Sri Lanka’s so-called “political earthquake” saw the election of a president from outside the traditional political elites for the first time. Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s election, while an obvious upset and challenge to the ruling elite, promises to maintain some of the more embedded, structural problems of the Sri Lankan state. The Tamil people’s scepticism of his party is apparent in the voting pattern in the North-East, as they largely voted for the Samagi Jana Balawegaya’s (SJB) Sajith Premadasa and the civil society-backed independent candidate Ariyanethiran Pakkiyaselvam. Both candidates were backed by political elites in the Tamil polity around the Ilankai Arasu Tamil Katchi (ITAK), the Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA) and the Tamil Makkal Kootani (TMK), amidst bitter infighting between these former alliance partners. Muslims there also largely backed Premadasa, indicating that the North-East overall had no appetite to experiment with an unproven leader from a party with a chauvinist and violent history. However, some of Dissanayake’s moves since the elections, especially those aimed at reducing corruption, have garnered him some support, even amongst a usually cynical Tamil electorate. The bar after all is low – Tamil representatives are not able and Sinhala representatives are not willing to address deep-rooted issues. 

^{A Tamil man waves a red and yellow flow at the Pottuvil to Polikandy protest in 2021.}

Sri Lanka’s so-called “political earthquake” saw the election of a president from outside the traditional political elites for the first time. Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s election, while an obvious upset and challenge to the ruling elite, promises to maintain some of the more embedded, structural problems of the Sri Lankan state. The Tamil people’s scepticism of his party is apparent in the voting pattern in the North-East, as they largely voted for the Samagi Jana Balawegaya’s (SJB) Sajith Premadasa and the civil society-backed independent candidate Ariyanethiran Pakkiyaselvam. Both candidates were backed by political elites in the Tamil polity around the Ilankai Arasu Tamil Katchi (ITAK), the Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA) and the Tamil Makkal Kootani (TMK), amidst bitter infighting between these former alliance partners. Muslims there also largely backed Premadasa, indicating that the North-East overall had no appetite to experiment with an unproven leader from a party with a chauvinist and violent history. However, some of Dissanayake’s moves since the elections, especially those aimed at reducing corruption, have garnered him some support, even amongst a usually cynical Tamil electorate. The bar after all is low – Tamil representatives are not able and Sinhala representatives are not willing to address deep-rooted issues. 

Tamils are fed up with the status quo. The prevailing anti-establishment sentiment is reflected in the fact that the 12 seats open in the Jaffna and Vanni electoral districts are contested by over 800 contestants, the vast majority of whom are independent candidates. Addressing the mere basics, such as day-to-day economic grievances, means a lot in a country like Sri Lanka, which has been wracked by instability for decades. The splintering of Tamil parties, all vying for votes with roughly the same nationalist (or pseudo-nationalist) platforms, may also lower each party’s vote share. This could well mean that Dissanayake’s National People’s Power (NPP) alliance gains seats in the traditional Tamil strongholds in the North-East in November’s parliamentary elections. While some may be tempted to interpret this as the beginning of the end for Tamil nationalism, the possible decimation of the Tamil legacy parties in this election could actually be a boon for the movement. Here’s why: 

While Tamil electoral politics is intrinsically linked to Tamil nationalism, many commentators take the parties’ performances as an indicator of the public’s commitment to Tamil nationalism. But it is important to recognise the political actors in these fields as dependent on societal currents, rather than the other way around. Tamil nationalism as a taken-for-granted practice and everyday orientation remained in the aftermath of the war, however, it was forced below the surface by a highly repressive state. As Sri Lanka became increasingly constrained by international scrutiny of its conduct, Tamils slowly regained the confidence to express these sentiments. Overtly nationalist rallies draw large crowds, and the observance of events drenched in symbols and practices introduced by the LTTE has increased significantly, especially after the first defeat of the hardcore Sinhala chauvinist Rajapaksa government in 2015. Furthermore, while some may distinguish between “moderate” and “radical” forms of Tamil nationalism, this is a false dichotomy. Whether it is Sumanthiran’s ITAK, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party’s Ankajan Ramanathan, or the United National Party’s Vijayakala Maheswaran – virtually all electoral candidates vying for Tamil votes claim proximity to the LTTE and the Tamil nationalist movement. More recently, at an NPP rally in Point Pedro, even Dissanayake’s supporters courted voters by comparing him positively to LTTE leader V Prabhakaran. Some critics continue to insist that Tamils have moved on from nationalist principles, abhor the LTTE and are not interested in self-determination. However, if that was the case, the winning strategy for electoral campaigns would be to explicitly criticise the LTTE and ideas of Tamil nationhood. It is significant that none of the major Tamil parties can afford to run on such a platform - it would be a guaranteed campaign killer.

