In a move that has raised concerns over government scrutiny of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), Sri Lanka’s Central Bank has signed an agreement to expand the exchange of information on investigations and prosecutions involving money laundering, terrorist financing, and related activities connected to NGOs.

The Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), signed between the Central Bank’s Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) and the National Secretariat for NGOs on November 4, has formalized cooperation for sharing details of any investigation or prosecution linked to NGOs or individuals associated with them. Citing potential threats to "national and global economic and financial systems,” the Central Bank stated that NGOs could be vulnerable to exploitation for financial crimes.

This partnership grants the National Secretariat for NGOs, which oversees NGO registration and monitoring, new powers to share detailed information on NGO activities and personnel with the FIU. According to the Central Bank, this exchange aims to enhance the detection and prosecution of financial crimes. However, this could open the door to heightened surveillance of NGOs operating in Sri Lanka, potentially affecting humanitarian and advocacy groups.

The signing ceremony was attended by Sanjeewa Wimalagunarathna, the Director General of the National Secretariat for NGOs, and Subhani Keerthiratne, Director of the FIU, under the oversight of Central Bank Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe, who chairs the national Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) Committee. While this is being framed as a safeguard against illicit financing, the agreement allows for increased scrutiny of NGOs might be used as a tool for government overreach, potentially stifling organizations critical of the administration.

This is not the first time that government agencies have sought control over the work of NGOs operating in Sri Lanka. During Ranil Wickremesinghe's government, the then Minister of Public Security Tiran Alles has called for the mandatory registration of non-governmental organisations, “so that we can monitor them closely”.  The Minister’s call for closer monitoring follows a speech in which Milan Jayathilake MP decried NGOs as a “threat to national security”.

Hundreds of fishermen from Tamil Nadu staged a roadblock on the Pamban bridge in Rameshwaram, demanding the immediate release of 23 local fishermen detained by the Sri Lankan Navy. This protest, amidst growing tensions, was coupled with Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin’s written request to the Indian central government to intervene and curb the recurring arrests of Tamil fishermen.

The arrests, which took place on November 9, according to the Sri Lankan Navy saw the seizer of two mechanized boats and an unregistered vessel along with the detained fishermen. Protesters voiced their frustrations over the financial burdens these detentions impose. “We fishermen earn only about ₹1,000 to ₹1,500 daily,” said L Sagayam, a representative from the mechanized boats’ association. “But the Sri Lankan government imposes fines we cannot afford. How will we pay such a massive amount?” a family member was quoted as saying in the Indian press. 

The demonstration brought attention to the wider issue affecting Tamil Nadu’s fishing communities, who have faced regular detentions by Sri Lankan authorities, disrupting livelihoods and creating hardship for families. J Nandini, a relative of one of the detained fishermen, said, “Some of our fishermen have been languishing in Sri Lankan jails for three months without any action from the authorities to secure their release.”

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin has sought intervention from India’s External Affairs Minister, S Jaishankar, underscoring the distress these incidents cause Tamil Nadu’s fishing communities. “These arrests not only disrupt livelihoods but also cause immense distress to their families,” Stalin wrote. He urged the central government to facilitate diplomatic efforts for an immediate solution.

The recent detentions include an incident on November 12, where the Sri Lankan Navy apprehended 12 additional fishermen from Nagapattinam. According to Stalin, this year has seen the highest frequency of Tamil Nadu fishermen arrests in seven years. Since mid-June, at least 50 Tamil Nadu fishermen have been detained by the Sri Lankan Navy, sparking widespread protests in the region.

To address these issues, Tamil Nadu has repeatedly advocated for the reactivation of a Joint Working Group, initially proposed in 2016 between India and Sri Lanka. This group was set to discuss coordinated measures such as cross-border patrols, grievance resolution, and investigations into fishermen's detentions. Despite initial discussions in Delhi in December 2016, the Joint Working Group has made limited progress.

Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan Navy continues regular patrols along its waters, citing the need to protect local fishing grounds from environmental damage and foreign fishing vessels. According to the Navy, a total of 497 Indian fishermen and 66 boats have been detained this year alone.

Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted the annual BRICS summit last month in the southwestern city of Kazan – a three-day gathering with leaders from 36 countries, as well as the UN Secretary General in attendance.

Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted the annual BRICS summit last month in the southwestern city of Kazan – a three-day gathering with leaders from 36 countries, as well as the UN Secretary General in attendance.

What is BRICS?

BRICS is an acronym for the coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Established in 2006, the group began with Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC) holding their first summit in 2009, with South Africa joining in 2010. This year’s summit marks the alliance’s 16th meeting and brings together top leaders from member countries to discuss a range of global issues.

In 2023, BRICS expanded its membership, inviting Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates to join, though Saudi Arabia has not yet formally accepted its invitation.

This year, one of the summit's most notable developments is the introduction of a new category of BRICS partnership, reportedly offered to 13 countries, though formal confirmation is pending. According to local media, these nations include Algeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Turkey, Uganda, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam.

