically belonging to the Tamil people, exacerbating tensions and hindering the region's recovery.

Several Tamil political parties submitted their nomination papers for the upcoming parliamentary elections, as nominations closed last week.

Members of the Democratic Tamil National Alliance, including former MPs Selvam Adikakalanathan, Sivasakthi Anandan, Mayuran Senthilnathan, Kandiah Sivanesan, former Divisional Councilor K. Vijinthan, Democratic Party spokesperson K. Tulsi, and former cadre Yashodini, all submitted their nominations last week. Several party supporters were present at the time. 

Several members of the Ilankai Arasu Tamil Katchi (ITAK) also filed their nomination papers, amidst ongoing turbulence within the party. Before making their submission, all of them also visited the statue of SJV Chelavanayakam, where they paid tribute to him. The group included M.A. Sumanthiran, S. Shritharan, Sukirthan, Kesavan Sayanathan, Emanuel Arnold, T, Prakash, C. Surekha and Krishnaveni.

Meanwhile, several independent candidates also filed nominations, including Dr. Archchuna Ramanathan.

It has been a week of mixed messaging from Washington on Sri Lanka. In Geneva on Wednesday, the United States as a leading member of the Core Group, successfully led a United Nations Human Rights Council resolution on accountability for war crimes and called for an end to impunity on the island. But in Colombo the very next day, the US gifted the military responsible for those very war crimes a brand new aircraft, whilst pledging to build closer ties. These seemingly hypocritical actions are not new.

^{Illustration:  Aravinthan Ganeshan}

It has been a week of mixed messaging from Washington on Sri Lanka. In Geneva on Wednesday, the United States as a leading member of the Core Group, successfully led a United Nations Human Rights Council resolution on accountability for war crimes and called for an end to impunity on the island. But in Colombo the very next day, the US gifted the military responsible for those very war crimes a brand new aircraft, whilst pledging to build closer ties. These seemingly hypocritical actions are not new. US foreign policy has long been marked by engagement with regimes accused of human rights abuses. But history has repeatedly shown that bolstering institutions responsible for mass atrocities does not bring stability. If the US truly wants the security in the Indo-Pacific it claims to seek, it must prioritise accountability first. Genuine peace cannot be built on the backs of war criminals.

As US Navy Admiral Steve Koehler declared “the United States and Sri Lanka are doing more together as professional militaries than ever before”. Over the years, that has certainly become the case. Though military cooperation was restricted in light of the 2009 Mullivaikkal genocide and the torrent of rights violations it entailed, recent years have seen those relations grow. US troops have been delivering more regular training to their Sri Lankan counterparts and more military equipment is being transferred.

Washington’s focus on the Indo-Pacific may explain its eagerness to build stronger ties. But in doing so, it has decided to make bedfellows with war criminals. Rather than distancing itself from these atrocities, the US has paradoxically chosen to draw closer to them. The presence of figures like Sri Lanka’s new defence secretary Sampath Thuyacontha - who is accused of partaking in the atrocities of 2009 - at US-sponsored events shows a glaring disregard for justice. These men continue to benefit from systemic impunity within Sri Lanka, and Washington’s failure to even condition military aid on tangible accountability only enables it further.

With not a single person having been brought to justice for the genocide, individuals such as Thuyacontha litter the entire Sri Lankan system. Indeed, Sri Lankan institutions themselves, including the newly elected government, have made clear that they would continue to shield them from prosecution. Even under this government, Sri Lanka remains an island mired in impunity, trapped in the midst of militarisation and simmering ethnic tensions. Tamils in particular continue to live under military occupation, with intimidation, surveillance and harassment routine. Combined with state-sponsored colonisation and the ongoing land grabs of the North-East, the island remains a breeding ground for the instability that the US claims to want to avoid. Washington’s strategy is both troubling and self-defeating.

The timing of the latest military donation is particularly galling, a day after the passing of a UN resolution on continuing to collect evidence of war crimes. US participation in leading the resolution, while simultaneously strengthening the Sri Lankan military, undermines its credibility altogether and demonstrates how toothless the Human Rights Council has become. While some claim it is important to maintain international attention on Sri Lanka, the resolutions have lost their bite. What good are these annual exercises at Geneva if the US and other global powers continue to normalise relations with those responsible for the massacres? Without tangible consequences—such as prosecutions, sanctions, asset freezes, or restrictions on military and economic cooperation—they risk becoming empty gestures.