In the post-war period, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) which at one point or another included the ITAK, the members of the DTNA, and the TMK, rode on the past endorsement by the LTTE, maintaining its position as the central Tamil party. While they struck a more moderate tone through their Colombo-centric engagement with the outside world, in their constituencies across the North-East they were unapologetically pro-LTTE and pro-Tamil Eelam. But this was not a principled commitment to the Tamil cause. While at every election they would promise a resolution was forthcoming, claiming they were the true heirs of the LTTE, they bartered away Tamil positions in Colombo. Meanwhile, some of their MPs built fiefdoms in their constituencies, allegedly promising jobs and liquor licences, helping acquaintances open lucrative bars in a post-armed conflict climate that has been plagued by alcoholism. The formerly pro-state paramilitaries Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO), People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), and Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), later left the TNA and came together to form the DTNA. Members of this alliance are also alleged to have engaged in corruption and patronage politics. They are broadly seen to be close to India’s security services. Former Chief Justice Wigneswaran formed the TMK, which, while it didn’t join the DTNA, worked closely with them on several issues.

The TNA, which by this point consisted of solely the ITAK, further disintegrated after the death of veteran leader R Sampanthan earlier this year. Senior ITAK party figures S Shritharan and M A Sumanthiran became engaged in an ongoing battle for the party leadership that came to the forefront during the presidential election. In a farcical spectacle showcasing the disarray in the party, its members split with ITAK MPs variably backed Ariyanethiran, Premadasa and even Ranil Wickremesinghe. Some individuals even switched allegiances multiple times, rumoured to be due to backdoor horsetrading, the details of which remain unclear. During the same election campaign, the DTNA meanwhile piggybacked on the civil society initiative supporting the Tamil common candidate Ariyanethiran under the “conch” symbol. As a friend in Colombo put it to me, the reason for this range of politicians jumping on the “conch” bandwagon was to build legitimacy for the anticipated parliamentary elections. Indeed, earlier this month the DTNA hijacked the common candidate’s symbol for their own party, announcing that they would contest the parliamentary election under the conch. The TMK split off to contest under their own symbol, the deer. Other disgruntled former ITAK members who were not selected as candidates, including the proprietor of the Uthayan, E Saravanapavan, have now banded together under the “mango” symbol. Meanwhile, Sumanthiran and Shritharan appeared to have agreed on a truce for the forthcoming elections, happily campaigning together. 

The fall of the TNA in recent years, coupled with the infighting within the hitherto strongest party ITAK, means the playing field is full of contestants from legacy parties, each claiming to be true Tamil nationalists while positioning themselves to continue a patronage-based politics which has won them votes in the past, but offering no real political progress on the Tamil question. Even Wigneswaran, who appeared as the quintessential educated conservative elder Jaffna statesman, was caught up in the liquor licence controversy. When put to him by the media, he responded by saying that he was just helping a struggling Tamil woman. This is textbook corruption and nepotism. Too many of those active in Tamil politics operate in this culture of patronage and exchange of favours, using political power and money. 

The only major party not tainted by corruption and nepotism is the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF). The TNPF, along with its charismatic leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, enjoys a reputation of integrity and commitment to progressive Tamil nationalist principles that go beyond its immediate support base. The TNPF can arguably claim to be truest to the TNA’s founding principles and Ponnambalam has impressed people in Sri Lanka across the ethnic divides with his articulation of issues affecting the country more broadly, including during the economic crisis and his defence of the Muslim community during the forced cremation issue. He even became the first Tamil politician on the island to speak out for LGBTQ rights. There have been no allegations of corruption, patronage or nepotism. However, the party’s strong commitment to principles sometimes veers into intransigence and parochialism, with some of its members quick to chastise other Tamil nationalists as “collaborators”. While in some instances this may well be true, a platform that’s reliant on oppositional politics isn’t sufficient to win over the Tamil electorate, in particular when their main target, the TNA, has fallen apart. This means, that while the party has made significant gains in recent elections, it remains to be seen whether they can take over the mantle of the TNA as the predominant Tamil party.

All Tamil parties fall short on the question of gender. The last female Tamil nationalist MP was Pathmini Sithamparanathan of the TNPF, who did not stand for re-election in 2010. While all four of the described collectives are fielding women candidates in this election, the central committees and core membership of the parties remain male-dominated, in stark contrast to the leadership of nationalist protests across the North-East, on issues such as enforced disappearances and land grabs. In the protests, in civil society organisations and as individual activists, Tamil women play a disproportionate role in mobilising against the Sri Lankan state. This is true of the diaspora too. Organisations such as PEARL, the Tamil Youth Organisation or the Tamil Rights Group have consistently boasted a young, dynamic membership with a large proportion or even majority of women. These progressive groups maintain close ties to student groups, and civil society, but also their own personal connections throughout the North-East. This means that while Tamil party political spaces are dominated by men of a certain age and class, this does not reflect the reality of the diverse movement. However, their domination in political spaces has stifled progress, restricting participation by all sections of society, which has hindered the advancement of the Tamil struggle. The dominance of patriarchy in politics is not unique to Tamils, and indeed a common dynamic across the world, however, the current Tamil political actors have failed to build on progress made on gender issues within the Tamil resistance to the Sri Lankan state.

Given the abject failure of the Tamil parties to deliver on past election pledges, it is therefore understandable if a section of the Tamil electorate decides to vote for a party that is perceived to be able to at least address some issues, such as the NPP. This isn’t new – the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP), a Tamil client party to the Sinhala ethnocracy comparable to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and the Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC), but with a violent paramilitary past, has its strongholds in areas where they run their own patronage networks. The Tamils who vote for them don’t necessarily do so because they abhor Tamil nationalism, but for practical reasons. Indeed, during my stay in a village in Vadamaraadchi, I spoke to a local EPDP member who had helped make decorations for the LTTE’s remembrance day, Maaveerar Naal. Electoral politics is transactional and the disastrous performance of the major Tamil parties in delivering on their election pledges means it is not surprising if there is a turn away from these parties, especially in underprivileged areas outside the Jaffna peninsula.  