Sri Lanka has applied but its membership at any level is reportedly still under consideration.

The summit also highlighted BRICS' ambition to decrease reliance on the U.S. dollar and the SWIFT financial messaging network, from which Russian banks were excluded in 2022 as part of Western sanctions. Russian and Chinese trade, for example, is now conducted almost entirely in rubles and yuan, demonstrating a clear shift away from the dollar.

President Putin commented on the dollar’s weaponization, stating, “The dollar is being used as a weapon... This is a big mistake by those who do this.” By promoting trade in local currencies, BRICS nations hope to reduce US financial influence and create a more multipolar global economy.

Xi and Modi’s Bilateral Meeting: Advancing India-China Relations

The Kazan summit provided an opportunity for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping to also discuss bilateral relations. The two countries recently announced an agreement on patrolling arrangements along their disputed border, a sensitive issue that has led to military clashes in recent years. At the summit, Xi and Modi held their first formal meeting in four years and agreed to continue bilateral talks to stabilize the border and strengthen ties.

Following their discussions, both leaders stated that their special representatives would meet soon to manage border issues and explore fair solutions. They also agreed to hold further discussions with their foreign ministers.

In his address, Xi Jinping emphasized the need for BRICS to champion peace, advocating for “common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security.” He called on BRICS members to resist expanding conflicts, avoid escalating hostilities, and pursue de-escalation in Ukraine. Xi also urged an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, reaffirming BRICS’ support for a “comprehensive, just and lasting resolution of the Palestinian question.”

Russian President Putin echoed these sentiments, reinforcing the importance of BRICS cooperation in establishing global security and a fair world order. “We intend to further increase coordination in all multilateral platforms to ensure global security and a just world order,” he told Xi.

The Kazan Declaration

The Kazan Declaration, released at the end of the summit, touches on several key themes including on global human rights, peace, and regional conflicts.

The statement reaffirms a commitment to upholding human rights universally, underlining “the need for all countries to cooperate in promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms under the principles of equality and mutual respect.” It calls for the non-politicized, non-selective treatment of human rights issues within international forums like the United Nations General Assembly and Human Rights Council.

The text denounces unilateral economic sanctions and other “coercive measures”, calling for the elimination of such measures due to their disproportionate impact on vulnerable populations.

It goes on to “reiterate our grave concern at the deterioration of the situation and humanitarian crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in particular the unprecedented escalation of violence in the Gaza Strip and in West Bank as a result of the Israeli military offensive”.

“We stress the urgent need for an immediate, comprehensive and permanent ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages and detainees from both sides who are being illegally held captive and the unhindered sustainable and at scale supply of humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip, and cessation of all aggressive actions,” it adds. “We denounce the Israeli attacks against humanitarian operations, facilities, personnel and distribution points.”

There’s also a call for “full respect of international humanitarian law in conflict situations.”

On Ukraine, the statement “notes with appreciation relevant proposals of mediation and good offices,” emphasizing the need for peaceful dialogue and diplomacy.

Read the full declaration here.

Image from Wikipedia

The leader of Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), a Tamil nationalist party in India, has called for economic sanctions against Sri Lanka in light of the ongoing Palk Strait disputes and brutality against Tamil fishermen.

Speaking to reporters on Monday, the NTK leader, Senthamizhan Seeman, urged the Indian Government to impose economic sanctions against Sri Lanka. Seeman specifically referred to Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake's statement that Indian fishermen crossing the border illegally would 'face firm action'.

“In Sri Lanka, Tamils have been shot and their fishing nets have been destroyed,” he said, referring to the ongoing arrest of Tamil Nadu fishermen by Sri Lankan authorities.

Read more from The Hindu here.

The Russian Embassy in Colombo has addressed recent media reports suggesting that Sri Lanka’s application for BRICS membership had been rejected, clarifying that no final decision has been made.

According to an official statement from the embassy, Sri Lanka’s application to join the BRICS coalition—which comprises Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—is still under consideration. The embassy emphasized that Sri Lanka’s interest was welcomed by the BRICS leadership and that its application will be evaluated “in full consultation and consensus,” alongside applications from other nations.

This clarification counters earlier remarks from Sri Lanka’s Cabinet Spokesperson Bandula Herath, who indicated at a post-Cabinet media briefing that Sri Lanka’s late bid for BRICS membership had been declined by the group. “The nine member countries have decided not to entertain any new membership this time,” Herath told reporters, explaining that the timing of Sri Lanka’s application—submitted just before the recent BRICS summit—had likely impacted its chances. He added that while Sri Lanka’s membership in the BRICS coalition was not currently an option, the government was exploring entry into the New Development Bank (NDB), an institution founded by BRICS to finance infrastructure and development projects.

Shortly after Herath’s remarks however, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Ministry also issued a statement saying that it’s application would be considered later.

