The United States Department of Justice has unsealed criminal charges against a man allegedly tasked by Iran with “surveilling and plotting to assassinate” Donald Trump before the presidential election, the indictment also reveals that the man had been tasked to plan a mass shooting to target Israeli tourists in Sri Lanka. 

The criminal complaint filed in federal court in Manhattan on Friday said an agent with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had instructed an Afghan citizen, Farhad Shakeri, to come up with the plan in October.

In a statement, Attorney General Merrick Garland said the Justice Department “has charged an asset of the Iranian regime who was tasked by the regime to direct a network of criminal associates to further Iran’s assassination plots against its targets, including President-elect Donald Trump”.

The accused, 51-year-old Shakeri, is currently believed to be in Tehran, Iran. 

On Saturday, Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the US accusations as “totally unfounded”.

The ministry “rejects allegations that Iran is implicated in an assassination attempt targeting former or current American officials”, spokesman Esmail Baghaei said in a statement.

He called it a “repulsive” plot by Israel and Iranian opposition outside the country “aimed at making US-Iran problems more complicated”, the official IRNA news agency reported.

The alleged assassination effort was revealed as part of a wider complaint that alleged Shakeri, together with New York City residents Carlisle Rivera and Jonathon Lodholt, had taken part in a separate plot to kill a US journalist who has been a vocal critic of Iran.

The two appeared in court in the Southern District of New York on Thursday and are being detained pending a trial.

According to the Justice Department, Shakeri immigrated to the US as a child and was deported in or about 2008 after serving 14 years in prison for a robbery conviction.

“In recent months, Shakeri has used a network of criminal associates he met in prison in the United States to supply the IRGC with operatives to conduct surveillance and assassinations of IRGC targets,” the Justice Department said in a news release.

Last month several embassies in Sri Lanka issued a travel warning to its citizens. 

The US Embassy, Russian Embassy, British High Commission and Australian High Commission in Colombo have cautioned its personnel and warned its citizens from travelling to Arugam Bay in the East, stating there is "credible information warning of an attack targeting popular tourist locations in the Arugam Bay area." 

A controversial Israeli community centre was a potential target of a ‘terrorist’ attack confirmed Sri Lankan police.

“The information was that a place called ‘Chabad House,’ run by the Jewish community, could be a target, and we have taken measures to strengthen security,” said police spokesperson DIG Nihal Talduwa.

According to the website of the Chabad House in Sri Lanka, it claims to be “a Jewish community center of the Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic movement.”

“Chabad houses were founded by Shluchim sent by the Lubavitcher Rebbe, and can now be found in almost every city around the world,” it continues, adding that they “often serve as a place for Jewish travelers searching for a warm and welcoming community, as well as assist with kosher food and other religious needs.”

Read more here

On Thursday, the Chunakkam police force carried out a brutal and unlawful arrest of two innocent individuals, leaving the affected families in fear. This follows multiple acts of police brutality in the region.

The victims were traveling with their family, including a two-month-old child, when two motorcycles overtook and collided in front of them. “We stopped our vehicle as there was no fault on our part,” one victim recounted. The motorcyclists involved were reportedly drunk, with bystanders confirming this.

The situation escalated when police officers arrived and demanded the driver’s licence. “He did not provide it because only traffic officers are entitled to request it,” the victim’s wife explained. The encounter turned violent as an officer in a black t-shirt assaulted her and forcibly tried to pull her husband away. “I resisted, holding my two-month-old child, and they hit me,” she said.

When her brother arrived in response to a call for help, he was also assaulted. “They even took my child and threw her into the bushes,” she added, highlighting the brutality of the attack. The public helped recover her phone after an officer threw it.

At the police station, the violence continued. “They have dragged them here and are still beating them as they scream,” the victim said, fearing for her husband and brother’s safety. The family, who rely on their vehicle for their livelihood, were left devastated. “We are surviving through that vehicle, which we purchased on lease only three months ago,” she said.

This is not an isolated incident. Similar cases of police brutality have raised concerns about unchecked authority and violence. The Chunakkam police force has a history of such behavior, including a past case involving Officer Sigera, who was implicated in the death of an individual found in a well.

“In my 43 years, I have never seen such cruelty,” the victim’s sister said. “They hit a two-month-old child. They hit me on both sides of my head.”

Despite political changes, the persistence of such brutality highlights the urgent need for reform. “They were not like police; they were like thugs,” the victim’s sister declared. The call for justice and an end to police brutality is stronger than ever.

This incident, in hand with the many others, highlights the pressing need for accountability and systemic change within the police force. The affected families demand justice and assurance that such violence will not be repeated. The ongoing investigation must be thorough, and those responsible held to account to restore public confidence in law enforcement. Read the full accounts from the individuals involved below.

Statement from the lawyer

"Yesterday, in relation to the court case involving the Chunakkam police force’s brutal and excessive actions against a vehicle carrying members of the public, two innocent individuals were intentionally and unlawfully arrested and presented in court."

During the proceedings, we highlighted the unwarranted actions by the police force- those meant to uphold the law and protect the public- who instead acted beyond their authority.