In the immediate aftermath of last month’s presidential election, there was an unmistakable buzz about Dissanayake, even amongst Tamils, as he pressed ahead with his highly publicised moves against corruption, including the dramatic seizure of governmental luxury cars. However, the sheen is already starting to wear off. His appointment of accused war criminals and rejection of accountability processes is making headlines in the Tamil press and the party’s past statements rejecting calls for devolution of powers are circulating. But the Tamils who will vote for him despite this are not necessarily doing so because they don’t care about accountability for the genocide or the Tamil national question. It is because the expectations on anyone to deliver on these issues are low, and the NPP is perceived to be able to at least address other important issues, such as alleviating economic hardship. 

Like the other Sinhala parties, Dissanayake does not even recognise the Tamil national question as an issue, at most seeing it as individualist humanitarian concerns, rather than a collective resistance to the ethnocracy he now heads. This is the dilemma he and any leader in Sri Lanka face –the Eelam Tamil people collectively continue to reject governance by the Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony. The ability to address day-to-day issues may garner some Tamil support at some elections, but ultimately the Eelam Tamil people continue to reject the constitution which centralises power in the Sinhala-Buddhist ethnocracy. From the perspective of the state, the key question is, why do they need to engage Tamil political parties if they have nothing to offer? At least the EPDP could offer its support in parliament in return for cabinet positions. But especially in more recent years during which ITAK offered support for a southern party, this support has been inconsequential – ITAK does not command the Tamil vote anymore and thus lost its value to the Sri Lankan state. This also means that ITAK is unable to keep even the most basic promises to its electorate, as it has no leverage in Colombo.  

A collapse of the complacent and stagnant Tamil political party system could therefore invigorate the Tamil struggle outside the strictures of electoral politics. This wouldn’t be new for Tamil nationalism. After the TULF spearheaded the clarion call for Tamil liberation through the Vaddukkodai Resolution in 1976, its leadership made concession after concession to the Sri Lankan state, eventually conceding itself into irrelevance by the early 1980s. Tamil party politics remained insignificant, dominated by paramilitaries and moderates who saw no way other than to collaborate with the Sri Lankan state. It was the LTTE that set the parameters of political engagement or war, determining the direction of the Tamil liberation struggle. The Tamil parties only became significant when the LTTE approved a civil society initiative to form a coalition of some of these parties under the TNA label in 2000. For better or for worse, this rejuvenated a Colombo-centric Tamil parliamentary polity. But the time has come to shift the focus away from party politics in order to focus on strengthening and institutionalising the thriving social movement, and restructuring institutions and civil society in order to bolster these vibrant grassroots initiatives. The sheer volume of new candidates across the North-East is indicative of a highly politicised population and new blood will emerge from this. The old guard must make way for the next phase of the struggle.

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Mario Arulthas is a PhD candidate in the Department of Politics and International Studies at SOAS, University of London.

A Sri Lankan minister has said an Indian article regarding a US$5 billion road-and-rail link connecting India to the North-East was “misleading” after claiming “off the record” remarks were used to claim the agreement to construct it was in the “closing stages”.

In an article that appeared on Mint, Sri Lanka's Environment Secretary B. K. Prabath Chandrakeerth was quoted as stating “last month I participated in one meet­ing with India in New Delhi, and we are going to estab­lish the high­way and railway line connectivity between Rameswaram in India and Trincomalee in Sri Lanka”.

 “This is being planned as busi­ness­men in both countries have to pay more and with the road and rail connectivity, both parties can get help because it will help in trade with European and other coun­tries. Indian busi­ness­men can also get some benefits from Sri Lanka as well.”

“This link will facilitate smoother trade not only between the two nations but also with European and other international markets” Chandrakeerthi was quoted as saying in the Mint. “The cost of the project is still not final­ized. We have to have more dis­cus­sion about that, but I think it is estim­ated to be nearly $5 billion… It will entirely be borne by the Indian government.”

However, shortly after publication, Chandrakeerthi told Factcrescendo “that the conversation with the Mint journalist Puja Das was casual, and he was not told it was on record”.

“In response to our queries, the media secretary for the Sri Lankan Transport Ministry has also denied any knowledge of the said project's discussions,” Factcrescendo added.

“Puja Das, the journalist from Mint, confirmed that the conversation occurred at a dinner reception at the French Embassy in Colombo. She states that Chandrakeerthi was her direct source of information and that she possessed both a recording and a transcript of the conversation.”

New Delhi has long sought to increase connectivity with the island, with ferry and air services resuming in recent years. The Indian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Santhosh Jha previously detailed how his government was “taking the first steps” to construct a land corridor between the two regions, calling it a “game-changing initiative”.

“Connectivity undoubtedly is the central pillar of our emerging partnership,” said Jha. “When I speak of connectivity, I mean all its dimensions – air, maritime, trade, digital, energy or people-to-people connectivity. Daily flights between Jaffna and Chennai and the launch of ferry services between India and Northern Sri Lanka are some of the latest steps in this direction.”