“Local media reports that Sri Lanka’s application has been rejected are wrong,” read the Russian embassy’s statement. It emphasized that Sri Lanka’s bid remains on the table, with discussions still underway among BRICS members about the criteria and process for expanding membership.

Last month BRICS formally welcomed four new members - Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates – at a summit that saw leaders from 36 countries, as well as the UN Secretary General, in attendance.

Earlier this year, Herath said Sri Lanka was looking to join BRICS for "peace & development, and reducing reliance on western financial institutions".

Tamil residents of Keppapulavu presented a petition to Sri Lankan Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, demanding the release of lands currently under military occupation.

The petition was handed over during the Prime Minister’s visit to an election campaign rally held by the National People’s Power (NPP) at Puthukkudiyirippu. The Sri Lankan military continues to occupy swathes of land belonging to Tamils in the North-East. 

Last month, the residents had already submitted a formal appeal to both the Northern Province Governor and the Mullaitivu District Governor, urging the return of lands in Keppapulavu that were seized by the military. These lands have remained under military control for years since the end of the armed conflict, leaving local residents unable to access or use their ancestral property.

During the NPP event, the people of Keppapulavu seized the opportunity to reiterate their demands directly to the Prime Minister, highlighting the urgent need for their lands to be restored and returned. The community expressed that reclaiming these lands is critical for their livelihoods and long-term security.

Amarasuriya, who attended the rally as a special guest, received the petition but has yet to make a public statement regarding any potential government action. 

Last year, a group of residents from Keppapulavu, protested in front of the District Secretariat Office demanding to be included in a government welfare program. The program provides financial assistance to people living in poverty, but the protestors argue that they have been excluded because their lands are still being occupied by the military.

The protestors told the District Secretary at the time Kanageshwaran that they have been unable to cultivate their lands since the military occupation, which has left them in poverty. They asked that the government provide them with financial assistance for them to support their immediate needs.

Eelam Tamil residents, alongside civil society organizations, gathered in Olaithoduvai, Mannar last week to oppose government-led soil sampling for a controversial mining project.

Last Thursday, approximately 20 government officials, including representatives from the Mannar District Assistant Governor’s office and the Environmental Authority, arrived in Olaithoduvai Nagar, a region under the Mannar Divisional Secretary, to collect soil samples for chemical analysis. The soil sampling, intended to assess the area’s potential for sand mining, would involve both government and private lands.

When news of the officials’ presence spread, Tamil residents, social activists, former parliament members including Selvam Adaikkalanathan, and other civil organization leaders gathered at the site. The locals blockaded the road and prevented government vehicles from entering the area. The protest escalated, drawing large crowds of community members who voiced their concerns about the potential environmental and social impact of the proposed mining operations.

In response to the demonstration, Sri Lankan police were deployed to the scene and filed a ‘B’ report against several individuals involved in the protest, including Adaikkalanathan, lawyer S. Tinesan, Citizens’ Committee President Marcus Adikalar, and Union of Public Organizations President VS Sivakaran. Citing Section 106 of the Criminal Procedure Code, the police sought an injunction to prevent these individuals from engaging in further protest activities.

Tinesan, representing the protesters, reported that the police officer handling the case unexpectedly left the court before the application process was completed and returned with a request to refile the application. This procedural delay has left local activists questioning the intent of authorities and the transparency of their actions.

This is not the first instance of public outcry against mining in Mannar. The proposed sand mining project has drawn widespread criticism from environmental organizations, who argue that the extraction process will deplete local resources, damage ecosystems, and contaminate water sources, impacting both Tamil communities and the biodiversity of the North-East.

Environmental groups have consistently warned that sand mining poses significant risks to Mannar’s groundwater systems, potentially contaminating freshwater sources with salt water. The Centre for Environment and Nature Studies (CENS) recently highlighted the detrimental effects that the mining could have on Mannar’s unique ecosystems, including the destruction of palmyrah forests and habitats essential for migratory birds.

The Association for the Families of the Disappeared issued a reminder to Sri Lankan President Anura Dissanayake, urging him to take concrete actions rather than making election-time promises this week.

In a media briefing held in Vavuniya, the group emphasized the urgency of releasing Tamil political prisoners and returning Tamil-owned lands, demands which say cannot wait for electoral cycles.

The spokesperson for the association stressed that the families of disappeared Tamils, particularly mothers who have been searching for their loved ones for decades, are calling on Dissanayake to prioritize their plight and act without delay. "This is not just a plea for justice, but a direct appeal to release all Tamil political prisoners now, instead of waiting until election time." 

The members of the association called on the president to acknowledge the history of Tamil suffering under successive Sinhala-dominated governments and urged him to endorse the United Nations Human Rights Council resolution addressing these injustices. They also demanded the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which they argue has been used to oppress Tamil communities.

Under Dissanayake, the Sri Lankan government has rejected the UN resolution and refused to repeal the PTA, as did successive presidents before him.