The police have submitted the required evidence and witnesses, and the court has ordered that the victims may be interrogated for a week. The affected police officer who was receiving treatment at Tellipalai Hospital was also included. A member of the public, who was traveling with his family, including a two-month-old child, was attacked, along with the mother and other women present. We have requested that CCTV footage of this incident be found and submitted to the court. The court has ordered the immediate submission of this evidence.

As we have filed this case against the police, it has now been handed over to the Deputy Inspector General of Police, who has instructed that the investigation continue. We remain committed to clearing the names of the affected individuals.

Despite a political change to Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the nature of these incidents has not changed. The police force’s brutality and lawlessness persist. As you are aware, a member of the Chunakkam police force, Officer Sigera, was previously involved in an incident where he attacked and killed a person, placing the body in a well, which led to a case against him. Now, similarly, the arrested individuals have been taken to the police station, where they were brutally assaulted.

One of the victims, the brother of the driver’s wife, is currently receiving treatment at Jaffna Teaching Hospital. The police have shown excessive violence against people traveling as families, without distinguishing between men and women. Continued investigation into these cases is essential. Thank you."

Statement from the victim

“As we were coming along the road, two motorcycles overtook us and collided, causing them to fall. We stopped our vehicle as there was no fault on our part. My sister, husband, and I were traveling. The people who fell were drunk, and the public said not to worry as he was under the influence of alcohol.

Suddenly, the police arrived and asked my husband for his licence. He did not provide it because only traffic officers are entitled to request it. A police officer wearing a black t-shirt hit me, and they grabbed my husband’s hand and tried to pull him away. I resisted, holding my two-month-old child, and they hit me.

I called my brother, telling him that we were being attacked. When he arrived, the police hit him and my sister. They even took my child and threw her into the bushes. When I protested, an officer in a white t-shirt threw my phone, but the public helped me recover it. As my husband tried to get in the van with our child to go to the hospital, they dropped the child and hit him with their hands. A police officer in a blue t-shirt stood in front of our vehicle with a metal pole, threatening to break it if we moved. They struck my brother repeatedly with the pole as he tried to take the child to the hospital. Even now, they have dragged them to the police station, where they are still being beaten as they scream.

It’s only been two months since my child was born. We are scared they will harm my brother and husband. This child could lose her father, and without them, we have no one. I am worried something will happen to my child. We want justice. We are surviving using that vehicle.  They have taken everything. There is a camera in front. We want justice. 

They ran over like thugs, hit us with metal over and over again. They hit my sister, they hit me. The accident happened and we stopped. We were not at fault. The people who had been involved in the accident had been drunk. They asked for his license to break it. They’ve brought them here and are still hitting my brother and husband. 

The police say they don’t know who we are talking about. How can you handover someone you don’t know? How can I live tomorrow if they kill my brother and my husband? My brother’s family and my own family will become orphans.  Would anyone throw a child into a bush? You came and fell over, that’s your own fault. We stopped. The traffic officer should have come and taken the case. Then why did you hit us?

As they were drunk, they tried to turn it on us by trying to take our licence and break it. We want justice sir. We are surviving through that vehicle, which we purchased on lease only three months ago. We want justice. My brother’s body is covered in bruises. The public won’t come forward as witnesses, but there is CCTV footage. If we hadn’t picked up our child, they would have stamped on her and killed her.

We want justice.”

Statement from the victim's sister

“This needs to go to the president. The police have hit women. In my 43 years I have never seen such cruelty. I thought they were thugs. They had police written on their t-shirt. They hit a 2 month old child. They hit me on both sides of my head. I was scared that they were thugs. This is anarchy, we are scared, we can’t live. We are going to leave this world, we are scared to be in this place. This is a matter of our honour. They were all drunk. They asked for the licence to break it, and we didn’t give it. They told us we will not let you go. They hit them as they held their child.

They started hitting the public who were watching. The problem is, they wanted to throw our licence and we didn’t give it. They have hit them so hard that they’ve ripped their clothes [in the station]. They were not like police, they were like thugs. We want to see the police who hit women. If not we will immolate ourselves as a family. They took our respect away. We are upset, they are attacking us in our village, and the surrounding people were watching. They hit the boys who were taking videos. They hit me on either side of the head and now I’mk struggling to hear.”

The Association of the Families of the Disappeared staged a protest in Vavuniya criticized Tamil political leaders for prioritizing individual seats over justice for the disappeared, stating that this fragmented approach risks weakening Tamil representation. The group held a demonstration at Vavuniya Old Bus Station today, where members voiced their concerns about the divisive state of Tamil politics in the homeland.

Speaking to the media, the families expressed disappointment in the lack of cohesion among Tamil candidates. “In this election, Tamil politicians have not come together as a negotiating force for the people of the North-Eastern Province,” one member stated. “They are focused solely on securing seats instead of uniting as a front. Who benefits from this?”

The families highlighted that, instead of rallying as a unified community to advocate for the Tamil cause, the candidates are divided across multiple parties and symbols—with many also running independently. This they warned, is leading to confusion and potential dilution of the Tamil vote.