“We will continue to add to the existing multiple nodes of air and maritime connectivity,” he continued.

The Times of India also said earlier this year that the Indian government is likely to carry a feasibility study for the construction of a 23-kilometer bridge connecting Tamil Nadu’s Dhanushkodi to Tamil Eelam’s Talaimannar.

This initiative stems from an agreement between India and Sri Lanka to explore the feasibility of establishing land access to the ports of Trincomalee and Colombo, and is part of a long standing push from Delhi to promote greater linkages with the Tamil North-East.

Sri Lanka’s Foreign Affairs Secretary, Aruni Wijewardane, is set to address the upcoming BRICS Outreach and BRICS Plus Summit in Kazan, Russian Federation, as the country awaits a decision on its request to join BRICS and its new Development Bank.

The summit is being hosted by Russia’s president Vladimir Putin and comes as Russia continues to wage with western-backed Ukraine. Whilst Sri Lanka has abstained from condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, there have been multiple reports of Sri Lankan soldiers dying whilst fighting for and against the Russian army on the front lines in Ukraine.

Sri Lanka’s newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has written to Putin to express his interest BRICS membership whilst Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister, Vijitha Herath, has written to other BRIC members urging for their support. 

Song Wei, a professor from the School of International Relations and Diplomacy at Beijing Foreign Studies University, has noted the growing desire for BRICS membership across developing countries. 

"For developing countries, the path to development lies in united self-improvement and strategic alignment through economic and trade cooperation, rather than excessive reliance on support from developed nations," she told the Global Times.

BRICS was initially formed in 2009 and its original membership comprised of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. There has been a steady growth to this members and the organisation has gained four new members this year: Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the UAE.

In a landmark judgement, a three-member committee, headed by retired High Court Judge Aadambaragay Nilanthi Jayaki de Alwis, claimed that information of the Easter Sunday bombings, which killed over 280 people, had not reached former Sri Lankan president Mathiripala Sirisena prior to the attack. 

The judgement is sharp disagreement with a prior judgement from Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court which fined the former president 100 million rupees for his failure to prevent the attack. The court’s judgement was premised on an understanding that he was alerted to intelligence detailing the impending bombing

However, the committee did not give the former president a clean record. In discussing his culpability, they note that considering that matter was “beyond their mandate” but stressed that “his actions overall contributed to the deterioration of security in the country, as reflected in the highly irregular proceedings of the National Security Council.

The committee also does not comment on the conduct of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), which has been accused of involvement in the Easter Sunday bombings.

Economy Next summarises the committee’s 47-page report noting that the “thrust of the report is to apportion blame to [Ravi] Seneviratne and his main lieutenant, Shani Abeysekera, the key detective who investigated corruption and murder allegations relating to members of the Rajapaksa family”. Seneviratne had served, at the time of the attack, as Sri Lanka’s Criminal Investigation Department’s Deputy Inspector General of Police.

The committee’s report was submitted to former president Wickremesinghe three days ahead of the presidential election that saw victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The report was later leaked by former MP Udaya Gammanpila, who has since demanded that Seneviratne be removed from his current position as Secretary of the Ministry of Public Security.

Sri Lanka’s Public Security Minister Vijitha Herath has rejected the committee’s findings claiming that they are “politically motivated”. He questioned de Alwis’s character highlighting that she had been disciplined for corruption two years after joining the judiciary as a lower court magistrate.

The Catholic Church has also voiced their disapproval of the report and called on Gammanpila to release a report from a committee he was on that was set up to examine the recommendations of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCol) into the Easter Sunday attack.

Read more here

Tamil asylum seekers who rallied in Melbourne, Australia, earlier this week to mark 100 days of continuous protests to demand permanent visa protection were disrupted by a group of neo-Nazis. 

Tamil asylum seekers have been camped outside the Department Home Affairs since July 15, to call on the Australian government to grant them permanent visas. Many of the protesters have been on short term visas for over a decade. 

All photographs were taken by Mark Hrkac 

Tamil asylum seekers who rallied in Melbourne, Australia, earlier this week to mark 100 days of continuous protests to demand permanent visa protection were disrupted by a group of neo-Nazis. 

Tamil asylum seekers have been camped outside the Department Home Affairs since July 15, to call on the Australian government to grant them permanent visas. Many of the protesters have been on short term visas for over a decade. 

Without permanent residency, asylum seekers do not have access to Medicare - Australia’s universal health insurance scheme, they do not have the right to work or study nor the right to travel.  

At the rally on Tuesday, a group of 20 neo-Nazis arrived and reportedly chanted white supremacist slogans and displayed an offensive banner. Australian police officers used pepper spray in an attempt to disperse the protesters. 

Tamil Refugee Council member Aran Mylvaganam told ABC News that the police sprayed one of the speakers at the rally. 

"I spoke with our marshalling team, and the information I received is that the police pepper-sprayed our group well before they took any action against the neo-Nazis," Mylvaganam said. 

“[The neo-Nazis] were pepper sprayed, but they were allowed to continue with their march after that," he added.

Despite the disruption, the rally continued through Melbourne with protesters demanding an end to the visa limbo that thousands of asylum seekers are facing. 