This lack of follow-through has clearly emboldened Sri Lanka’s government. Even this new regime – one that repeatedly promised ‘system change’ - has made abundantly clear that it still has no intention of pursuing justice. And worryingly, it signals to others around the world that accountability can be ignored. For the US this aspect cannot be overlooked, particularly given the devastation in Gaza and how Washington has come under increasing fire for turning a blind eye to the abuses in the Middle East. Its credibility as a self-proclaimed promoter of human rights, justice and democracy has been hugely undermined, and its reputation in the global South tarnished. Around the world, and across the Tamil homeland, many have questioned whether the values of international law apply equally, or even at all. Frustration is growing.

At a time when faith in international norms surrounding accountability and justice is weakening and US influence waning, Washington has a chance to try and reverse that trend. Prioritising the eradication of impunity and meaningful reform is the only way to build an environment that is more stable, secure and respectful of international values.

TJ Gnanavel’s previous feature film, Surya starrer ‘Jai Bhim’ was received with widespread acclaim, causing a movement to submit the film as India’s official selection for the Academy Award for Best International Feature. The film did not work for me, however, and the entire movement felt like an extreme overreaction for a mediocre film - an issue which plagues the Tamil film industry, where the ‘message’ of a film often trumps the quality of it. There were no issues with the content of the film on paper, instead the issues lying with Gnanavel as a director, and the choices he made with how the film was presented. These issues are much more visible in Gnanavel’s latest film ‘Vettaiyan’ starring Kollywood titan Rajinikanth. 

TJ Gnanavel’s previous feature film, Surya starrer ‘Jai Bhim’ was received with widespread acclaim, causing a movement to submit the film as India’s official selection for the Academy Award for Best International Feature. The film did not work for me, however, and the entire movement felt like an overreaction for a mediocre film - an issue which plagues the Tamil film industry: the ‘message’ of a film often trumps the quality of it. There were no issues with the content of the film on paper, instead the issues lying with Gnanavel as a director, and directorial choices. These issues are much more visible in Gnanavel’s latest film ‘Vettaiyan’ starring Kollywood titan Rajinikanth. 

The film follows an ‘encounter’ specialist Athiyan, a police inspector who is renowned in the force for placing his own conscience above the law, setting up scenarios where guilty criminals are assassinated instead of being presented to a court of law. A case involving school teacher Saranya (Dhushara Vijayan) causes Athiyan to reconsider his moral compass. Once again, Gnanavel has an eye for engaging topics of discussion and stories. However, the film falters massively in almost every other aspect. 

Thankfully, for most of its runtime, ‘Vettaiyan’ forgets it is a Rajinikanth film. There are inevitable moments of slow-motion and roaring music as expected, but most of the film plays as a standard police procedural, focusing on its story more than conforming to the conventions of a ‘star’ vehicle. Hopefully there is a trend of Rajinikanth selecting roles that prioritise the script over appeasing the fans. The rest of the cast is not given much to explore however, mostly portraying thinly written characters. An attempt at drawing in a Pan-Indian audience is evident through stars from major industries making appearances. Amitabh Bhachan plays Human Rights attorney Sathyadev. Rana Daggubati fulfils a now cliched trope as antagonist Nataraj. The biggest issue in the film is the character of Patrick a.k.a. Battery, Athiyan’s tech wiz/right hand man, played by Fahadh Faasil. The role felt wasted on a talent like Faasil, and the character’s attempts at humour and levity mostly felt clunky and awkward. The female supporting cast are not given enough screen time or importance to comment on. Dhushara Vijayan is great as she usually is. However, Ritika Singh and Manju Warrier’s characters felt superfluous. 

Another issue for Gnanavel is the distinct lack of directorial voice in his films. His films are blandly shot with no visual stamp, separating him from his peers. The stunt choreography by Anbariv stands out as creative. A POV fight sequence and dynamic camera movement are creative workarounds for filming action blocks with an ageing star. SR Kathir’s cinematography serves the film and does not go above board. Philomin Raj’s editing choices also may have added to the aforementioned ‘clunkiness’ of the film. 

The greatest mismatch, however, is Anirudh Ravichander’s score for the film. Anirudh refuses to budge from his typical maximalist sounds, which play as tone deaf in this film. There are no rules for art, but his music choices for a police procedural feel strange. ‘Hunter Vantaar’ is the old wine in a new bottle formula of hype music that Anirudh has been dishing out for a while. The hit song ‘Manasilayo’ does not tread new territory, other than a horrid use of AI to recreate Malaysia Vasudevan’s voice. 