“More than 800 candidates are vying for 12 seats in the Northern Province alone. How are people supposed to make sense of so many options?” they questioned. “The sheer number of candidates and symbols could result in votes being divided, diminishing the chances of electing strong Tamil representatives and possibly allowing Sinhala parties to capture seats.”

Expressing frustration with the financial resources spent on individual campaigns, the association suggested that this money could be better invested in supporting the Tamil community. “Why waste money on political campaigns? This money could go directly to the people who need it most,” one family member said.

The families of the disappeared have been protesting for years demanding the Sri Lankan government investigate allegations of war crimes where tens of thousands of Tamils were massacred while hundreds were enforced disappears. 

Dr. P. Sathiyalingam, Secretary General of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), has called for a unified, ethnicity-based vote in the upcoming parliamentary elections for the Vavuniya district. In a press conference held at his Vavuniya office today, he emphasized the critical need for Tamil representation in the face of ongoing issues such as illegal settlements, land grabs, and deprivation of opportunities affecting the Tamil community.

“The oppression we face—through land grabs, efforts to alter our ethnic heritage and economic struggles—will only continue unless we make our voting choices based on ethnicity,” Dr Sathiyalingam stated. He underscored the importance of selecting candidates who are committed to advancing political and economic solutions for Tamil communities both locally and internationally.

According to Dr Sathiyalingam, nine candidates with no prior parliamentary experience are running under the house symbol this year. He cautioned voters against electing candidates who fail to recognize or advocate for the specific needs of the Tamil population, emphasizing that only those with a clear vision for a political solution should be chosen.

“Our elected representatives must be able to take our issues to national and international platforms,” he urged. “Re-electing those who cannot meet these needs or who do not speak for us globally is pointless. We need  leaders who are both competent and committed to long-term solutions.”

Dr. Sathiyalingam highlighted the parties's record, particularly accomplishments such as the establishment of rural hospitals with modern medical facilities in the region. “We introduced several health development programs and invested in better facilities for the people,” he said.

In light of Sri Lanka’s current political landscape, he expressed optimism for a move toward anti-corruption and good governance, stressing the need for Tamil representatives capable of championing this change. “The future of Sri Lanka depends on clean governance, and our representatives should align with that direction. We need to choose leaders who can advocate for our community through this transformation,” he added.

He concluded with a personal appeal, reminding voters of his candidacy. “I am running as number six, and I stand ready to represent our people in Parliament. This election is not just about votes; it’s about ensuring Tamil voices are present, powerful, and united. We must avoid candidates with false agendas and choose honest representatives.”

Siripalan Jensi, an Eelam Tamil contesting in the parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka, has joined hands with the Democratic Tamil National Alliance this week. He called on other independent candidates to join forces adding that contesting independently deprived the Tamils of fair representation in Sri Lanka's parliament. 

In a Friday afternoon press conference in Mannar, Jensi explained his decision to support former MP Selvam Adikakalanathan and the DTNA - a coalition dedicated to the Tamil people’s representation. He expressed concerns over the growing number of independent groups contesting the election, which he claimed were intentionally formed to fragment the Tamil vote.

“Numerous independent groups are competing in this election, and I have come to realize that many of these groups are funded by powers, both local and international, to divide the Tamil vote,” Jensi stated. “The objective is to prevent the Tamil community from achieving proper representation.”

Highlighting what he described as “false promises” made by certain independent groups to voters, including promises to support Tamil families and former heroes of the conflict, Jensi declared his exit from one of the independent groups. “I could no longer stand by a group that, despite its promises, does not truly advocate for change,” he said. “Instead, I urge all Tamil voters to rally behind the DTNA to ensure genuine representation for our community.”

Former MP Selvam Adikakalanathan, a senior member of the DTNA and District Coordinator Daniel Vasanth, also attended the press conference. Their presence underscored the growing support behind the DTNA’s mission to consolidate Tamil votes and counter what they see as efforts to dilute Tamil political power in the region. Sri Lankans and Tamils will head to the polls next week on November 14th to elect new members to Sri Lanka's parliament. 

“I didn’t make it like it was my first film. I made it like it was my last.”

Lawrence Valin sat down with Tamil Guardian, returning from the Toronto International Film Festival having sold out two screenings of his debut feature film ‘Little Jaffna’. The groundbreaking film was also selected to be screened at the Zurich Film Festival and chosen as a closing film at the Venice International Film Festival.

“I didn’t make it like it was my first film. I made it like it was my last.”

Lawrence Valin sat down with Tamil Guardian, returning from the Toronto International Film Festival having sold out two screenings of his debut feature film ‘Little Jaffna’. The groundbreaking film was also selected to be screened at the Zurich Film Festival and chosen as a closing film at the Venice International Film Festival.

‘Little Jaffna’ is a police drama that explores identity - a concept which people of every diaspora reckon with. Despite crossing an ocean from where he grew up, Valin was surprised at how he and his debut film were received in Toronto, a city with a substantial Eelam Tamil diaspora. “It was a feeling that I had never felt before; I was, like, at home.”