Speaking at the rally, Rathy Barthlote, the co-founder of Refugee Women Action for Visa Equality said: 

“If the Labour government had provided a solution 12 years ago, we would not be facing this uncertainty today. In 2022, the Labour government called the fast-track process unjust and promised to end it, giving us hope. But two years have passed, and 9,500 of us are still waiting for a resolution, living with daily insecurity. We hoped for a solution, but it never came. We have protested in many ways, yet our voices have been ignored.”

“We have reached 100 days, but we have not lost our determination. Our demand for a permanent visa remains steadfast. We will continue our struggle until the 9,500 refugees are granted permanent residency. From today, we will begin new actions, including campaigns that will continue to pressure the government,” Barthlote added. 

See more photographs from the rally below: 

Tamils gathered in many cities across Europe last weekend to mark Tamil Eelam Women's Uprising Day, which falls on the anniversary of the death of the first female Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) fighter 2nd Lieutenant Maalathy. 

2nd Lieutenant Maalathy was killed at the age of 20, on the 10th of October 1987, during a confrontation with the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Jaffna. It marked a pivotal moment in the Tamils' armed struggle, not only for the liberation of Tamil homeland but also for the pursuit of equal rights.

One of the two female only brigades of the LTTE was named in honour of 2nd Lt Maalathy.

Memorial events took place in many European cities that are home to Eelam Tamils, including London, Paris, Geneva, Brussels, Amsterdam, Copenhagen and Oslo.

Belgium

Italy

Netherlands

United Kingdom

Denmark

Switzerland

Sri Lanka’s security forces continue extending heavy militarisation of the North by extending its influence in the form of healthcare programmes, food donations and religious ceremonies. Predominantly Tamil-speaking areas in the Northern provinces are subject to the integration of the military in their lives.

Jaffna

In Poonakary, accused war criminal Major General Wickramasinghe led a blood donation campaign on 2 October 2024 at Poonakari Hospital, Jaffna. This controversial blood donation event saw a total of 40 troops of the 552 infantry brigade donate blood. According to a dossier released by the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) Wickramasinghe was involved in frontline combat at the height of the armed conflict in 2008-9, where he commanded the 8th battalion Gajaba Regiment. 

During 2009, the Gajaba Regiment was involved in attacks in Vishwamadu, Puthukkudiyiruppu and in Puttumattalan. These attacks were referenced in the United Nations Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) as locations where human rights abuses occurred. In these attacks, civilians and civilian objects were attacked and the report notes that Wickramasinghe was  “in violation of international humanitarian law and the principles of distinction and proportionality for which he bears criminal responsibility.”  Furthermore, in 2007 during a peacekeeping mission in Haiti, Wickramasinghe was listed as one of the staff officers on island when allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse by members of the Sri Lankan peacekeeping forces were investigated resulting in them being repatriated to Sri Lanka. The report notes that " his inaction and failure to address these crimes raises his own complicity in the cover-up of these crimes"

Meanwhile, in Kopay, the 51 Infantry Division organised a blood donation programme, where more than 100 officers were reported to have donated blood. These blood donation drives have been met with condemnation from Tamil civil society groups and political representatives and yet they remain to occur annually to commemorate the anniversary of the Sri Lankan Army. 

In Thaiyiddy, Sri Lanka security forces conducted the religious opening ceremony to inaugurate an illegally constructed Buddhist temple, Tissa Raj Vihara. The next religious ceremony is planned to be held on 27 & 28th October at the Naga Vihara despite continuous protests by Tamil residents.

The North-East has been subject to Sinhalisation with increased intensity since the end of the armed conflict, with Buddhisization of the majority Tamil-speaking areas enabled primarily through military sponsorship.

Vavuniya

In Pandrikkeithakulam, Vavuniya, spectacles were distributed by the 212 infantry bridge and 56th infantry division.

In Kokeliya, the 56th Infantry Division also presented 20 low-income families with dry ration packs. The village at Kokeliya is known as a “reconciliation village”, where the Sri Lankan government forcibly settled Sinhalese soldiers married to Tamil women in the North-East in 2016. 

Killinochchi

In Pallai, a public awareness walk against cancer, from Pallai Primary Hospital to the Divisional Secretary Office, the troops of 23rd Battalion participated and arranged a drinking water point for the participants. 

Cancer rates remain high across the North-East. A number of rehabilitated LTTE cadres have fallen sick or passed since their release from the states 'rehabilitation programme'. It was alleged that they had been given poisonous injections during their detainment. It was claimed that the deaths of 104 former LTTE cadres was a result of this by senior Tamil politicians and Former Chief Minister C V Wigneswaran.

Since the end of the armed conflict, the presence of the Sri Lankan military remains extensive in various facets of civilian life such as health, welfare and religious identity of predominantly Tamil-speaking areas in the Northern provinces.

The Australian government has donated a Beechcraft King Air 350 surveillance aircraft to the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) this week, in a move that signals increasing defence ties between Canberra and Colombo.

This donation, made on a gratis basis, is reportedly intended to bolster Sri Lanka's aerial maritime surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.

The Australian Government said the gifting of the plane reinforced “their joint commitment to combat human smuggling and enhance regional stability”.