The association pointed out the long history of unfulfilled promises by Sinhala leaders—including Dudley Senanayake, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Ranil Wickremesinghe, and Maithripala Sirisena—who vowed to address Tamil grievances during election campaigns, only to backtrack once in office.

"This is Anura’s chance to set himself apart by honouring his commitments before the elections. He can prove his intentions by fulfilling the promises made in Vavuniya and Jaffna now," the group said, expressing both hope and scepticism about the Sri Lankan president’s commitment to Tamil rights and justice.

Dissanayake speaking at rallies in Vavuniya and Jaffna said that he would return lands that were originally owned by Tamils and under occupation by the Sri Lankan government along with the release of Tamil political prisoners. 

Plainclothes Sri Lankan police officers arrived at the family home of exiled Tamil journalist Punniyamoorthy Sasikaran and subjected his elderly father to intense interrogation, recording his statement for more than an hour, as the harassment of Tamil media workers continued.

This unsettling visit is connected to an ongoing court case involving allegations against journalists who were reporting on a protest led by farmers against former Sri Lankan president Ranil Wickremesinghe last year.

Sasikaran, a well-known Eelam Tamil journalist, has long been a target of intimidation due to his reporting on sensitive issues, including government actions and Tamil grievances. The harassment reached such a pitch that he eventually left the country, citing continuous threats to his life from both Sri Lankan government forces and armed paramilitary groups. This latest police visit underscores how these pressures have not abated under the new administration and appear to be intensifying even in his absence. During this incident, police questioned Sasikaran's father and raided their house.

This is not the first time that Sasikaran has come under scrutiny by Sri Lankan security forces and government agencies. In 2022 Batticaloa police served Tamil journalist Sasikaran with a restraining order, to ban him from covering a protest that the police claimed was planned against Sri Lanka's independence celebrations. The court order stated that the police allegedly received intelligence that local Tamil organisations and political parties were going to attend a 12-hour march. however, local journalists reportedly said that there were no protests planned. 

Sasikaran is one of many Tamil journalists who have experienced intimidation tactics and court orders by Sri Lankan authorities to prohibit their reporting on key issues in the North-East. Last year, Sasikaran was interrogated for over two hours by Sri Lanka's Crime Prevention Unit, for allegedly organising an event in January 2021, commemorating the deaths of Indian fishermen who died at sea in 2020. 

Sri Lanka is currently ranked 150th out of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders. 

Sri Lanka’s president Anura Kumara Dissanayake allegedly transported bus loads of Sinhalese supporters to Jaffna yesterday, as he spoke of “uniting all Sri Lankans under one flag” to crowds at a rally in the North-East.

^{A photograph of Sinhala supporters in a bus from outside of Jaffna, as Sri Lanka's president came to the Tamil North-East this weekend.}

Sri Lanka’s president Anura Kumara Dissanayake allegedly transported bus loads of Sinhalese supporters to Jaffna yesterday, as he spoke of “uniting all Sri Lankans under one flag” to crowds at a rally in the North-East.

His appearance in Jaffna and Vavuniya, the first public rallies in the Tamil homeland since his election as Sri Lankan president, came just days ahead of the November 14 parliamentary polls. During his address, in Sinhala but translated to Tamil, Dissanayake pledge to release Tamil land occupied by the state – but also attempted to minimise the decades of oppressions faced by the Tamil people.

"When we give lands in the North, the South shouts, and when we give lands in the South, the North shouts," he said in Vavuniya, claiming that Tamils were opposed to land being granted to Sinhala people in the South. He said nothing else to back up his claim.

To this day, the military continues to occupy vast swathes of land across the Tamil North-East, despite more than 15 years since the Mullivaikkal genocide. In recent years, Sri Lanka’s archaeology and forest departments have forcibly taken over more land in Tamil Eelam, claiming they are Sinhala Buddhist heritage sites. Regardless Dissanayake stated, "we have committed to return all lands belonging to the people in the North, regardless of the reasons for its previous acquisition".

Dissanayake went on to say that his party is “committed to uniting all Sri Lankans under one flag, allowing everyone to practice their culture, language, and religion freely”.

For decades, Tamils have rejected the Sri Lankan flag, choosing, for example, to wave black flags on Sri Lanka’s Independence Day instead as a mark of protest. His words also seemed to contradict past statements given by the current Sri Lankan prime minister Harini Amarasuriya, who was appointed by Dissanayake earlier this year. In 2020, she wrote,

“Most calls for ‘unity’, a ‘Sri Lankan identity’, also reflect the majority preoccupation of ‘taming’ the minorities and bringing them under the benevolent control of the majority community. Many Sinhalese who would consider themselves cosmopolitan, democratic and tolerant, would not see the implicit exclusions and violence, in enforcing a totalising identity in a society such as Sri Lanka. COVID-19 and its impact on the Muslim community show the extent to which a majoritarian mindset that is comfortable with demonising minority communities – or any other community that is seen as a threat to the majority community – has become normalised in Sri Lankan society and polity.”