The movie, following an undercover Tamil police officer infiltrating a French Tamil gang in Paris, was warmly received by festival-goers in Canada, who responded resoundingly to the question “Are there any Tamil [people] in this room?”

“I think it’s the language," he says noting the integration the Tamil population that had settled in English-speaking countries had achieved. "In Toronto, it’s English… In France, it’s different. When you come from Sri Lanka, it’s very difficult… Tamil people are still in the shadows.”

The film follows a French police officer called Michael (played by Valin himself) as he infiltrates a violent Tamil gang, with LTTE affiliations. The two subjects Valin wished to discuss in ‘Little Jaffna’ were dealing with a ‘double culture’ and the looming presence of the Tamil liberation struggle and Sri Lanka's genocide throughout his life. “How do I [talk] about a war that since I was little, I’d only heard about it..? We are still dealing with [its] echo.”

The film covers a sensitive subject, and Valin discussed the issues he had to reckon with before going forth with the film. Initially, there was the issue of representation of a community. Gangster films have always had a vocal pushback on how minority groups are depicted and Valin did not want to fall into the same old tropes. “The Tamil community in France said ‘you don’t have to show people like this.’”

“I don’t care for the accept[ance] of the Tamil community or the French community,” Valin continues. All that matters to Valin is to be certain of what he wants to get across. However, he does add that his intention in making the film was not to be a tour guide for Sri Lanka. Instead, he wanted to depict some of the realities that Tamils faced growing up in Paris, having fled persecution in Sri Lanka.

He wrestled with the issue of not coming across as didactic or as a documentarian, and this is where he admits to employing some artistic license throughout the film. For example, a striking visual which I wished to address was preempted by Valin, as he showed Tamil gang members lined up on pavements outside shops in the middle of the day, surveilling the streets or just passing time on the corners. “Tamil people are living in that area [of Paris] playing carrom board… this is [from] my head. It is not reality. This is… fiction.” 

The most natural genre to explore these themes was through the ‘deep cover agent’ trope. “An ‘infiltration’ is the best way for me to go deeper into a community and discover how it works.”

Radhika Sarathkumar plays Michael’s Ammamma and Vela Ramamoorthy plays the role of Ayya, the leader of the gang. The rest of the cast are made up of newcomers, non-actors and amateurs. “Most of the youngsters were non-professional… It was their first time. Radhika-madam accepting the project… the community thought, 'Okay, this is a serious thing. It’s Chiththi.'”

Valin spoke of the professionalism of Radhika during the shoot, how quickly and easily she would complete her shoots, perfecting her performance in her first attempt. “The story was very important for her. She said she was waiting for a story like [this] - a film dealing with the Tamil Eelam story.”

The film's timeline is somewhat loose but largely centres around the end of the armed conflict and the 2009 Mullivaikkal genocide. When questioned why Valin chose this particular era, he responded, “So many… civilian people were dying in this period."

"My mother was speaking with my auntie in Sri Lanka… she said, ‘this morning, there were two heads in front of the garden.’ After that she said, ‘this afternoon, we [ate] parippu and rice.’ How could she [speak] so naturally about this?”

In comparison, he recalls the French news and media treated the genocide as a rising statistic and a footnote - a distant disturbance which did not require more than half a minute of coverage. “I'll talk about things that maybe someone who doesn’t know [of] the war in Sri Lanka, at the end of the film they will Google [it],” he adds.

Valin explained the need for balance between reality and fiction in his work and keep the viewer’s intrigue enough to find out more.  Despite being “too far” from the war, Lawrence wishes to shine a light on the atrocities that continue to occur. “Even now, the Tamil people are still struggling… It is a duty: if you don’t talk about it, you forget it.” 

“In Toronto, there were younger people… who didn’t have a clue about the war,” Valin lamented. The parents of these younger Tamils thanked Valin for his film, for acting as an initial foothold to begin the conversation of the war with their children. In the final scenes of the film, the credits speak about the genocide and the ongoing suffering that Tamils continue to face.

“Our story is too complicated,” he adds. Through his film, he hopes to unpick some of it.

_____

Five works of art that have inspired Lawrence Valin. 

The works of Martin Scorsese - With Italian American people, he’s done the same thing. In his period, Italian Americans were cool. A minority living in a country where they’re not accepted, and how they have their own troubles.

The works of Quentin Tarantino - Tarantino’s work is crazy. He [does] what he wants to do. The first time I saw ‘Kill Bill,’ I thought… he doesn’t have any boundaries. Tarantino brings the same feeling as Tamil films for me. 

The works of Vijay - He has his own way to bring people together. Even if the film is not good, Vijay fans don’t say it’s not good. He’s a man of the people. When I was younger I watched ‘Ghilli’ like 37 times. 

Padaiyappa - One of my favourite films as a youngster. 

The works of Denzel Washington - What he has done for the Black community is create vocations for other Black men in the next generation. 