However, the gesture comes as international human rights organizations continue to raise serious concerns about Sri Lanka's failure to investigate the atrocities committed by its security forces during the final stages of the armed conflict. Earlier this month, the United Nations Human Rights Council passed a resolution on Sri Lanka calling for accountability and investigations into war crimes. 

Despite this, ties have continued to grow. Last month, Australia further solidified its military cooperation with Sri Lanka by launching a series of military exercises as part of the Indo-Pacific Endeavour 2024 (IPE).

The United States also gifted a Beechcraft King Air 360ER aircraft to the Sri Lanka Air Force last month. Similar surveillance plances were used throughout Sri Lanka's genocide of Tamils by the military as it repeatedly bombed hospitals and No Fire Zones.

An illegally assembled luxury BMW in Colombo belonging to former Sri Lankan minister Johnston Fernando is suspected to have been reported stolen in England, confirmed Sri Lankan police.

Former Minister Johnston Fernando was arrested over the vehicle this week; which police believe may have been smuggled into the island illegally.

DIG Nihal Thalduwa, the police spokesperson told reporters the chassis and engine number of the BMW, which was parked at the Hilton hotel in Colombo, matched that of a similar luxury car, reported missing in England in 2021, based on the details provided on the INTERPOL website.

The situation becomes even murkier when Sri Lanka Customs confirmed that no vehicle matching the BMW’s chassis number had been legally imported into the country.

Though it remains unclear what prompted authorities to search the vehicle outside of the Hilton, when they did, several documents belonging to the minister were found inside, but none related to the vehicle’s registration.

Further investigation revealed that the number plate had been registered under a private firm in Nawala, and the owner indicated it had been stolen from the firm’s premises.

Fernando was arrested and is currently being held in remand at Welikada prison.

A few days prior to this incident, the Kandy Division Criminal Investigation Bureau confiscated a BMW and a Prado jeep, valued at approximately Rs. 60 million, from the residence of former Minister Rohitha Abeygunawardena’s son-in-law in Aniwatta, Kandy.

Fernando is a Rajapaksa loyalist and member of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). Earlier today, the former president and accused war criminal Mahinda Rajapaksa visited Fernando in prison.

^{File photo}

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin has demanded the release of more than 100 Indian fishermen from Sri Lankan custody, after the Sri Lanka navy once again apprehended fishermen from Tamil Nadu this week.

The group of 16 fishermen were detained on October 23, as the Sri Lankan navy accused them of “trespassing” near Katchatheevu Island, leading to a plea for intervention from Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin to the Indian government.

The fishermen, who set out from Rameswaram, were operating with valid permits issued by the Fisheries Department according to the Indian press. VP Sesuraja, president of the Traditional Indian Fishermen Welfare Association, condemned the arrests, highlighting the distress they cause to local communities. “It’s unfortunate that our fishermen are frequently arrested,” he said, urging both state and central authorities to intervene for their release.

In his letter to External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, Stalin expressed grave concerns over the growing frequency of these incidents.

“As I have pointed out earlier, such incidents are on the rise and cause considerable distress to the fishermen's families,” he said. “They continue unabated and are hampering the livelihoods of coastal families.”

“Therefore, I request you to initiate necessary diplomatic efforts to prevail upon the Sri Lankan Government to prevent the arrest of fishermen and to ensure the expeditious release of all the 128 fishermen from Tamil Nadu and the 199 fishing boats that are still under the custody of the Sri Lankan authorities.”

Stalin’s appeal underscores a broader issue affecting the livelihoods of Tamil Nadu’s fishing community, which has faced ongoing challenges due to aggressive behaviour of Sri Lankan authorities.

The Chief Minister wrote to the centre last month as well, expressing concern over the "alarming recurrence" of such arrests.  “I have repeatedly reiterated that concrete and proactive steps must be taken to resolve this festering issue diplomatically,” he stated.

This latest incident reflects a troubling trend; in 2024 alone, the Sri Lankan Navy reportedly seized a total of 61 Indian fishing boats and apprehended around 450 fishermen for poaching in Sri Lankan waters. 

Tamil families of the disappeared in Vavuniya marked 2,804 days of continuous protest yesterday as the search for their forcibly disappeared relatives continues. 

During the protest, the families called on holding US Presidential candidate Kamala Harris and the US government to address their grievances and investigate the disappearances of their loved ones. 

Despite their longstanding campaign, Tamil families of the disappeared have been given few answers about the fate of their relatives, many of whom had surrendered to Sri Lanka's security forces at the end of the armed conflict in May 2009. 

Sri Lanka has one of the highest rates of disappearances in the world but successive Sri Lankan governments have refused to meaningfully investigate the disappearances or prosecute those responsible. 

Tamil families of the disappeared have been calling on the international community to investigate the disappearances as Sri Lanka's domestic mechanisms havve failed to provide tanglible progress. 

At the protest, the Tamil families clutched US and European Union flags to reiterate their calls for international justice. 

A controversial Israeli community centre was a potential target of a ‘terrorist’ attack confirmed Sri Lankan police, as three suspects were being detained and ‘interrogated’ today – including one man from Jaffna.

^{Chabad Arugam Bay}

A controversial Israeli community centre was a potential target of a ‘terrorist’ attack confirmed Sri Lankan police, as three suspects were being detained and ‘interrogated’ today – including one man from Jaffna.