In his speech, Dissanayake also announced his intention to end the prolonged detention of Tamil political prisoners, stating, "according to the advice of the Attorney General, we will move forward with the release of these prisoners."

"The fisheries of the North are being plundered by other countries, which harms our local economy," he also said. "We will implement measures to protect the fishing communities in the North-East and uphold their rights."

Dissanayake also hinted that his party has not completely rebuked their previous anti-Indian sentiment, when he spoke of the strategic importance of solar energy. “Sunlight is a precious asset for us,” he said, speaking on an agreement struck earlier in the year with India to build solar power plants in Jaffna's Delft, Nainathivu, and Alanathivu islets. “We will not sell our solar power for nothing and will revisit all related agreements to benefit the country.”

His government has pledged to reassess all previous agreements made with India, which was rapidly expanding its presence on the island. After coming into office however, that language became more muted and the government ahs repeatedly pushed back a decision on cancelling another Indian power project in Mannar.

After speaking in Vavuniya, Dissanayake went on to Jaffna where he repeated many of the same points he had raised earlier in the day. Though he pledged to hold elections for the now-defunct provincial councils, he did not address demands of devolving power to the Tamil regions or wider calls for self-determination.

Former parliamentarian M A Sumanthiran tweeted about Dissanayake’s rally this morning, stating “for some strange reason [President Dissanayake] brought a few thousand people in buses last evening all the way to Jaffna and spoke to them here, when he could’ve gone to their own districts and addressed them there”.

“Travel cost would’ve been much less,” he quipped. “Stranger still, Sinhala people were given a translation of his speech in Tamil,” Sumanthiran added, hinting how the bussed crowds in Jaffna had few Tamil attendees.

Sri Lanka’s parliamentary elections are set to take place on Thursday.

A group of nine Eelam Tamil refugees who had previously sought refuge in India were detained by the Sri Lankan Navy near Neduntheevu Island this week.

The group, comprising three men, three women, and three children from Trincomalee, Mannar, and Mullaitivu, had initially arrived in India via the Dhanushkodi coast having fled during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis between 2022 and 2023. They had been living in Tamil Nadu’s Mandapam camp where thousands of Eelam Tamil refugees remain.

Officials confirmed that the refugees were intercepted on Saturday evening. Three refugees have been identified as Niroshan, Sudha, Gnanajothi, along with three children and three other women whose names have not been disclosed.  

Despite the end of the armed conflict in 2009, Tamils continue to flee the island amidst ongoing human rights abuses and militarisation of the Tamil homeland. Returnees continue to experience scrutiny and arrests by Sri Lankan authorities. Rights groups have noted this pattern of detention as part of broader state practices that impact Tamils in the North-East.

Lawrence Valin’s ‘Little Jaffna,’ a feature-length debut based on his short film, delivers a compelling story about identity. Set in France, the film follows Michael, a Tamil-French police officer, assigned to infiltrate a crime syndicate funding the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). As Michael enters this world, his long-suppressed connection to it resurfaces, leading to internal conflict as he balances his mission and heritage.

Lawrence Valin’s ‘Little Jaffna,’ a feature-length debut based on his short film, delivers a compelling story about identity. Set in France, the film follows Michael, a Tamil-French police officer, assigned to infiltrate a crime syndicate funding the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). As Michael enters this world, his long-suppressed connection to it resurfaces, leading to internal conflict as he balances his mission and heritage.

Valin, along with a stellar cast that includes Tamil cinema veterans Radhika Sarathkumar and Vela Ramamoorthy, bring gravitas and depth to their roles. The fresh-faced ensemble of new artists from the Tamil community in France truly envelop their roles to build a likeable group of criminals. Standout performances include Puviraj Raveendran, who is exceptional as Puvi, a top-ranking criminal who expertly balances menace and warmth.

The film shines during its intimate moments between characters and when it showcases the nuances and life of the Eelam Tamil community in France. Scenes of Michael dancing to “Jithu Jilladi” during a screening of “Theri” with his newfound friends and being teased for using a fork instead of his hands while eating, give glimpses of an authentic portrayal of diasporic experience. 

The major theme of dual identity is illustrated through Michael’s struggles between duty and his conflicting French and Tamil Eelam roots. The film does an admirable job exploring this theme and is at its best when it does so. However, the film could have explored Michael’s internal conflict on a deeper level and delved more into the struggles faced by the people who were forced to relocate to France amidst the genocide in Sri Lanka. The most effective scenes that touch upon this topic are conversations between Michael and his Ammamma, where you learn more about his heritage, his family and even his links to the liberation struggle itself. ‘Little Jaffna’ also assumes its audience understands the Tamil genocide, which may cause those unfamiliar with its history to misunderstand the perspectives and emotional beats for the characters in the film. 