On November 8, 2006, in the early morning hours, Tamil civilians in Kathiravelli, northern Batticaloa, became the tragic victims of a deadly artillery exchange between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan military. The conflict in the Vakarai area had been intensifying for weeks, with both sides shelling each other's positions. But for the 2,000 displaced Tamil civilians taking refuge in the Vigneshwara Vidyalayam school compound, this day would end in unspeakable tragedy.

The LTTE began firing artillery from near Kathiravelli that morning, targeting Sri Lankan military positions. The military responded shortly after, at 11:35 a.m., with artillery and multi-barrel rocket launcher (MBRL) salvos. This retaliatory strike unleashed devastation on the Kathiravelli school, where hundreds of Tamil families had been living since August after fleeing violence in nearby regions.

Witnesses recalled the horror vividly. The shells fell without warning. “Before the shelling I heard nothing. It was sudden, we didn’t expect it,” shared a woman living next to the school. Another woman, who had been tending to her children, recalled, “Our children were playing and people were moving about.” A father, whose son and daughter were injured, asserted, “There were no [LTTE] cadre or terrorists there. I don’t know why the army attacked.”

The civilian casualties were heartbreaking. A mother recounted how her young son and daughter, who were bathing at a well when the shells struck, were gravely injured. “I saw my son running and then my daughter. Both were wounded. My son was hit in the leg. My daughter was wounded on the head and chest. They were bleeding.” Tragically, her daughter succumbed to her injuries later that day.

A father who lost his wife and found his younger daughter injured remembered the explosion and the sight of smoke filling the air. “I heard one big boom and saw smoke. Smoke was everywhere and I ran out to look for my wife but I couldn’t find her through the smoke.” He eventually discovered her body near the well where she had been bathing.

The military's attack left devastation and loss in its wake. Villagers rushed the wounded to a nearby health clinic, but their access was blocked by military forces until the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) finally arrived with ambulances at 4 p.m. and evacuated the most critically injured to the hospital. In total, 62 people lost their lives, with 47 others, including many children, suffering injuries from shrapnel and the relentless shelling.

The Sri Lankan government labeled the massacre a “tragedy,” explaining that the attack was justified under the laws of armed conflict, as LTTE forces had allegedly been using the civilians as “human shields.” However, 12 survivors interviewed by Human Rights Watch contradicted this narrative. None of them observed any LTTE artillery fire that morning, and multiple witnesses said the closest LTTE military camp was at least two kilometers away. International organizations familiar with the region also reported finding no credible evidence of the LTTE using civilians as human shields.

The military claimed to have located LTTE positions near the school, but humanitarian groups and witnesses refuted this, maintaining that no LTTE military activity occurred inside the camp. The LTTE did, however, have a small sentry presence, though they reportedly carried only rifles and posed no immediate threat. The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, which entered Vakarai on the afternoon of the attack, confirmed these accounts: “Our monitors saw there were no military installations in the camp area,” remarked SLMM spokeswoman Helen Olafsdottir, “so we would certainly like some answers from the military regarding the nature and reasons of this attack.”

Even if LTTE forces were located nearby, international law obligates militaries to exercise restraint and differentiate between military targets and civilians. Firing indiscriminately into a civilian camp without confirming LTTE military activity was not only unjustifiable but ultimately catastrophic. The Sri Lankan government’s actions inflicted disproportionate civilian harm, and in their pursuit of military gain, they violated the principle of proportionality under the laws of armed conflict.

This tragic event stands as a painful reminder of the cost borne by civilians in conflict zones, especially children and families simply trying to find safety. To this day, the survivors, the Tamil community, and human rights advocates continue to call for accountability and for these civilian lives to be honored with the justice they deserve.

In a ruling that highlights the frequent misuse of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) against Tamils in the North-East, the Vavuniya High Court has acquitted three individuals charged under the act, citing insufficient evidence. High Court Judge Ilanchezhiyan delivered the verdict, stating that the Attorney General's Department had failed to prove guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.

The three Tamils —Vavuniya residents Periapuliangulatha Seranda, Sirisubramaniam Krisa, and Kanthapu Kayendran, along with Kakaisingam Kandaruban —were arrested in December 2019 on allegations of possessing claymore mines. Based on this information, Sri Lanka's security forces initiated legal proceedings against them at the Vavuniya Magistrate Court. Though charged with serious offences under the PTA, they were later granted bail.

The Attorney General's Department escalated the case to the Vavuniya High Court, claiming the alleged possession of weapons violated Section 2(1) of the Harmful Weapons Act No. 18 of 1996. However, the prosecution failed to substantiate these claims. Judge Ilanchezhiyan noted that, apart from a chemical analysis report, the prosecution did not present any certificates or evidence required to establish the defendant’s guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.

In his ruling, Judge Ilanchezhiyan cited Section 134 of the Ordinance, which requires that evidence be convincing beyond doubt to establish culpability. As this standard was not met, he ruled for the acquittal of all three men.

This case reflects a broader pattern in which Tamils are disproportionately arrested and prosecuted under the PTA, often without substantial evidence. Human rights groups have repeatedly highlighted how the act is used to target Tamil civilians and activists under broad and vague terrorism allegations, calling for the repeal or reform of the PTA to uphold basic due process and human rights.