Overall, tasteless is a word that comes to mind when reviewing ‘Vettaiyan.’ There are too many moments, sequences and scenes in the film that baffle the viewer at their inclusion. If these had been removed, ‘Vettaiyan’ could have been a decent police procedural drama. Hopefully there will be a Rajinikanth film in the future where we do not see him for the first time onscreen through a burning end of a cigar. If you enjoyed ‘Vettaiyan,’ I would recommend the miniseries ‘Suzhal’ and ‘The Fable of Velonie.’

Krishna's rating: 2.5 stars

___

Official trailer for film below. 

In a significant political development ahead of Sri Lanka's parliamentary on November 14, several senior members of the Rajapaksa family have reportedly decided not to contest the upcoming polls.

Former Presidents Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa, along with former MPs Basil and Chamal Rajapaksa, will not participate in the parliamentary elections.

However, Namal Rajapaksa, former minister and son of Mahinda Rajapaksa, is expected to lead the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) election campaign. Initially, reports suggested that Namal would contest from the Kurunegala district, but sources now indicate that he has chosen to enter Parliament via the National List and has not filed nomination papers for a constituency seat.

The Sri Lankan Elections Commission announced today that the nomination period for the 2024 General Election has closed, and neither Namal Rajapaksa nor Mahinda Rajapaksa have filed papers. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s decision not to contest represents a notable shift for the family, which has long been a dominant force in Sri Lankan politics.

Mahinda Rajapaksa has been a towering figure in Sri Lankan politics for decades. The staunch Sinhala nationalist first entered Parliament in 1970 and went on to wield significant political power throughout the years, serving as Prime Minister in 2004 and later as President from 2005 to 2015. During his presidency, he consolidated his family’s influence over Sri Lankan politics, appointing his brothers and other family members to key government positions. His tenure was marked by allegations of corruption, authoritarianism, and widespread human rights abuses.

Read more: 15 years today - A massacre in Mullivaikkal

Mahinda’s rule is particularly infamous for its role in the brutal military campaign that culminated in the genocidal slaughter of Tamil civilians in 2009. During the final stages of the armed conflict in 2009, under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidency, the Sri Lankan military launched an offensive that indiscriminately targeted Tamil civilians. Estimates suggest that more than 160,000 Tamil civilians were killed or disappeared in the final months of the war, as Sri Lankan forces shelled no-fire zones, hospitals, and civilians fleeing the conflict.

These actions have been increasingly condemned as a genocide. Despite mounting evidence of atrocities, Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brothers, including Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who was the Secretary of Defence at the time, have consistently denied responsibility and refused to cooperate with international investigations.

Namal Rajapaksa’s role as campaign leader signifies a generational shift in the family's political strategy. He recently stood as a candidate in this year’s presidential polls, though was soundly defeated. Nevertheless, the venture was thought to be a test run for the 38-year-old.

Read more: Who is Namal Rajapaksa?

The 37th commemoration of the death of 2nd Lt. Maalathy, the first female fighter to die in the ranks of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), was held across the North-East this week.

2nd Lt. Maalathy, died at the age of 20 on October 10, 1987, during a battle with the Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) in Jaffna. As the first female combatant of the LTTE to die in battle, her death marked a pivotal moment in the Tamil armed struggle, embedding her legacy deeply within the Tamil community.

Mannar

In Mannar, her family joined former LTTE members, and community members to pay their respects. A public flame was lit in her memory, followed by the laying of garlands and floral tributes at her memorial.

Kilinochchi

In Kilinochchi, an event was organized by the Dharmapuram regional branch of ITAK and saw the participation of several prominent figures and community members.

Tamil MP Sivajnanam Shritharan delivered a speech honoring Maalathy's legacy and the broader struggle for Tamil rights. During the ceremony, Shritharan distributed educational materials to 200 students from underprivileged families in the Kandavel region.

Also present at the event were Northern Provincial Council's former Minister of Education Thambirasa Kurukularaja and Pradeshiya Sabha member Sanmukharaja Jeevaraja. The ceremony drew attendees from the local community, including students, who paid their respects to Maalathy.

Jaffna
 

Another memorial was organised in Jaffna by the Tamil National People's Front (TNPF). Party leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam joined other activists and community members in commemorating Maalathy/