“The information was that a place called ‘Chabad House,’ run by the Jewish community, could be a target, and we have taken measures to strengthen security,” said police spokesperson DIG Nihal Talduwa.

According to the website of the Chabad House in Sri Lanka, it claims to be “a Jewish community center of the Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic movement.”

“Chabad houses were founded by Shluchim sent by the Lubavitcher Rebbe, and can now be found in almost every city around the world,” it continues, adding that they “often serve as a place for Jewish travelers searching for a warm and welcoming community, as well as assist with kosher food and other religious needs.”

Sri Lanka's Terrorism Investigation Division have so far arrested three individuals over the alleged terror plot, which they claim was targeting Israeli tourists in the Eastern Province. "They have been detained and are undergoing interrogation," said Talduwa.

Unconfirmed reports suggest that one of the detained suspects is thought to be a Sri Lankan national who spent time in Iraq.

^{30-year-old Bilal Mohamed Ahmed Feeroaz.}

The MV Crisis, a Maldivian-based news portal, meanwhile named the third suspect as 30-year-old dual citizen of the Maldives and Sri Lanka Bilal Mohamed Ahmed Feeroaz.

The state that he is “the son of a Maldivian father and a Sri Lankan mother” and had previous run ins with the law, including being “previously apprehended in November 2015 for the murder of Maldivian Hussain “Rabarey” Razeen at Tumbovila Bridge, Sri Lanka” and “arrested with 4 kg of drugs in the Dehiwala” in February 2020.

The Jaffna-based man from Chunnakam is reported to be a 40-year-old individual who was previously arrested in 2016 on criminal charges.

As news of the threat broke, Israel's National Security Council called on Israelis in Sri Lanka to immediately leave tourist areas and warned citizens currently on the island to "avoid openly exhibiting anything that could identify you as Israeli, such as t-shirts with Hebrew writing, or any symbol that discloses your religion or nationality". 

The stark warning came as more diplomatic missions on the island alerted their citizens of a potential terrorist attack targeting tourists on the island. Germany and Canada joined the US, UK, Australia and Russia in issuing urgent travel advisories on Wednesday.

Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath meanwhile held a hurried press conference in Colombo, where he reiterated that security had been beefed up and claimed tourists did not have to fear.

"The Security Council meeting during the last meeting flagged this situation, we were informed of locations such as Arugam Bay, Weligama and Hikkaduwa that required added security which we provided," he said. "We didn't feel the need to alert citizens until we were certain of the situation and necessary action had been taken."

Herath also refuted that Indian intelligence provided information on the suspects and added that they were informed by the other diplomatic missions of the alert that was to be issued. 

Across much of the Sinhala South at present, anger seems to be pointed not at those who may be behind a terror plot but at a growing number of Israeli tourists who have flocked to the Eastern Province tourist spot.

The area’s MP Rehan Jayawickreme accused local Israeli businesses of operating illegally in Sri Lanka and stoking a “serious security threat that could derail Sri Lanka’s tourism recovery efforts”. “To those Israelis fuelling this instability, let me make one thing clear: you cannot forcefully and illegally occupy our lands as you have done elsewhere,” he said, calling on Israelis to “respect the laws of this land”.

Muslim traders in the area however told The Hindu last week that Israeli tourists “support businesses here and bring in dollars that help the country boost its foreign reserves”.

“We are just recovering after the cumulative impact of the Easter Sunday bombings of 2019, the pandemic and then our country’s economic crisis. Sending away willing tourists will not help us,” he added.

Israelis accounted for less than 1.5 percent of the 1.5 million tourists who visited Sri Lanka in the first nine months of this year, amounting to just over 20,000 tourists according to government data. At present, there are approximately 575 Israel nationals in Sri Lanka.

Israel's former head of Interpol, Asher Ben Arzi, told Iran International that "it's a very easy place for Iran, because Iranian agents can meet Israelis and make them a target there".

The recent threat has brought back memories of the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks that saw suicide bombers hit churches and several luxury hotels on the island, killing hundreds of people, including foreign tourists.

At the time, repeated warnings from foreign agencies were reportedly ignored by Sri Lankan authorities.

Sri Lankan police arrested the leader of the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) as he stood outside a store in Jaffna earlier today, accusing him of “violating election regulations”.

Party leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam was in Nelliady, Jaffna, when Sri Lankan police arrested him. Video footage from earlier today shows a Sri Lankan police officer, speaking entirely in Sinhala, confront the party leader on the streets.

“I was merely standing on the pavement waiting for a shop owner who I know to come for me to buy something,” Ponnambalam told the Tamil Guardian. “Our party fellows were distributing leaflets on the road. I was arrested for merely being in the vicinity.”

“I had no election related matters on my position. Nor had I solicited any votes with anybody.”

Ponnambalam was detained at the occupying police station in Nelliady and then subsequently released on bail.

Sri Lanka’s election regulations mean candidates themselves cannot take part in house-to-house campaigning. Ponnambalam is clear however that he did not violate any regulations and was simply waiting outside a store when he was arrested by the police.  