Recently Human Rights Watch (HRW) stated that Sri Lanka has continued to use the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to "target perceived opponents and minority communities without credible evidence" despite repeated promises to repeal the legislation and a moratorium on its use. 

The PTA allows Sri Lankan authorities to detain individuals without charge and denies due process rights.  The draconian legislation has been used for decades against Tamils and Muslims.

“Sri Lanka’s extensive domestic security apparatus routinely uses baseless accusations of terrorism to target innocent people, silencing critics and stigmatizing minority communities,” HRW'a deputy Asia director Meenakshi Ganguly said.  “Previous international pressure has led to modest improvements, and Sri Lanka’s foreign partners should renew their call to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act."

The rights group also noted that the draft bill is "designed to give the president, police, and military broad powers to detain people without evidence, to make vaguely defined forms of speech a criminal offence, and to arbitrarily ban gatherings and organizations without meaningful judicial oversight."

Employees of the Palmyrah Development Board (PDB) in Kaithady, Jaffna, staged a demonstration outside the board’s offices, voicing opposition to the recent appointment of Vinayakamurthy Sahadeva as the new chairman. The protest comes after the former chairman Mariapillai Selvin was removed from his post. 

The protestors held a slogan calling on the NPP government to cancel the appointment with immediate effect and that an incompetent manager such as Sahadeva should be removed. They also held slogans asking the government to give reasons for the sacking of the former chairman and his younger brother, saying it was an attempt by this government to cover up corruption within the board. 

The protest is the latest chapter in a tumultuous period for the PDB, which saw Selvin initially appointed as chairman under the leadership of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. However, he was swiftly replaced by Sahadeva shortly after assuming his role. The United Employees Union of the same board meanwhile has criticised the appointment of Selvin whom they say his tenure was marred by corruption and fraud. 

In a letter to Plantation Minister Vijitha Herath, the union highlighted that during audits conducted from 2015 to 2019, there were findings of financial irregularities amounting to millions. According to the union, the ministry has since been working to recover the misappropriated funds, which allegedly involve fraudulent transactions under Selvin’s watch. 

According to an article published in the morning newspaper, the union strongly urged the minister to reconsider the nominee’s suitability for the position of Chairperson. The employees expressed concerns that appointing someone implicated in such serious financial misconduct could undermine the integrity of the board and jeopardise its operations.

A foreign company has reportedly paid Tamil residents Rs. 3000 each to protest in favour of sand mining along the Mannar coastline. This payment, is intended to encourage support for a sand mining project on Mannar Island, which has been staunchly opposed by locals. The protest took place on Wednesday morning this week along the Thalaimannar main road in Erukalam Pitti, where locals gathered to voice their support for mining despite widespread opposition from the majority of Mannar’s residents.

This protest comes against a backdrop of continuous opposition to sand mining in the North-East. Environmental and civil society groups have argued that mining projects threaten to devastate Mannar Island’s ecosystems, pollute water sources, and disrupt the livelihoods of local communities dependent on fishing and agriculture. 

Following complaints from local residents, the Mannar Election Monitoring Committee intervened, as public gatherings in the run-up to the parliamentary elections are not permitted. Upon arrival, election officials instructed the protesters to disperse, citing regulations against organized demonstrations during this election period. However, the protestors initially resisted, sparking a heated exchange with officials until they were warned that further disruption would lead to their arrest.

According to local sources, the foreign company behind the project is allegedly involved in financing these protests to manipulate local sentiments in favour of their vested interests.

One prominent company involved is the Australian mining firm Titanium Sands Ltd., which has faced mounting criticism from environmentalists in both Sri Lanka and Australia. Titanium Sands Ltd. is planning extensive limonite sand mining on Mannar Island, though it reportedly has not obtained the necessary environmental approvals or permissions from local landowners. The company’s activities include drilling over 4,000 exploratory holes across the island, with some reaching depths of 12 meters—raising serious concerns about the ecological impact.

The Centre for Environment and Nature Studies (CENS), an environmental NGO in Sri Lanka, has been at the forefront of the protests. CENS warns that sand mining could severely impact the island’s groundwater, risking saltwater contamination and disrupting freshwater resources essential to residents. Additionally, there are concerns about the destruction of the island’s unique biodiversity, including palmyrah and habitats for migratory birds, as well as potential marine pollution in the Gulf of Mannar Marine National Park.

Environmentalists argue that the company's portrayal of the project as "low impact" is misleading, pointing out that the disposal of mining waste could have disastrous effects on coral reefs and other marine habitats in the Gulf. Titanium Sands Ltd. has reportedly been actively seeking investors for the project despite the lack of official environmental clearances.

Former LTTE member and rehabilitated cadre K. Inbarasa has called on Tamil families to rally behind his candidacy in the upcoming parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka, presenting it as an opportunity for the Tamil community to gain representation and a voice in government. Speaking at a media conference in Vavuniya, Inbarasa emphasized the unique position of rehabilitated LTTE members in addressing the needs and grievances of Eelam Tamils, urging a united front to advance Tamil interests.