In terms of historical accuracy, the film does a commendable job of portraying the horror of Sri Lankan atrocities. The timeline is however muddled at points for politicos and cinephiles alike ("Theri" for example was only released in 2016). The gravity of the 2009 genocide was also always going to be difficult to showcase in a film and the all-encompassing tragedy of the massacres is sometimes somewhat diluted in portrayal. Yet, despite the director's admitted fictional license at points, the film builds a largely sympathetic picture in demonstrating why the Tamil people turned to an armed independence struggle and why many across the world chose to support it. The final scene, in particular, is haunting.

The cinematography is great with the screen filled with vibrant colors. Maxence Lemonnier’s music complements the film well - a standout track in the soundtrack by Tamil Canadian artist Shan Vincent de Paul. Special mention goes to the stylish costume design, which enhances the film’s lived-in world filled with colour and eccentricity.

In conclusion, Little Jaffna is a fantastic directorial debut for Lawrence Valin. With its exploration of dual identity, strong performances, and immersive world-building, the film leaves a strong impression, despite opportunities for deeper exploration into its characters and themes. We hope to see more to come from this budding young talent.

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See a clip from the film below.

Tamil actor Vijay Joseph is arguably at the peak of his cinematic career. Aged 50 years old, the superstar is one of India’s highest-paid actors, starring in multiple films that are amongst the biggest grossing of all time and raking in millions of dollars every single year. That is what makes his decision to leave Kollywood behind and enter the murky world of Indian politics even more interesting. His attempt to blend Dravidian politics and Tamil nationalism has brought fans as well as critics. But it is his bold pledge to support a referendum for Eelam Tamils and demand Tamil Nadu have a greater say on foreign policy towards Sri Lanka that has caught the most attention. After decades of lacklustre support for Eelam Tamils, the entertainer-turned-politician may be setting the stage for a much-needed revival of solidarity.

Tamil actor Vijay Joseph is arguably at the peak of his cinematic career. Aged 50 years old, the superstar is one of India’s highest-paid actors, starring in multiple films that are amongst the biggest grossing of all time and raking in millions of dollars every single year. That is what makes his decision to leave Kollywood behind and enter the murky world of Indian politics even more interesting. His attempt to blend Dravidian politics and Tamil nationalism has brought fans as well as critics. But it is his bold pledge to support a referendum for Eelam Tamils and demand Tamil Nadu have a greater say on foreign policy towards Sri Lanka that has caught the most attention. After decades of lacklustre support for Eelam Tamils, the entertainer-turned-politician may be setting the stage for a much-needed revival of solidarity.

In the aftermath of the Mullivaikkal genocide, Tamil Nadu’s political leadership has had a complex and often contradictory relationship with Eelam Tamils and their self-determination struggle. Although public outrage swept across the state during the massacres, with protests and hunger strikes led by student groups and civil society organizations, the political response remained largely symbolic. Leaders like M. Karunanidhi of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) made emotional appeals, including a dramatic fasting stunt that lasted just a few hours, but ultimately aligned with New Delhi’s diplomatic stance, which shored up support for Colombo’s military offensive. The All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), under the leadership of J. Jayalalithaa, often issued strong statements condemning Sri Lanka’s human rights abuses but failed to turn that rhetoric into sustained action that influenced national foreign policy. Whilst the masses continued to express sympathy for the Eelam cause, Tamil Nadu's political elite fell short.

Despite deep cultural and linguistic ties, the state’s response to Sri Lanka’s persecution of Eelam Tamils has been inconsistent, oscillating between vocal support during election seasons and muted indifference when it comes to pushing the Indian central government to take concrete action. In 2013, for example, as photographs of the LTTE leader’s 12-year-old son Balachandran Prabhakaran being fed a snack and then executed by Sri Lankan soldiers swept the airwaves, protests erupted across Tamil Nadu. In response, the Tamil Nadu assembly passed a staunch resolution, calling for the imposition of sanctions on Sri Lanka, an international investigation into the genocide and an independence referendum for Eelam Tamils. Sri Lankan cricketers were even banned from playing in the state.

Yet, as protests died down, so did any hope of tangible political action. New Delhi squarely rejected the assembly’s resolution and soon, it became business as normal with Colombo. Sri Lankan cricketers, including those that are part of the maligned armed forces, are now welcome once more in Tamil Nadu. And even the issue of Tamil Nadu fishermen being arrested, assaulted, or even killed by the Sri Lanka security forces, which has plagued the Indian state for decades, has resumed. Just last month, more were detained by the Sri Lankan state, with little more than letters and empty statements being sent by the current Chief Minister M K Stalin, who previously was a bold supporter of Eelam Tamils. Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Eelam Tamil remain trapped in camps, stuck as refugees in a place that once had a deep solidarity with their plight.