“Three meetings that I had organised got cancelled as a result,” Ponnambalam continued. His party has previously been the target of the Sri Lankan security forces, with fellow former parliamentarian Selvarajah Kajendren arrested last month, as he campaigned for a boycott of the Sri Lankan presidential elections.

^{Sri Lankan police surround Kajendren in Mullaitivu earlier this year.}

Last year, Ponnambalam himself was arrested by Sri Lankan police at his Colombo home. That arrest sparked worldwide concern, with British parliamentarians from across the political spectrum condemning it. Ponnambalam was due to table a special motion in Parliament at the time, regarding an assault and threats to life issued towards him by Sri Lankan police.

“Clearly shows there is absolutely no change in the attitude of this government regards the Tamil people who stand for their rights!” Ponnambalam said after he was released on Thursday. Such people will continue to be harassed and persecuted.”

Israel's National Security Council called on Israelis in Sri Lanka to immediately leave tourist areas over the threat of an imminent terrorist attack, as police arrested two people on Wednesday.

Israel's National Security Council called on Israelis in Sri Lanka to immediately leave tourist areas over the threat of an imminent terrorist attack, as police arrested two people on Wednesday.

In a statement on Wednesday, Israel warned citizens currently in Sri Lanka to "avoid openly exhibiting anything that could identify you as Israeli, such as t-shirts with Hebrew writing, or any symbol that discloses your religion or nationality". 

It added that there was "current information about a terrorist threat focused on tourist areas and beaches". “The Israeli security establishment ... is in close contact with the security authorities in Sri Lanka and is following the developments,” said the NSC.

The stark warning comes as more diplomatic missions on the island alerted their citizens of a potential terrorist attack targeting tourists on the island.

Germany and Canada joined the US, UK, Australia and Russia in issuing urgent travel advisories on Wednesday.

Read more: Diplomatic missions in Sri Lanka warn 'serious risk' of attack on tourist hot spot

The warnings will bring back memories of the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks that saw suicide bombers hit churches and several luxury hotels on the island, killing hundreds of people, including foreign tourists. At the time, repeated warnings from foreign agencies were reportedly ignored by Sri Lankan authorities.

Sri Lankan police also confirmed that two suspects had been arrested by the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID) on suspicion of connections to the threats.

“One suspect is from Jaffna, while the other is from Colombo. They have been detained and are undergoing interrogation,” said police spokesperson Nihal Thalduwa. It is unclear where the arrests were made and who has been detained, with further details yet to be released.

Tamils on the island have however expressed fear that the arrest of a suspect from Jaffna, could lead to yet another Sri Lankan security crackdown on the North-East.

^{The scene where two Sri Lankan police officers were killed in 2018.}

“When two police officers were killed in 2018, they used it as an excuse to crack down on the Tamil people,” said one Jaffna local, who declined to be named for security reasons.

In that instance, Sri Lankan security forces arrested former LTTE cadres under the much-criticised Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) over the murder. Tamil political and community representatives had at the time of arrest maintained that former LTTE cadres were being unfairly scapegoated for the murders, and they were eventually released after more than 6 months of detention. Authorities have since admitted a link had been established between the murder incident and the Islamist extremists who carried out the bomb blasts in Batticaloa and Colombo on Easter Sunday.

“Who’s to say that they won’t just do that again?” he added.

Across much of the Sinhala South at present, anger seems to be pointed not at those who may be behind a terror plot but at a growing number of Israeli tourists who have flocked to the Eastern Province tourist spot.

The area’s MP Rehan Jayawickreme accused local Israeli businesses of operating illegally in Sri Lanka and stoking a “serious security threat that could derail Sri Lanka’s tourism recovery efforts”.

“To those Israelis fuelling this instability, let me make one thing clear: you cannot forcefully and illegally occupy our lands as you have done elsewhere,” he said, calling on Israelis to “respect the laws of this land”.

Muslim traders in the area however told The Hindu last week that Israeli tourists “support businesses here and bring in dollars that help the country boost its foreign reserves”.

“We are just recovering after the cumulative impact of the Easter Sunday bombings of 2019, the pandemic and then our country’s economic crisis. Sending away willing tourists will not help us,” he added.

^{Sri Lankan workers on their way to Israel.}

Successive Sri Lankan governments have also sought to build close ties with Israel. Last month, under the newly elected president Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the government called on Sri Lankans to register for construction jobs in Israel, even the bombardments of Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, and Syria intensified.

Thousands of Sri Lankan workers have also been sent to Israel since it launched its offensive into Gaza. Israel’s farms, particularly in the central and southern regions, have traditionally relied on thousands of Thai and Palestinian workers to cultivate the land and bring in harvests. However, following the Hamas assault on October 7, many Thai workers fled the country, and Palestinian workers have been largely banned from the workforce. As Israel searched for workers, Colombo has stepped up to assist.

Earlier in the year, the Sri Lanka government also opened a new consulate and engaged in expanded trade talks with Israel, despite purportedly calling for a ceasefire to its offensive in Gaza in which tens of thousands have been killed.

Reports of a planned terrorist attack however may cause a blow to the ties that Colombo has sought to build and to Sri Lanka’s fragile economy. The island is still reeling from the 2019 attacks, the coronavirus pandemic and an unprecedented 2022 financial crisis. The latest warnings have dealt that recovery, yet another blow.