“We, as the party of rehabilitated fighters, cannot afford to miss this rare chance to have our voices heard in the Sri Lankan Parliament,” said Inbarasa. “Though we, as former LTTE, cannot officially represent the organization, we can represent its ideals and the aspirations of our people if Tamil families, especially those of the 12,000 rehabilitated fighters, support us with their votes.”

Inbarasa went on to criticize established Tamil political parties, contending that they have not adequately represented the fighters or addressed the needs of their families. “If we are elected, it will signal that other Tamil parties must take a back seat. Our fighters struggled for the people, yet it is others who have gained parliamentary seats and influence,” he said, stressing that those who fought for Tamil Eelam deserve the chance to protect their community's rights, security, and advance career opportunities.

Addressing recent remarks made by former state minister Mastan, who allegedly claimed Tamil votes could be easily won with food packets and alcohol, Inbarasa expressed outrage, calling it a sign of disrespect toward the Eelam Tamils. “To think that 40,000 fighters were lost and hundreds of thousands of lives affected by such tactics is deeply saddening. Our people deserve better than to have their loyalty taken for granted with these types of offerings,” he added.

Inbarasa urged Tamil voters to avoid supporting candidates who undermine or trivialize the sacrifices of Tamil fighters. “We have waited patiently for 15 years, enduring countless challenges,” he said. “If you are to vote, choose Tamil candidates who will stand up for us and give our people a real voice. Let us not squander our votes on those who mock our struggle and dismiss our needs.”

Inbarasa is not the only former LTTE cadre who is contesting the upcoming parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka. He joins many others some of whom are under the umbrella of other Tamil political parties. This appeal by him and others highlights a broader sentiment within the Tamil community seeking meaningful political representation in Sri Lanka's government as they continue to push back on many fronts including land grabs, militarization of the North-East and systematic discrimination of the Tamil people. 

Eelam Tamil livestock farmers from Nanattan met with officials from the Mannar District Social Economic Development Corporation (MESIDO) and the Senior Superintendent of Police to address growing concerns over grazing land conflicts in the Mannar district. The farmers had been complaining of this issue as far back as 2021; however, they were not given any permanent solution.

During their meeting with representatives from MESIDO, the farmers reported illegal farming activities encroaching on lands designated for grazing, particularly in the Kattukkarai Kulam area. According to the farmers, when they attempted to file a complaint with the Murunkan Police Station regarding these illegal activities, their complaint was disregarded. 

During the discussions, the farmers called on civil society representatives to urgently address the need for a sustainable solution to the issue of grazing land. The Tamil residents mentioned that  the authorities indicated that 352 acres in the Katukkarai Bullarthan area were earmarked as grazing land; however, the farmers claim that this allocation remains unfulfilled

This recent escalation underscores a longstanding conflict in Mannar over land use for agriculture and grazing. Earlier decisions by the Boundary Planning Committee permitted cattle grazing in farmlands of the Nanattan and Adampan regions, impacting paddy cultivation in the Iluppakkadavai area. Farmers across several villages under the Iluppakkadavai Agrarian Service report yearly setbacks due to these decisions, as unattended livestock often damage crops, including those in the village of Thettavadi, where cultivation is a vital source of livelihood for residents.

Despite repeated appeals from farmers, government officials have yet to take substantive action. Last year, local farmers sought assistance from the Manthai West Divisional Secretary and the Government Agent, pleading for protection against unchecked grazing during critical cultivation periods. However, their concerns were largely ignored, and cattle have continued to roam the fields unrestrained.

Adding to the community's hardship, a tragic incident occurred recently when a cattle grazier was killed by an elephant in the Nanattan area, further demonstrating the dangers that arise when traditional grazing lands overlap with cultivated spaces. The ongoing struggle over land access has left many Tamil farmers in Mannar feeling increasingly frustrated with what they see as government inaction and indifference to their livelihood challenges.

Now, with the cultivation season fast approaching, both cattle breeders and farmers are calling on authorities to take steps to prevent future conflicts. If no solution is reached soon, affected farmers are considering launching protests to demand fair access to farmland and create permanent grazing zones. 

The re-election of Donald J. Trump as US president has ignited debate on how his ‘America First’ foreign policy will be put into action, as he gears up to enter the Oval Office once again next year. In contrast to the liberal internationalist vision espoused by President Biden, Trump’s doctrine has been touted as more isolationist and transactional in nature. At a time of waning global American influence, backers of liberal democracies have long expressed their concerns at what this may bring. But his controversial style and unpredictable policy choices, may have both opportunities as well as pitfalls - particularly for those on the island who are seeking accountability and stability.

The re-election of Donald J. Trump as US president has ignited debate on how his ‘America First’ foreign policy will be put into action, as he gears up to enter the Oval Office once again next year. In contrast to the liberal internationalist vision espoused by President Biden, Trump’s doctrine has been touted as more isolationist and transactional in nature. At a time of waning global American influence, backers of liberal democracies have long expressed their concerns at what this may bring. But his controversial style and unpredictable policy choices, may have both opportunities as well as pitfalls - particularly for those on the island who are seeking accountability and stability.