This recurring pattern has cultivated a sense of frustration among Eelam Tamils and Tamil Nadu’s younger, more politically engaged generations. Both in Chennai and in New Delhi, the apparent prioritisation of friendly relations with Sri Lanka has overlooked the very real concerns regarding the long-term stability of ties across the Palk Strait. How will a state that mercilessly massacred tens of thousands of ethnic Tamils, and has never been held accountable for it, ever hold good relations with more than 70 million Tamils just a few miles away? How will a government that continues to arbitrarily arrest and beat Tamil fishermen ever bring stability to the Indian Ocean? How will one of the most militarised places in the world that continues to occupy, intimidate and harass Tamils ever be a friendly place of trade and commerce? As India looks to expand its presence on the island, these questions continue to arise. Yet Tamil Nadu’s political elite seem more interested in appeasing New Delhi, than pressuring it to answer these questions or take any actions to solve them.

Enter Vijay Joseph and his newly formed party, the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). His emergence onto the political scene is significant, and it is not just because of the superstar status he carries. By championing not only a referendum for Eelam Tamils but also advocating for Tamil Nadu to have a greater say in foreign policy decisions, he is tapping into a growing demand for Tamil Nadu’s political autonomy. The state is undoubtedly the powerhouse of the Indian economy, the second biggest contributor to GDP and still growing. Yet, for too long, Tamil Nadu’s power has been undermined in critical foreign policy matters concerning the Tamil diaspora and the island's Eelam Tamil population. Vijay’s platform could reignite conversations about how the state can more effectively support Eelam Tamils.

Yet, Vijay's political journey will not be without obstacles. His celebrity status might generate initial momentum, but translating fandom into sustainable political support requires navigating complex party dynamics and the entrenched interests of Tamil Nadu’s established political heavyweights. Other Kollywood actors-turned-politicians, such as Kamal Haasan, are reminders of how quickly bright sparks can fizzle out. Critics argue that Vijay will need to present a more comprehensive and consistent political vision beyond headline-grabbing pledges. Politicians such as Seeman, a staunch Tamil nationalist, have for example already pointed out his contradictory stance in trying to marry both Tamil and Dravidian nationalism.

He will also have to counter scepticism from those who remember past disappointments from both politicians and from Kollywood. For far too long, the Tamil Nadu entertainment industry has been happy to use the Tamil Eelam liberation struggle to tug on the heartstrings of a sympathetic domestic population and on the pockets of the global Eelam Tamil diaspora. Symbolic references to the LTTE’s heroic struggle for independence, Prabhakaran’s leadership and the ambivalence of Indian politicians to the genocide that took place just a few miles away, frequently litter movies and TV shows. But little has been done to tangibly push the political class to address those issues. Vijay too spoke little of how his party would tangibly bring forth a referendum, champion the rights of Eelam Tamils or ensure accountability for the genocide. He will have to prove that his pledges are more than just the fleeting enthusiasm of a newly minted politician.

The question remains: Can Vijay, with his immense influence and popularity, finally move Tamil Nadu’s political class from superficial expressions of solidarity to substantive action for Eelam Tamils? Vijay's political foray could indeed be a breath of fresh air—or yet another missed opportunity—depending on how steadfast he remains in his advocacy and how effectively he mobilises his base for meaningful change. Even if he doesn’t succeed at the polls himself, his renewed conversation around the topic may push others along the political spectrum and mark the beginning of a new era where Tamil Nadu becomes a more assertive and impactful advocate for Tamil rights and justice on the international stage. The work lies in the months and years ahead.

As Tamils across the island gear up to vote in Sri Lanka’s parliamentary elections this week, candidates from across the array of Tamil parties have all tried to showcase their nationalist credentials to secure the Tamil vote.

The election, set to take place on November 14, has seen a surge in Tamil nominations as hundreds of individuals, some from newly formed Tamil political parties, are standing to become MPs.

There are almost 400 candidates standing for Jaffna’s 6 seats, whilst in the Vanni, there are 423 candidates for their 6 seats. Hundreds of Tamils are also standing in the Eastern Provinces three districts of Batticaloa, Amparai and Trincomalee.

As they compete for the Tamil vote however, all have been burnishing their Tamil nationalist stances. Several have visited the Mullivaikkal memorial, the site of the 2009 genocide, whilst others have paid homage to LTTE fighters at the now-destroyed cemeteries dotted across the North-East.

Hundreds of statements and press meetings have taken place in recent weeks. See a collection of such remarks from various politicians vying for the Tamil vote, below.

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Former MP and leader of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) Selvam Adaikalanathan - DTNA (11/11/24). In a press release he says that freeing political prisoners is within the remit of the Sri Lankan president. "The President also has the power to release prisoners on the basis of an amnesty. But like the past presidents, he is giving soundbites for politics without doing anything for the Tamils... If the President so wishes, he can still release political prisoners. There is no need to release only after this election. So it is clear that he is staging a political drama to gain the votes of the Tamil people on the matter of political prisoners."