Trump has been remarkably brash when commenting on foreign policy. He has lambasted NATO’s members for not meeting their spending commitments; claimed that he could bring peace to both Ukraine and the Middle East; threatened to spark a trade war with China; and more recently claimed that Taiwan should pay the US to guarantee its security. Alongside his previous withdrawal from bodies such as the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), where Sri Lanka’s atrocities are routinely discussed, there are concerns that his return to office signals a volatile but inward facing policy - one which sees the rest of the world as adversaries, rather than partners.

The Trump's administration's record, however, shows that this is not entirely the case. There was no immediate abandonment of US global interests in his previous tenure. Trump himself boldly attempted to negotiate nuclear deals with North Korea, for example. In Sri Lanka, it was Trump's State Department that issued sanctions against Sri Lankan Army commander Shavendra Silva in 2020, a figure implicated in egregious war crimes committed during the Mullivaikkal genocide. That move sent ripples across Colombo and the world, as the United States directly targeted military officials responsible for atrocities. Regardless of whether it was a decision from the White House or from the State Department, it showed a willingness to hold Sri Lankan officials accountable that was long overdue. And it paved the way for others such as Canada to undertake similar moves.

The former reality TV star has for years framed himself as a steel nosed negotiator and tough business mogul. In the search for deals in America’s interests, if the president-elect decides to reassert US power, he may well view Sri Lanka as a strategic target for doing so. The island has long been a destabilising player in the region, wrought by armed conflict, political instability and more recently, an economic crisis. Successive administrations sought to play off global powers against each other, looking to China for financial and diplomatic support as it warded off calls for reform. Even under a new self-proclaimed Marxist president, the island remains one of the most militarised places in the world and fraught with ethnic tensions. Until a just peace is found – through accountability for atrocities and the fulfilment of Tamil aspirations – Sri Lanka will continue to remain a place that is, simply put, bad for business.

Under Joe Biden, the US fell woefully short at addressing this. Instead of pushing Colombo on making progress on these issues, Washington seemed to prioritise building military relations whilst soft-pedaling human rights concerns with Sri Lanka. US officials met with accused war criminals, US troops trained Sri Lankan soldiers and US hardware was handed over to a military accused of committing systematic abuses. “The United States and Sri Lanka are doing more together as professional militaries than ever before,” boasted a senior US Admiral earlier this year. Even on the diplomatic stage, years of toothless UN Human Rights Council resolutions had reached a stalemate, with no progress at all on accountability for the genocide. Substantial penalties for human rights abuses have not materialised under Biden's presidency, frustrating many who hoped for more direct action. Donald Trump is certainly more garish with his words, but he could also be more forthright with his actions - something that is desperately needed when it comes to US policy on Sri Lanka.

If the Trump administration does withdraw into American isolationism however, a move he has threatened to do, then it will be left to other powers around the world to shape the future of the island. With Washington’s waning influence, that process is clearly already underway. In the face of US intransigency in the Middle East and inability to bring about a ceasefire in Gaza; Beijing brokered a historic unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas. Elsewhere, despite US protests, the UN-Secretary General and 36 country leaders attended the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, and were welcomed by its host Vladamir Putin. The geopolitical landscape is shifting.

It is in this new reality that the role of Beijing and New Delhi, will continue to be significant for Sri Lanka. Both are looking to expand their footprints on the island, and both will require a conducive climate of transparency, accountability and peace to do so. Eelam Tamils will be crucial partners to ensure any such stability. They cannot be ignored. Other Western countries, such as the United Kingdom and European Union, may well become the de-facto mantle holders of liberal democratic politics. But they will have to assert their presence more forcefully in a changing global climate, particularly if Washington does choose to retreat. With Sri Lanka going to the polls yet again next week, the stakes remain high.

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Defence dismissed rumours of a military withdrawal from temples and religious sites, asserting that troops stationed for 'security' would remain, as Buddhist shrines continue to be erected across the Tamil North-East.

The Ministry’s statement, led by Colonel Nalin Herath, clearly rejected social media claims suggesting a reduction in military presence.

It comes as Sinhala Buddhist sites continue to be erected across the North-East, in a push to colonise the Tamil homeland. Many of these sites have been built with the patronage or protection of the armed forces.

The statement dismissing military withdrawal illustrates the ongoing, deeply rooted militarisation in the North-East. This region is one of the most heavily militarised in the world; in Mullaitivu District for example. there is approximately one soldier for every two civilians.

^{Sri Lankan soldiers building a Buddhist shrine in Muttur in 2022.}

Religious landmarks like the Maviddapuram Pillaiyar Kovil have also been targeted, with new Buddhist viharas and statues built on the temple grounds.

420 acres of Tamil land in Kumalamunai, which housed a historic Hindu temple, were ‘repurposed’ for the Kurunthur Malai Vihara project by the Department of Archaeology and military forces, although the court rulings were in support of the local Tamil population.

Read more from PEARL on Sinhalisation here.