Adaikalanathan - DTNA (09/11/24), beginning his campaign in Vavuniya. "Vote for the liberation of our people!" he said.  His campaign began in Vairavapuliyankulam and went on to various parts of Vanuniya town. "This government is gradually revealing its true identity. First they said they cannot accept the UN resolution, then they said they will not implement the 13th amendment, today they are speaking against devolution. They have a position of practicing Sinhalese nationalism by calling themselves a leftist party. Our people have overcome many losses, so I request people to unite and vote for the conch symbol for the liberation of our race".

Sivasakthy Anandan - DTNA (11/11/24), speaking to reporters in Vavuniya. "Among the parties in the electoral arena today, the Democratic Tamil National Alliance is the strongest party and alliance. In the past we travelled as the Tamil National Alliance but that has now become destabilized and fragmented. We have a chronic issue. Our people are constantly fighting for the right to self-determination. So the government should take a practical step to solve this problem."

^{Democratic Tamil National Allaince candidate and former MP Sivasakthy Anandan speaking to reporters in Vavuniya}

Divisional Civil Networks, Eastern Province, Sri Lanka (08/11/24), statement.

"The struggle for the rights and dignity of Tamil-speaking people in the North East of Sri Lanka is a complex and deeply rooted issue that has persisted for decades. Civil organizations, both within Sri Lanka and internationally for more than fifty years, have been advocating for a sustainable political solution to address the longstanding grievances of the Tamil - speaking communities in the Northern and Eastern provinces. 

A lasting political solution is crucial for the Tamil-speaking people of Sri Lanka. For too long, they have faced systemic discrimination, marginalization, and violence, especially during and after the civil war. The need for a political solution that respects Tamil identity, rights, and aspirations is central to achieving peace, justice, and equality.

As such, we strongly insist on an irreversible federal solution as a permanent political settlement to ensure the right of self-determination of the people of the North East. Civil organizations and all parties are continuously advocating for a lasting political solution to the long-standing ethnic conflict and so on.

Therefore, with the upcoming general election to elect members of parliament on November 14, 2024, the Tamil-speaking people living in the North-Eastern regions should assert their presence and insist on a political solution to the 76-year-old national ethnic problem. We are in a position to support parties in the North-East who can continue to present a lasting political solution to Sri Lanka both nationally and internationally.

Dear Tamil speaking people!

As we have been systematically divided by the Sinhalese chauvinist government for ages, our Tamil speaking parties are contesting separately in this election. However, as this general election is an important election to push for a lasting political solution and elect representatives to sustain our existence, we demand that the candidates of the Tamil parties who are insisting on the above-mentioned solution should be voted for without prejudice."

^{A press conference by the Divisional Civil Networks in the Eastern Province was held last week}

N Pratheepan - People's Struggle Alliance (3/11/24). "We fought against Buddhist chauvinism! Send us to Parliament! Until now, we have been continuously participating in people's protests against Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism. We, who were on the streets for the oppressed people, should be appointed as an opposition party in the Parliament".

^{N Pratheepan of People's Struggle Alliance, speakng at a press conference in Vavuniya.}

Sasikala Raviraj DTNA (02/11/24), speaking to reporters at Jaffna Press Club. "Tamil people should also reject parties and independent groups that ignore Tamil nationalism. I have joined the alliance of three parties in the Tamil National Alliance that was formed by the Tamil National Leader. My husband was also assassinated while he was in the Tamil National Alliance. I will fulfill you wish and I will fulfill my husband's wish".

^{Mrs Sasikala Raviraj representing the Democratic Tamil National Allaince speaking at the Jaffna Press Club}

Muniyasamy Nagaruban - EROS Democatic Front (05/11/24) speaking to reporters in Mannar. "My late father is a was hero of the EROS Democratic Front. I am going to bring forward some things politically which he could not do through armed struggle. That is why I am contesting this election."

^{Munusamy Nagaruban of EROS Democratic Front speaking in Mannar earlier this month.}

Former District Minister Dr Sathyalingam - ITAK (06/11/24), in a press release. "Our party is always ready to negotiate with the government with an open mind to resolve the political aspirations of the Tamil people. If there is a change in the attitude of the new government, it will be easier to solve the political problems of the Tamil people. However, what is their real position should be seen. They are expressing different views during the election period. However, until a political solution is found, the basic problems of the affected people cannot be ignored."

Dr Sathiyalingam - ITAK (11/11/24), press conference in Vavuniya. “The oppression we face—through land grabs, efforts to alter our ethnic heritage and economic struggles—will only continue unless we make our voting choices based on ethnicity...  I stand ready to represent our people in Parliament. This election is not just about votes; it’s about ensuring Tamil voices are present, powerful, and united. We must avoid candidates with false agendas and choose honest representatives.”

Dr Sathiyaruban, ITAK candidate for Vanni District

TNPF campaign poster.

Party leader Gajendrakumar Ponnampalam and former parliamentarian Selvarajah Kajendran head this official poster which reads - 'Homeland, Nationhood, Self-determination'.